ESSENCE OF PARLIAMENT.
GOING TO THE COUNTRY?
"I think it would be a calamity if we did anything to prevent the economic use of charabancs."—Sir Eric Geddes.
First "Banc." Mr. Lloyd George, Mr. Bonar Law, Mr. Balfour, Mr. Chamberlain, Mr. Churchill.
Second "Banc." Sir E. Geddes, Mr. Shortt, Mr. Long, Sir Robert Horne, Col. Amery.
Third "Banc." Mr. Illingworth, Lord E. Talbot, Mr. Fisher, Dr. Addison, Sir Gordon Hewart.
Fourth "Banc." Mr. Kellaway, Sir M. Barlow, Sir L. Worthington Evans, Sir A.G. Boscawen, Mr. Towyn Jones.
Fifth "Banc." Sir Hamar Greenwood, Mr. Baldwin, Sir James Craig, Mr. Denis Henry, Mr. Neal.
Sixth "Banc." Mr. Montagu, Dr. Macnamara, Mr. McCurdy, Mr. Ian Macpherson, Sir A. Mond.
Monday, August, 9th.—In an atmosphere of appropriate gloom the House of Lords discussed the latest Coercion Bill for Ireland. Even the Lord Chancellor could say little more for the measure than that it might possibly enable some of the persons now in custody to be tried; and most of the other Peers who spoke seemed to think that it would be either mischievous or useless. The only confident opinion expressed was that of the elderly Privy Councillor, who from the steps of the Throne ejaculated, "If you pass this Bill you may kill England, not Ireland." But despite this unconventional warning the Peers took the risk.
The event of the day in the House of Commons was Colonel Wedgwood's tie. Of ample dimensions and of an ultra-scarlet hue that even a London and South-Western Railway porter might envy, it dominated the proceedings throughout Question-time. Beside it Mr. Claude Lowther's pink shirt paled its ineffectual fires.
When Viscount Curzon renewed his anti-charabancs campaign and Sir Eric Geddes was doing his best to maintain an even mind amid the contradictory suggestions showered upon him, the Ministerial eye was caught by the red gleam from Colonel Wedgwood's shirt-front. At once, the old railway instinct reasserted itself. Recognizing the danger-signal and hastily cramming on his brakes, Sir Eric observed that it would be "a great calamity" to prevent the economic use of the charabancs.
Tuesday, August 10th.—As Lord Great Chamberlain, and therefore official custodian of the Palace of Westminster, Lord Lincolnshire mentioned with due solemnity the regrettable incident of the day before. Lord Curzon thought the offender (the Right Hon. A. Carlisle) should be allowed to explain his behaviour, and suggested that he should himself address to him a suitable letter. Several noble lords—anticipating, no doubt, that, whatever else came of it, the correspondence would furnish lively reading—said "Hear, hear."
A week ago the Peers decided by a very small majority—28 to 23—that there should be no Minister of Mines, but only an Under-Secretary. Lord Peel now sought to induce them to change their minds. His principal argument was that a Minister would only cost five hundred pounds a year more than a Secretary and would secure the "harmony in the coal-trade" now so conspicuously lacking. The Peers evidently thought this too good to be true, for they proceeded to reassert their previous decision by 48 to 23.
A DISTINGUISHED STRANGER.
M. Krassin contemplates the Commons.
There was a big assemblage in the Commons to hear the Prime Minister's statement on Poland. The Duke of York was over the Clock, flanked by the Archbishop of Canterbury on one side and Messrs. Kameneff and Krassin (who sound, but do not look, like a music-hall "turn") on the other.
Some facts bearing, more or less, on the situation were revealed at Question-time. Mr. Churchill denied that he had ever suggested an alliance with the Germans against Bolshevism, and, as we are keeping the Watch on the Rhine with only thirteen thousand men—just three thousand more than it takes to garrison London—perhaps it is just as well. He has, I gathered, no great opinion of the Bolshevists as soldiers. In his endeavour to describe the disgust of our troops in North Russia at being ordered to retire before "an enemy they cordially despised" he nearly dislocated his upper lip.
For two-thirds of his speech the Prime Minister was the sober statesman, discussing with due solemnity the grave possibilities of the Russo-Polish crisis. The Poles had been rash and must take the consequences. We should not help them unless the Bolshevists, not content with punishment, threatened the extinction of Poland's independence.
Then his mood changed, and for a sparkling quarter of an hour he chaffed the Labour Party for its support of the Soviet Government, an unrepresentative self-appointed oligarchy. To make his point he even sacrificed a colleague. Lenin was an aristocrat, Trotsky a journalist. "In fact"—turning to Mr. Churchill—"my right honourable friend is an embodiment of both."
A brief struggle for precedence between Mr. Asquith and Mr. Adamson ended in favour of the ex-Premier, who doubted whether the best way to ensure peace was to attack one of the parties to the dispute, and proceeded to make things more or less even by vigorously chiding Poland for her aggression. Mr. Clynes, while admitting that the Labour Party would have to reconsider its position if the independence of Poland was threatened, still maintained that we had not played a straight game from Russia.
Later on, through the medium of Lieut.-Commander Kenworthy, communication was established between the Treasury Bench and the Distinguished Strangers' Gallery. Mr. Lloyd George read the terms offered by the Soviet to the Poles, and gave them a guarded approval.
Wednesday, August 11th.—A Bill to prohibit ready-money betting on football matches was introduced by Lord Gainford (who played for Cambridge forty years ago) and supported by Lord Meath, "a most enthusiastic player" of a still earlier epoch. The Peers could not resist the pleading of these experts and gave the Bill a second reading; but when Lord Gainford proposed to rush it through goal straightaway his course was barred by Lord Birkenhead, an efficient Lord "Keeper."
A proposal for the erection at the public expense of a statue of the late Mr. Joseph Chamberlain furnished occasion for the Prime Minister and Mr. Asquith to indulge in generous praise of a political opponent. Mr. Lloyd George (with his eye on the Sovietists) pointed out that, as this was "essentially a Parliamentary country," we did well to honour "a great Parliamentarian"; and the ex-Premier (with his eye on Mr. Lloyd George) selected for special note among Mr. Chamberlain's characteristics that he had "no blurred edges."
A humdrum debate on the Consolidation Fund Bill was interrupted by the startling news that France had decided, in direct opposition to the policy announced yesterday by the Prime Minister, to give immediate recognition to General Wrangel. Mr. Lloyd George expressed his "surprise and anxiety" and could only suppose that there had been an unfortunate misunderstanding. To give time for its removal the House decided to postpone its holiday and adjourned till Monday.