ROBERT MORRIS TO THE COMMISSIONERS.
Philadelphia, 21st December, 1776.
Gentlemen,
I am now the only member of Congress in this city, unless Mr Walton, of Georgia, and Mr Clymer, my colleague, still remain, which I am not sure of. I cannot pretend to give you a regular detail of our manifold misfortunes, because my books and papers are all gone into the country, as is my family. But these unfortunate events commenced with the loss of Fort Washington, by the reduction of which, the enemy made about two thousand seven hundred prisoners, and at this critical time, they, by treachery, bribery, or accident, intercepted some despatches from General Washington to Congress, also some of the General's private letters, particularly one to Mr Rutledge, in which he had fully laid open the unfortunate situation he was then involved in, by the short enlistments of our army; for the times of most of them expired on the 1st of December, and the rest on the 1st of January, when the whole army would leave him, as they had undergone great fatigue during the whole of the campaign; had suffered amazingly by sickness and the approach of winter, added to an appearance of much suffering for want of clothes.
All these things he stated fully, and the enemy became possessed of a most authentic account of his real situation. They determined to take advantage of it, and before General Washington had time to make any new arrangements at Fort Lee, on the west side of the North River, to which he had crossed, with about eight thousand men, a large body of troops landed above, and another below him, so that he was near being enclosed with a force vastly superior. In this situation, he had nothing left for him, but to retire directly off the neck of land, on which that fort stands, leaving behind him considerable baggage and stores, with most of our large cannon and mortars. He retreated to Hackensack, and was there in hopes of making a stand, until the militia of the country should come to his assistance, but the vigilance of the enemy did not give him time for this. They pursued, and he retreated all the way through the Jerseys to Trenton, and from thence they forced him across the Delaware, where he still remains, to oppose their passage across the river.
Lord Cornwallis commanded the British forces in the Jerseys, until they reached Brunswick, where General Howe joined them with reinforcements, and determined to make his way to this city, without further loss of time. You may be sure the militia of New Jersey and this State were called upon to turn out, and defend their country in this hour of distress. Alas, our internal enemies had, by various arts and means, frightened many, disaffected others, and caused a general languor to prevail over the minds of almost all men, not before actually engaged in the war. Many are also exceedingly disaffected with the constitutions formed for their respective States, so that from one cause or other, no Jersey militia turned out to oppose the march of an enemy through the heart of their country; and it was with the utmost difficulty, that the associators of this city could be prevailed on to march against them. At length, however, it has been effected; they have been up with the General about two weeks, and the example is likely to produce its effect in the country, as they are now pretty generally on their march towards Trenton.
During General Washington's retreat through the Jerseys, he wrote for General Lee, who was left to command on the east side of the North River, with about ten to eleven thousand men, most of whose enlistments are now expired, or near it. He obeyed the summons, and brought with him about three thousand men; with whom he followed the enemy's rear, but was obliged to make slow marches, as his people were in great want of shoes, stockings, and other necessaries, which he was obliged to collect from the tories in the neighborhood of his route. After he had passed a place called Chatham, near Elizabethtown, he lodged at a farm house. Some treacherous villain gave notice to the enemy, and the General's ill fate, or some other cause I am not acquainted with, delayed him there, until near 10 o'clock on Friday morning, his army having marched, and their rear about three miles from him, when he was surprised by about seventy light horse, who made him prisoner, and bore him off in triumph. This is an event much to be lamented. I sincerely pity Lee, and feel for the loss my country sustains; his abilities had frequently been immensely useful; the want of them will be severely felt.
The command of this party devolved on General Sullivan, who continued his route, fell in with General Gates, with five hundred men, returning from the Lakes, and both joined General Washington yesterday. This junction is what we have long impatiently wished for, but still I fear our force is not equal to the task before them, and unless that task is performed, Philadelphia, nay, I may say Pennsylvania, must fall. The task I mean, is to drive the enemy out of New Jersey, for at present they occupy Brunswick, Princeton, Trenton, Pennytown, Bordenton, Burlington, Morristown, Mount Holly, and Haddonfield, having their main body about Princeton, and strong detachments in all the other places, it is supposed with a design of attacking this city, whenever they can cross the Delaware on the ice, for they have only been kept from it, by our sending up the gondolas and bringing off, or destroying, all the boats along the Jersey shore.
You will think the enemy are now in a situation for us to attack their scattered parties, and cut them off. This we think too, and are preparing to do it, but it will be a work of extreme difficulty to get at them; they have excellent intelligence of all our motions; we can hardly come at any certainty about theirs, for Lord Howe and General Howe issued a proclamation on the 30th of November, offering pardon to all, who should submit within sixty days, and subscribe a declaration, that they will not hereafter bear arms against the king's troops, nor encourage others to do it. This has had a wonderful effect, and all Jersey, or far the greater part of it, is supposed to have made their submission, and subscribed the declaration required; those who do so, of course become our most inveterate enemies; they have the means of conveying intelligence, and they avail themselves of it.
In this perplexing situation of things, the Congress were informed, this day week, that an advanced party of Hessians and Highlanders had taken possession of Burlington, that they were pushing for Cooper's Ferry, opposite the city, and it was thought had the means of crossing the river. There were no troops to oppose them; our whole force, both by land and water, was above; it was therefore deemed unsafe for Congress to remain here, and absolutely necessary that they should be in a place of safety, where they could deliberate coolly and freely without interruption, and last Saturday they adjourned to Baltimore, where they are now sitting. This city was for ten days, the greatest scene of distress that you can conceive; every body but Quakers were removing their families and effects, and now it looks dismal and melancholy. The Quakers and their families pretty generally remain; the other inhabitants are principally sick soldiers, some few effective ones under General Putnam, who is come here to throw up lines, and prepare for the defence of the place, if General Washington should be forced to retreat hither. You may be sure I have my full share of trouble on this occasion, but having got my family and books removed to a place of safety, my mind is more at ease, and my time is now given up to the public, although I have many thousand pounds' worth of effects here, without any prospect of saving them.
We are told the British troops are kept from plunder, but the Hessians and other foreigners, looking upon that as the right of war, plunder wherever they go, from both whigs and tories, without distinction, and horrid devastations they have made on Long Island, New York Island, White Plains, and New Jersey, being the only parts they have yet set foot on. Should they get this fine city, they will be satiated, if the ruin of thousands of worthy citizens can satisfy their avarice.
This is not the only part of the continent, that now feels the weight of their resentment; General Clinton, with from three to six thousand men, has invaded Rhode Island, and it is said, has taken possession of it; whether he will make any attempt on the main, during this severe, inclement season, I do not know, but if he does, I hope he may find cause to repent it.
I must add to this gloomy picture one circumstance, more distressing than all the rest, because it threatens instant and total ruin to the American cause, unless some radical cure is applied, and that speedily; I mean the depreciation of the continental currency. The enormous pay of our army, the immense expenses at which they are supplied with provisions, clothing, and other necessaries, and, in short, the extravagance that has prevailed in most departments of the public service, have called forth prodigious emissions of paper money, both continental and colonial. Our internal enemies, who, alas, are numerous and rich, have always been undermining its value by various artifices, and now that our distresses are wrought to a pitch by the success and near approach of the enemy, they speak plainer, and many peremptorily refuse to take it at any rate. Those that do receive it, do it with fear and trembling, and you may judge of its value, even amongst those, when I tell you that £250 continental money, or 6662/3 dollars is given for a bill of exchange of £100 sterling, sixteen dollars for a half johannes, two paper dollars for one of silver, three dollars for a pair of shoes, twelve dollars for a hat, and so on; a common laborer asks two dollars a day for his work, and idles half his time.
All this amounts to real depreciation of the money. The war must be carried on at an expense proportioned to this value, which must inevitably call for immense emissions, and, of course, still further depreciations must ensue. This can only be prevented by borrowing in the money now in circulation; the attempt is made, and I hope will succeed by loan of lottery. The present troubles interrupt those measures here, and as yet I am not informed how they go on in other States, but something more is necessary; force must be inevitably employed, and I dread to see that day. We have already calamities sufficient for any country, and the measure will be full, when one part of the American people is obliged to dragoon another, at the same time that they are opposing a most powerful external foe.
For my part I see but two chances for relief; one is from you. If the Court of France open their eyes to their own interest, and think the commerce of North America will compensate them for the expense and evil of a war with Britain, they may readily create a diversion, and afford us succors that will change the fate of affairs; but they must do it soon; our situation is critical, and does not admit of delay. I do not mean by this, that instant submission must ensue, if they do not directly afford us relief; but there is a great difference between the benefits they will derive from a commercial connexion with this country, in full health and vigor, and what they can possibly expect, after it is exhausted by repeated efforts during the precarious process of a tedious war, during which its cities will be destroyed, the country ravaged, the inhabitants reduced in numbers, plundered of their property, and unable to reap the luxuriant produce of the finest soil in the world. Neither can they, after a tedious delay in negotiation, expect that vigorous assistance from us in prosecuting the war, that they may be assured of, if they join us in its infancy. If they join us generously in the day of our distress, without attempting undue advantages because we are so, they will find a grateful people to promote their future glory and interest with unabating zeal; and from my knowledge of the commerce of this country with Europe, I dare assert, that whatever European power possesses the preemption of it, must of consequence become the richest and most potent in Europe. But should time be lost in tedious negotiations, and succors be withheld, America must sue for peace from her oppressors.
Our people knew not the hardships and calamities of war, when they so boldly dared Britain to arms; every man was then a bold patriot, felt himself equal to the contest, and seemed to wish for an opportunity of evincing his prowess; but now, when we are fairly engaged, when death and ruin stare us in the face, and when nothing but the most intrepid courage can rescue us from contempt and disgrace, sorry am I to say it, many of those who were foremost in noise, shrink coward-like from the danger, and are begging pardon without striking a blow. This, however, is not general, but dejection of spirits is an epidemical disease, and unless some fortunate event or other gives a turn to the disorder, in time it may prevail throughout the community. No event would give that turn so soon, as a declaration of war on the part of France against Great Britain, and I am sure if they lose this golden opportunity they will never have such another.
You will doubtless be surprised, that we have not made better progress with our navy, because you are unacquainted with the many difficulties and causes of delay that have encountered us. The want of seacoal for our anchor smiths has been a great bar to our progress, the disappointment in our first attempts to cast cannon has been another, but above all, we have been hindered by the constant calling out of our militia, in a manner that did not admit of the necessary tradesmen being exempted. You will wonder at this; it would be a long story to unfold the reasons, therefore suffice that it is so. Dr Franklin can inform you of many particulars respecting the flying camp; therefore, I shall give you the present state of our navy, according to the best of my knowledge at this time.
The frigate in New Hampshire is a very fine ship, completed in every particular, except the want of cannon, which was to have been cast in Rhode Island, but the spirit of privateering has prevailed so eminently there, that they have sacrificed every other pursuit to it, both public and private, as I am informed; and we have ordered the guns cast in Connecticut for that frigate to be sent to Portsmouth. As soon as they arrive, the Raleigh will be manned, and sail on a cruise.
At Boston they have also two fine frigates; the Boston of twentyfour guns, I expect is at sea before this time, commanded by Captain McNeil, a very clever officer; the other is nearly ready, commanded by Captain Manly.
In Rhode Island were built the two worst frigates, as I have been informed by those that have seen the whole; these two are completely fitted, and were partly manned when we last heard from them, so that I hope they are now at sea.
In Connecticut the frigate is said to be a fine ship, but she cannot get to sea this winter for want of cordage and other stores. In New York two very fine frigates are blocked up by the enemy, and hauled into Esopus Creek for safety. At this place we have four very fine ships, one of them the Randolph, Captain Biddle, of twentysix twelve pounders, will, I hope, go to sea in company with this letter; another, the Delaware, Captain Alexander, is getting ready, and I hope will get out this winter; the other two want guns, anchors, and men. At Baltimore is a fine frigate, now only waiting for an anchor and men.
Besides these we have in service, the Alfred, Columbus, and Reprisal, ships from sixteen to twentyfour guns, the brigantines Cabot, Camden, Andrew Doria, and Lexington, of twelve to sixteen guns, the sloops Providence, Hornet, Fly, Independence, Sachem, and schooners Wasp, Mosquito, and Georgia Packet, all in actual service, and they have had great success, in taking valuable prizes, as indeed have numbers of privateers from all parts of America. We have besides two very fine low galleys, built here, of ninety feet keel, but they are not yet rigged; and it has lately been determined by Congress to build some line of battle ships, and at all events to push forward, and pay the utmost attention to an American navy. The greatest encouragement is given to seamen, which ought to be made known throughout Europe. Their pay in our navy is eight dollars per month, with the best chance for prize money, that men ever had, and liberty of discharges after every cruise if they choose it. In the merchant service they now get from thirty to forty dollars per month; and this leads me to the state of our commerce.
In the Eastern States, they are so intent on privateering, that they mind little else; however, there is some exportation of produce from thence, and as to imports, they are the best supplied of any part of America, having been surprisingly successful in captures. New York being in the hands of the enemy, we have nothing to say to it, and the produce of New Jersey will be totally consumed by their army and ours. In this State, (Pennsylvania,) we had last season the worst crop of wheat ever known, both as to quantity and quality; this being our staple commodity, and stores prohibited, our merchants have been led to purchase much tobacco in Maryland and Virginia, and their ships are employed in the export of this article, with some flour, boards, beeswax, &c. We have a good many imports, but as fast as goods arrive, they are bought up for the army, or for the use of neighboring States, and therefore continue to bear high prices.
The value of ships has risen in the same enormous proportion with every thing else, and ships, that were deemed worth £1000, twelve months ago, now sell for £3000, or upwards. Every article belonging to them is also excessively dear, and hard to be got, and the insolence and difficulty of seamen is beyond bearing. In Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, and Georgia, they have plenty of valuable produce on hand, but no ships to carry it away, and constant cruisers all along the coast make it very dangerous to send ships from one port to another; so that look which way you will, you find us surrounded with difficulties, in the land service, in the sea service, and in our commerce.
Agriculture and mechanics have their impediments, by the enlisting of soldiers, and frequent calls on the militia. In short nothing but the most arduous exertions, and virtuous conduct in the leaders, seconded by a spirited behavior in the army, and a patient endurance of hardships by the people in general, can long support the contest; therefore the Court of France should strike at once, as they will reap an immediate harvest; they may sell their manufactures for any price they please to ask, they will get in payment tobacco, rice, indigo, deerskins, furs, wheat, flour, iron, beeswax, lumber, fish, oil, whalebone, pot and pearl ashes, and various other articles, and, if they please, here is an ample field to employ their shipping, and raise seamen for their navy.
I will not enter into any detail of our conduct in Congress, but you may depend on this, that so long as that respectable body persist in the attempt to execute, as well as to deliberate on their business, it never will be done as it ought, and this has been urged many and many a time, by myself and others, but some of them do not like to part with power, or to pay others for doing what they cannot do themselves.
I have Mr Deane's favor of the 30th of September,[27] to myself, now before me; the letter by the same conveyance from Martinico, under cover of Mr Bingham's, I sent down to the committee at Baltimore, and wrote them my mind on the justice of your complaints, for want of intelligence. I had often told it to them before; you know well I was not put in that committee to carry on the correspondence, but to find out the conveyances; however, I have been obliged to write all the letters, that have been written for some time past; but as Colonel Lee, Mr Hooper, and the Rev. Dr Witherspoon are now added to the committee, I shall excuse myself from that task, although I have thought it proper to give you a just state of our affairs at this time, because I do not suppose the committee will be got fairly together in Baltimore yet, and when they do, it is probable they may not be fond of laying things before you so fully as I have done. Some of us are of very sanguine complexions, and are too apt to flatter ourselves, that things are not so bad as they appear to be, or that they will soon mend, &c. Now my notion is, that you, gentlemen commissioners, should be fairly and fully informed of the true state of affairs, that you may make a proper use of that knowledge, keeping secret what ought to be so, and promulgating what should be known.
Doctor Franklin will see this letter, for whose safe arrival my best wishes have often gone forth, and I embrace this opportunity of assuring him of the high respect and esteem I entertain for him. I also beg my compliments to Mr Lee, if he is with you; tell him I have the commission, in which he is nominated, ready to send, but it is gone into the country with my papers, or I would send it by this conveyance. My own affairs necessarily detained me here after the departure of Congress, and it is well I staid, as I am obliged to set many things right, that would otherwise be in the greatest confusion. Indeed, I find my presence so very necessary, that I shall remain here until the enemy drive me away.
I have the honor to be, &c.
ROBERT MORRIS.