Vol. IV—July, 1919—No. 3
THE EMPLOYMENT OF NEGROES AS SOLDIERS IN THE CONFEDERATE ARMY
The problem of arming the slaves was of far greater concern to the South, than to the North. It was fraught with momentous consequences to both sections, but pregnant with an influence, subtle yet powerful, which would affect directly the ultimate future of the Confederate Government. The very existence of the Confederacy depended upon the ability of the South to control the slave population. At the outbreak of the Civil War great fear as to servile insurrection was aroused in the South and more restrictive measures were enacted.[1]
Most of the Negro population was living in the area under rebellion, and in many cases the slaves outnumbered the whites. To arm these slaves would mean the lighting of a torch which, in the burning, might spread a flame throughout the slave kingdom. If the Negro in the midst of oppression had been in possession of the facts regarding the war, whether the slaves would have remained consciously faithful would have been a perplexing question.[2]
The South had been aware of its imminent danger and with its traditional methods strove to prevent the arming of the Negroes. With the memories of Negro insurrections ever fresh in the public mind, quite a change of front would be required to bring the South to view with favor such a radical measure. The South, however, was not alone in its unwillingness to employ Negroes as soldiers. For the first two years of the war, the North represented by President Lincoln and Congress refused to consider the same proposal. In the face of stubborn opposition loyal Negroes had been admitted into the Engineer and Quartermaster Departments of the Union armies, but their employment as soldiers under arms was discountenanced during the first years of the war.
In the North this discrimination caused much discontent among the Negroes but those living in the States in rebellion did not understand the issues in the war, and of necessity could not understand until the Union forces had invaded the hostile sections and spread the information which had gradually developed the point of view that the war was for the extermination of the institution of slavery. It may be recalled that during the opening days of the war, slaves captured by the Union forces were returned to their disloyal masters. Here there is sufficient evidence in the concrete that slavery was not the avowed cause of the conflict.[3] If there was this uncertain notion of the cause of the war among northern sympathizers, how much more befogged must have been the minds of the southern slaves in the hands of men who imagined that they were fighting for the same principles involved in our earlier struggle with Great Britain! To the majority of the Negroes, as to all the South, the invading armies of the Union seemed to be ruthlessly attacking independent States, invading the beloved homeland and trampling upon all that these men held dear[4].
The loyalty of the slave while the master was away with the fighting forces of the Confederacy has been the making of many orators of an earlier day, echoes of which we often hear in the present[5]. The Negroes were not only loyal in remaining at home and doing their duty but also in offering themselves for actual service in the Confederate army. Believing their land invaded by hostile foes, they were more than willing under the guidance of misguided southerners to offer themselves for the service of actual warfare. So that during the early days of the war, Negroes who volunteered were received into the fighting forces by the rebelling States, and particularly during those years in which the North was academically debating the advisability of arming the Negro.[6]
In the first year of the war large numbers were received into the service of the Confederate laboring units. In January, a dispatch from Mr. Riordan at Charleston to Hon. Percy Walker at Mobile stated that large numbers of Negroes from the plantations of Alabama were at work on the redoubts. These were described as very substantially made, strengthened by sand-bags and sheet-iron.[7] Negroes were employed in building fortifications, as teamsters and helpers in army service throughout the South.[8] In 1862, the Florida Legislature conferred authority upon the Governor to impress slaves for military purposes, if so authorized by the Confederate Government. The owners of the slaves were to be compensated for this labor, and in turn they were to furnish one good suit of clothes for each of the slaves impressed. The wages were not to exceed twenty-five dollars a month.[9] The Confederate Congress provided by law in February, 1864, for the impressment of 20,000 slaves for menial service in the Confederate army.[10] President Davis was so satisfied with their labor that he suggested, in his annual message, November, 1864, that this number should be increased to 40,000[11] with the promise of emancipation at the end of their service.
Before the outbreak of the war and the beginning of actual hostilities, the local authorities throughout the South had permitted the enrollment for military service of organizations formed of free Negroes, although no action had been taken or suggested by the Confederate Government. It is said that some of these troops remained in the service of the Confederacy during the period of the war, but that they did not take part in any important engagements.[12] There may be noted typical instances of the presence of Negroes in the State Militia. In Louisiana, the Adjutant-General's Office of the Louisiana Militia issued an order stating that "the Governor and the Commander-in-Chief relying implicitly upon the loyalty of the free colored population of the city and State, for the protection of their homes, their property and for southern rights, from the pollution of a ruthless invader, and believing that the military organization which existed prior to February 15, 1862, and elicited praise and respect for the patriotic motives which prompted it, should exist for and during the war, calls upon them to maintain their organization and hold themselves prepared for such orders as may be transmitted to them."[13]
These "Native Guards" joined the Confederate forces but they did not leave the city with these troops, when they retreated before General Butler, commanding the invading Union army. When General Butler learned of this organization after his arrival in New Orleans, he sent for several of the most prominent colored men of the city and asked why they had accepted service "under the Confederate Government which was set up for the purpose of holding their brethren and kindred in eternal slavery." The reply was that they dared not to refuse; that they had hoped, by serving the Confederates, to advance nearer to equality with the whites; and concluded by stating that they had longed to throw the weight of their class with the Union forces and with the cause in which their own dearest hopes were identified[14].
An observer in Charleston at the outbreak of the war noted the preparation for war, and called particular attention to "the thousand Negroes who, so far from inclining to insurrections, were grinning from ear to ear at the prospect of shooting the Yankees[15]." In the same city, one of the daily papers stated that on January 2, 150 free colored men had gratuitously offered their services to hasten the work of throwing up redoubts along the coast[16]. At Nashville, Tennessee, April, 1861, a company of free Negroes offered their services to the Confederate Government and at Memphis a recruiting office was opened[17]. The Legislature of Tennessee authorized Governor Harris, on June 28, 1861, to receive into the State military service all male persons of color between the ages of fifteen and fifty. These soldiers would receive eight dollars a month with clothing and rations. The sheriff of each county was required to report the names of these persons and in case the number of persons tendering their services was not sufficient to meet the needs of the county, the sheriff was empowered to impress as many persons as were needed[18]. In the same State, a procession of several hundred colored men marching through the streets attracted attention. They marched under the command of Confederate officers and carried shovels, axes, and blankets. The observer adds, "they were brimful of patriotism, shouting for Jeff Davis and singing war songs."[19] A paper in Lynchburg, Virginia, commenting on the enlistment of 70 free Negroes to fight for the defense of the State, concluded with "three cheers for the patriotic Negroes of Lynchburg."[20]
Two weeks after the firing on Fort Sumter, several companies of volunteers of color passed through Augusta on their way to Virginia to engage in actual war. Sixteen well-drilled companies of volunteers and one Negro company from Nashville composed this group.[21] In November of the same year, a military review was held in New Orleans. Twenty-eight thousand troops passed before Governor Moore, General Lowell and General Ruggles. The line of march covered over seven miles in length. It is said that one regiment comprised 1,400 free colored men.[22] The Baltimore Traveler commenting on arming Negroes at Richmond, said: "Contrabands who have recently come within the Federal lines at Williamsport, report that all the able-bodied men in that vicinity are being taken to Richmond, formed into regiments, and armed for the defense of that city."[23]
During February, 1862, the Confederate Legislature of Virginia was considering a bill to enroll all free Negroes in the State for service with the Confederate forces.[24] The Legislatures of other States seriously considered the measure. Military and civil leaders, the Confederate Congress and its perplexed War Department debated among themselves the relative value of employing the Negroes as soldiers. Slowly the ranks of those at home were made to grow thin by the calls to the front. In April, 1862, President Davis was authorized to call out and place in service all white men between the ages of eighteen and thirty-five; in September the ages were raised to include the years of thirty-five and forty-five; and finally in February, 1864, all male whites between the years of seventeen and fifty were made liable to military service. The Negroes were liable for impressment in the work of building fortifications, producing war materials, and the like.[25]
The demand became so urgent for men that quite a controversy arose over the advisability of employing the Negroes as soldiers. Some said that the Negro belonged to an inferior race and, therefore, could not be a good soldier; that the Negro could do menial work in the army, but that fighting was the white man's task. Those who supported the idea in its incipiency always urged the necessity of employing Negroes in the army. A native Georgian supported the employment of these troops in a letter to the Secretary of War, recommending freedom after the war was over to those who fought, compensation to the owners and the retention of the institution of slavery by continuing as slaves "boys and women, and exempted or detailed men." The statement concludes with "our country requires a quick and stringent remedy. Don't stop for reforms."[26]
In November, 1864, Jefferson Davis in his message to the Confederate Congress recognized that the time might come when slaves would be needed in the Confederate army: "The subject," said he, "is to be viewed by us, therefore, solely in the light of policy and our social economy. When so regarded, I must dissent from those who advise a general levy and arming of slaves for the duty of soldiers. Until our white population shall prove insufficient for the armies we require and can afford to keep the field, to employ as a soldier the Negro, who has merely been trained to labor, and as a laborer under the white man, accustomed from his youth to the use of firearms, would scarcely be deemed wise or advantageous by any; and this is the question before us. But should the alternative ever be presented of subjugation or of the employment of the slave as a soldier, there seems no reason to doubt what should be our decision."[27] In the same month, J. A. Seddon, Secretary of War, refused permission to Major E. B. Briggs of Columbus, Georgia, to raise a regiment of Negro troops, stating that it was not probable that any such policy would be adopted by Congress.[28]
In response to an inquiry from Seddon, the Secretary of War, as to the advisability of arming slaves, General Howell Cobb presented the point of view of one group of the Confederates, when he opposed the measure to arm the Negroes. "I think," said he "that the proposition to make soldiers of our slaves is the most pernicious idea that has been suggested since the war began ... you cannot make soldiers of slaves or slaves of soldiers. The moment you resort to Negro soldiers, your white soldiers will be lost to you, and one secret of the favor with which the proposition is received in portions of the army is the hope when Negroes go into the army, they (the whites) will be permitted to retire. It is simply a proposition to fight the balance of the war with Negro troops. You can't keep white and black troops together and you can't trust Negroes by themselves.... Use all the Negroes you can get for all purposes for which you need them but don't arm them. The day you make soldiers of them is the beginning of the end of the revolution. If slaves make good soldiers, our whole theory of slavery is wrong."[29] General Beauregard, Commander of the Department of Georgia, South Carolina and Florida, wrote to a friend in July, 1863, that the arming of the slaves would lead to the atrocious consequences which have ever resulted from the employment of "a merciless servile race as soldiers."[30] General Patton Anderson declared that the idea of arming the slaves was a "monstrous proposition revolting to southern sentiment, southern pride and southern honor."[31]
The opposite point of view was expressed by the group of southerners led by General Pat Cleburne who in a petition presented to General Joseph E. Johnson by several Confederate Officers wrote: "Will the slaves fight?—the experience of this war has been so far, that half-trained Negroes have fought as bravely as many half-trained Yankees."[32] J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of State, urged that the slave would be certainly made to fight against them, if southerners failed to arm them for southern defense. He advocated also the emancipation of those who would fight; if they should fight for southern freedom. According to Benjamin, they were entitled to their own. In keeping with the necessity of increasing the army, the editor of a popular newspaper in Charleston, South Carolina, was besought to commence a discussion on this point in his paper so that "the people might learn the lesson which experience was sternly teaching."[33]
In a letter to President Davis, another argued that since the Negro had been used from the outset of the war to defend the South by raising provisions for the army, that the sword and musket be put in his hands, and concluding the correspondent added: "I would not make a soldier of the Negro if it could be helped, but we are reduced to this last resort."[34] Sam Clayton of Georgia wrote: "The recruits should come from our Negroes, nowhere else. We should away with pride of opinion, away with false pride, and promptly take hold of all the means God has placed within our reach to help us through this struggle—a war for the right of self-government. Some people say that Negroes will not fight. I say they will fight. They fought at Ocean Pond (Olustee, Fla.), Honey Hill and other places. The enemy fights us with Negroes, and they will do very well to fight the Yankees."[35]
The pressure to fill the depleted ranks of the Confederate forces became greater as the war continued. It was noted above that Congress and the State legislatures had called into service all able-bodied whites between the ages of seventeen and fifty years; later the ages were extended both ways to sixteen and sixty years. Grant remarked that the Confederates had robbed "the cradle and the grave" in order to fill the armies[36]. Jefferson Davis began to see the futility of a hypothetical discussion as to the advisability or values in the use of Negroes as soldiers and in a letter to John Forsythe, February, 1865, stated "that all arguments as to the positive advantage or disadvantage of employing them are beside the question, which is simply one of relative advantage between having their fighting element in our ranks or in those of the enemy."[37]
A strong recommendation for the use of Negroes as soldiers was sent to Senator Andrew Hunter at Richmond by General Robert E. Lee, in January, 1865. "I think, therefore," said he, "we must decide whether slavery shall be extinguished by our enemies and the slaves be used against us, or use them ourselves at the risk of the effects which may be produced upon our social institutions. My own opinion is that we should employ them without delay. I believe that with proper regulations they may be made efficient soldiers. They possess the physical qualifications in a marked degree. Long habits of obedience and subordination coupled with the moral influence which in our country the white man possesses over the black, furnish an excellent foundation for that discipline which is the best guaranty of military efficiency. Our chief aim should be to secure their fidelity. There have been formidable armies composed of men having no interest in the cause for which they fought beyond their pay or the hope of plunder. But it is certain that the surest foundation upon which the fidelity of an army can rest, especially in a service which imposes hardships and privations, is the personal interest of the soldier in the issue of the contest. Such an interest we can give our Negroes by giving immediate freedom to all who enlist, and freedom at the end of the war to the families of those who discharge their duties faithfully (whether they survive or not), together with the privilege of residing at the South. To this might be added a bounty for faithful service."[38] This was an influential word, coming as it did from the Commander-in-Chief of the Confederate forces. The Confederate Congress did not act immediately upon this suggestion, but even if this had been done, the measure would have been enacted too late to be of any avail.[39]
The Confederate Senate refused on February 7, 1865, to pass a resolution calling on the committee on military affairs to report a bill to enroll Negro soldiers. Later in the same month the Senate indefinitely postponed the measure.[40] As the House and Senate met in secret session much of the debate can not be found. General Lee wrote Representative Barksdale of Mississippi another letter in which the employment of Negro soldiers was declared not only expedient but necessary. He reiterated his opinion that they would make good soldiers as had been shown in their employment in the Union armies.[41] With recommendations from General Lee and Governor Smith of Virginia, and with the approval of President Davis an act was passed by the Congress, March 13, 1865, enrolling slaves in the Confederate army.[42] Each State was to furnish a quota of the total 300,000.[43] The Preamble of the act reads as follows:
"An Act to increase the Military Force of the Confederate States: The Congress of the Confederate States of America so enact, that, in order to provide additional forces to repel invasion, maintain the rightful possession of the Confederate States, secure their independence and preserve their institution, the President be, and he is hereby authorized to ask for and accept from the owners of slaves, the services of such number of able-bodied Negro men as he may deem expedient, for and during the war, to perform military service in whatever capacity he may direct...." The language used in other sections of the act seems to imply also that volunteering made one a freedman.[44]
After the passage of the measure by the Confederate Congress, General Lee coöperated in every way with the War Department in facilitating the recruiting of Negro troops.[45] Recruiting officers were appointed in each State. Lieutenant John L. Cowardin, Adjutant, 19th Batallion, Virginia Artillery was ordered to proceed on April 1, 1865, to recruiting Negro troops according to the act. On March 30, 1865, Captain Edward Bostick was ordered to raise four companies in South Carolina. Others were ordered to raise companies in Alabama, Florida, and Virginia.[46] Lee and Johnson, however, surrendered before this plan could be carried out. If the Confederate Congress could have accepted the recommendation in the fall of 1864, the war might have been prolonged a few months, to say the least, by the use of the Negro troops. It was the opinion of President Davis, on learning of the passage of the act, that not so much was accomplished as would have been, if the act had been passed earlier so that during the winter the slaves could have been drilled and made ready for the spring campaign of 1865.
Under the guidance of the local authorities, thousands of Negroes were enlisted in the State Militias and in the Confederate Army. They served with satisfaction, but there is no evidence that they took part in any important battles. The Confederate Government at first could not bring itself to acknowledge the right or the ability of the man who had been a slave to serve with the white man as a soldier. Necessity forced the acceptance of the Negro as a soldier. In spite of the long years of controversy with its arguments of racial inferiority,[47] out of the muddle of fact and fancy came the deliberate decision to employ Negro troops. This act, in itself, as a historical fact, refuted the former theories of southern statesmen. The Negro was thus a factor in both the Union and Confederate armies in the War of the Rebellion. These facts lead to the conclusion that the Negro is an American not only because he lives in America, but because his life is closely connected with every important movement in American history.
Charles H. Wesley.
Footnotes:
[1] Davis, The Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, p. 220.
[2] For summary of such, legislation to prevent this, see J.C. Kurd, The Law of Freedom and Bondage in the United States, Vol. II. In Florida, 1827, a law was enacted to prevent trading with Negroes. In 1828, death was declared the penalty for inciting insurrection among the slaves and in 1840 there was passed an act prohibiting the use of firearms by Negroes. In Virginia as early as 1748 there was enacted a measure declaring that even the free Negroes and Indians enlisted in the militia should appear without arms; but in 1806 the law was modified to provide that free Negroes should not carry arms without first obtaining a license from the county or corporation court. One who was caught with firearms in spite of this act was to forfeit the weapon to the informer and receive thirty-nine lashes at the whipping-post. Hening, Statutes-at-Large, Vol. V, p. 17; Vol. XVI, p. 274.
[3] General W. S. Harney, commanding in Missouri, responded to the claims of slaveholders for the return of runaway slaves with the words: "Already, since the commencement of these unhappy disturbances, slaves have escaped from their owners and have sought refuge in the camps of the United States troops from the Northern States, and commanded by a Northern General. They were carefully sent back to their owners." General D. C. Buell, commanding in Tennessee, in reply to the same demands stated: "Several applications have been made to me by persons whose servants have been found in our camps; and in every instance that I know of, the master has removed his servant and taken him away." William Wells Brown, The Negro in the Rebellion, pp. 57-58.
[4] Secretary Seddon, War Department, wrote: "They [the Negroes] have, besides, the homes they value, the families they love, and the masters they respect and depend on to defend and protect against the savagery and devastation of the enemy."—Official Rebellion Records, Series IV, Vol. Ill, pp. 761-762.
[5] Governor Walker of Florida, himself a former slaveholder, said before the State legislature in 1865 that "the world had never seen such a body of slaves, for not only in peace but in war they had been faithful to us. During much of the time of the late unhappy difficulties, Florida had a greater number of men in her army than constituted her entire voting population. This, of course, stripped many districts of their arms-bearing inhabitants and left our females and infant children almost exclusively to the protection of our slaves. They proved true to their trust. Not one instance of insult, outrage, or indignity has ever come to my knowledge. They remained at home and made provisions for the army." John Wallace, Carpet-Bag Rule in Florida, p. 23.
[6] "For more than two years, Negroes had been extensively employed in belligerent operations by the Confederacy. They had been embodied and drilled as rebel soldiers and had paraded with white troops at a time when this would not have been tolerated in the armies of the Union."—Greely, The American Conflict, Vol. II, p. 524.
"It was a notorious fact that the enemy were using Negroes to build fortifications, drive teams and raise food for the army. Black hands piled up the sand-bags and raised the batteries which drove Anderson out of Sumter. At Montgomery, the Capital of the Confederacy, Negroes were being drilled and armed for military duty."—W. W. Brown, The Negro in the Rebellion, p. 59.
[7] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 521.
[8] Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, Vol. I, p. 237; Schwab, The Confederate States of America, p. 194.
[9] Laws of Florida, 12th Session, 1862, Chap. 1378.
[10] Confederate War Department, Bureau of Conscription, Circular No. 36, December 12, 1864. Off. Reds. Reb., Series IV, Vol. III, p. 933.
[11] Off. Reds. Reb., Series IV, Vol. Ill, p. 780. Journals of Congress, IV, 260.
[12] Washington, The Story of the Negro, Vol. II, p. 321.
[13] Order No. 426. Adjutant-General's Office, Headquarters Louisiana Militia, March 24, 1862. Cf. Brown, The Negro in the Rebellion, pp. 84-85.
[14] Parton, History of the Administration of the Gulf, 1862-1864; General Butler in New Orleans, p. 517.
[15] Greely, The American Conflict, p. 521.
[16] The Charleston Mercury, January 3, 1861.
[17] The announcement of the recruiting read: "Attention, volunteers: Resolved by the Committee of Safety that C. Deloach, D. R. Cook and William B. Greenlaw be authorized to organize a volunteer company composed of our patriotic free men of color, of the city of Memphis, for the service of our common defense. All who have not enrolled their names will call at the office of W. B. Greenlaw & Co."
F. W. Forsythe, Secretary. F. Titus, President.
Williams, History of the Negro, Vol. II, p. 277.
[18] Greely, The American Conflict, Vol. II, p. 521.
[19] Memphis Avalanche, September 3, 1861.
[20] Greely, The American Conflict, Vol. II, p. 522.
[21] Ibid., p. 277.
[22] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 522.
[23] The Baltimore Traveler, February 4, 1862.
[24] Greely, The American Conflict, Vol. II, p. 522.
[25] Schwab, The Confederate States of America, p. 193. Moore, Rebellion Records, Vol. VII, p. 210. Jones, Diary, Vol. I, p. 381.
[26] An indorsement from the Secretary of War reads: "If all white men capable of bearing arms are put in the field, it would be as large a draft as a community could continuously sustain, and whites are better soldiers than Negroes. For war, when existence is staked, the best material should be used."—Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 693-694.
[27] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. III, p. 799.
[28] Ibid., Series IV, Vol. III, p. 846. J. A. Seddon to Maj. E. B. Briggs, Nov. 24, 1864.
[29] Ibid., Series IV, Vol. III, p. 1009.
[30] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series I, Vol. XXVIII, Pt. 2, p. 13.
[31] Ibid., Series I, Vol. LII, Pt. 2, p. 598.
[32] Davis, Civil War and Reconstruction in Florida, p. 226.
[33] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 959-960.
[34] Ibid., p. 227.
[35] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1010-1011.
[36] Rhodes, History of the United States since the Compromise of 1850, Vol. IV, p. 525.
[37] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1110.
[38] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. VIII, p. 1013.
[39] Williams, Negro Troops in the War of the Rebellion, Journals of Congress, Vol. IV, pp. 572-573.
In the American Historical Review, January, 1913, N.W. Stephenson has an article upon "The Question of Arming the Slaves." The article is concerned particularly with the debate in the Confederate Congress upon this perplexing question and with the psychology of the statements made by President Davis, Secretary Benjamin, General Lee and by various Congressmen. The author has searched the Journals of the Confederate Congress, newspaper files and personal recollections and gives conclusions which show that "the subject was discussed during the last winter of the Confederate regime," and by inference the dissertation shows that the fear of the consequences of arming the slaves was alike in the minds of all southern people. The treatise is a study in historical psychology; and, as in similar works by men of the type of the author, the point of view of the South and of the Confederacy is presented and the Negro and his actual employment as a soldier is neglected. The author contends that a few southern leaders attempted to force the arming of the blacks upon an unwilling southern public. He neglects the evidence contained in the action of local authorities in arming the Negroes who were free and their attitude concerning those who were slaves. He neglects also the sentiment of southern leaders who favored the measure. The Journals of the Confederate Congress, therefore, will be more valuable to those desiring information concerning the debates on this question.
[40] Journal of Congress of Confederate States, Vol. IV, p. 528 and Vol. VII, p. 595; Jones, Diary, Vol. II, p. 431.
[41] Richmond Dispatch, February 24, 1865; Jones Diary, Vol. II, p. 432.
[42] Journal of Congress of Confederate States, Vol. VII, p. 748.
[43] Richmond Examiner, December 9, 1864—Gov. Smith's Message. Jones, Diary, Vol. II, p. 43; pp. 432-433. Schwab, The Confederate States of America, p. 194.
[44] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. III, p. 1161.
Ibid., Series III, Vol. V, pp. 711-712; Davis, Confederate Government, Vol. II, p. 660.
[45] Rhodes, History of U. S., Vol. V, 1864-1865, p. 81.
[46] Off. Reds. Rebell., Series IV, Vol. III, pp. 1193-1194 and Appendix.
[47] Cf. Southern Correspondence throughout the Rebellion Records.
THE LEGAL STATUS OF FREE NEGROES AND SLAVES IN TENNESSEE
In 1790, the free colored population of Tennessee was 361, while the slave numbered 3,417.[1] In 1787, three years previous, Davidson County, which then, as now, comprised the most important and thickly settled part of the Cumberland Valley, had a population of 105 Negroes between the ages of 1 and 60.[2] Nashville was just a rough community in the wilderness with a few settlers from the older districts of the East, living in several hewed and framed log-houses and twenty or more rough cabins. The census of 1790 gives Davidson County 677 Negroes, a figure which compared with the 3,778 Negroes in the entire State at that enumeration, means that this frontier region had already grown important enough to draw to it nearly one-fifth of the Negro population of the commonwealth. In 1800, there were in the State 13,893 Negroes, of whom 3,104, or nearly one fourth, were in Davidson County. Thereafter, although the ratio between the county and State did not increase in favor of the county, still it kept up so that by 1850 Davidson had the largest Negro population of any county in the State. During the decade 1850-60 Shelby County, containing the important center, Memphis, gained the ascendency in number of Negro inhabitants, which it has since that time maintained. The likely cause of this shifting was the steady growth of cotton-raising districts and their rapid expansion toward the West and South. A general intimidation of the Negroes of Nashville and vicinity occurred in 1856, probably having some influence on the decline of population for that period in question. This cause, however, is not sufficient to explain the constant superiority of numbers in the Southwestern Tennessee region thereafter.
As slavery expanded from this small territory into all parts of the State, the attitude of the people of the Commonwealth with respect to the nation and slavery at various times may be shown. After Tennessee had been ceded to the United States in 1790 by North Carolina, she had a most unusual method of throwing off her territorial government for nearly three months in 1796, and existed in absolute independence for that period before being admitted into statehood by the Federal Government.[3] Nevertheless in the period of the Civil War this State was the last to secede and the first to comply with the terms of readmission. With respect to slavery the early attitude of Tennessee toward the national government was peculiar. The cession act of North Carolina provided: "That no regulation made or to be made by Congress shall tend to emancipate slaves."[4] Probably because of this fact Lincoln did not mention Tennessee in the Emancipation Proclamation.
Yet Tennessee did have a strong anti-slavery sentiment, beginning with the outspoken protest of some of the King's Mountain heroes, also expressing itself in the work of many petitioners to the State legislature in the period 1800-1820. Then in 1834, in the State constitutional convention of that year, the anti-slavery feeling developed to proportions little appreciable at the present day, since we know the general opposition to such feeling and sentiment. Any antagonism to a so strongly fixed social convention then meant unusual courage in the midst of a majority of persons of adverse opinion.
The burning question of human rights for the black inhabitants of the State still became more ardent as the years passed, and the signs of its greater intensity were clearly seen in the Anti-Slavery Convention which met in London in 1843. The chronicle of proceedings contains a speech of Joshua Leavitt of Boston, who made the interesting statement that "The people of East Tennessee, a race of hardy mountaineers, find their interests so little regarded by the dominant slave-holders of other parts of the state that they are taking measures to become a separate state. They are holding anti-slavery meetings, and meetings of political associations with great freedom, discussing their questions, rousing up the people and showing how slavery curses them, in order to bring them to the point of action."[5] At this time it was well known that both Tennessee and Kentucky were "exporting slaves largely."[6]
In 1820, Elihu Embree,[7] at Jonesboro, Tennessee, the county seat of Washington County, in the far eastern section, began to publish The Emancipator, an abolition journal. Later, there came from this same county a man who easily became the leader of anti-slavery sentiment in the Constitutional Convention of 1834 at Nashville, Matthew Stephenson. It may have been that as a young man Stephenson was fired with the zeal of Embree. The period of Embree's activity was also one of large interest in the North and South in behalf of emancipation. In this same year the Missouri Compromise was passed in the national legislature. The concessions made both by pro-slavery and anti-slavery adherents at this time show the relative strength of the two forces and the remarkable fact is that there could be such near-equality of fighting strength on both sides.[8] Tennessee seems to have had an epitome of this national situation within her borders. Not only the zealous work of Embree indicates this, but the general feeling of the people of eastern Tennessee toward slavery. It is interesting here to point out that The Emancipator was the first abolition journal in the United States.[9]
The outcome of this anti-slavery feeling in Tennessee was that when the State Constitutional Convention met at Nashville in 1834 to consider important changes in the Constitution of 1796, there was such an outburst of sentiment against slavery that it was only with considerable resistance of the pro-slavery convention delegates that the State did not abolish it by providing for the gradual emancipation of slaves over a period of twenty years, when all should have been emancipated.[10] So significant is the public opinion of that time in Tennessee history, and so well calculated to give large insight into the Negro's condition then in the State, that it will hardly be amiss in this paper to enter into a somewhat detailed discussion of the work of the convention, and the sentiments there displayed.
The legal enactments of the slave code of Tennessee prior to 1834 will give us the right perspective here. One of the earliest enactments of the commonwealth was the absolute denial to slaves of the right to own property. Property held by them, such as horses, cattle, or anything of personal value was to be sold and one half of the proceeds given to the informer, the other half to the county.[11] Another law forbade the slave to go about armed unless he was the huntsman of the plantation. Small penalties were provided.[12] Still another made it unlawful for slaves to sell "any article whatever without permission from owner or overseer." The penalty for breaking this law was a maximum of "39 lashes on his, her, or their bare backs."[13] Many other matters were rigidly prescribed in the early statutes, chiefly concerning the slave's right to go or not to go from place to place, and to conduct himself under certain circumstances. Among slaves perjury was punished by mutilation and whipping. The brutality of the former was all the more disgusting because defended by law.[14] The slaying of a black or mulatto slave, however, was actually deemed murder and made punishable with death. It has not yet been ascertained, as far as the writer knows, whether any white citizen of Tennessee was ever indicted under the provision of this law. We do have a case of a famous old slave-holder in a community not far from Nashville being tied to his gate post and severely whipped by his neighbors, because of his brutal murder of one of his slaves.[15]
In the early laws the "hiring of one's own time," for a slave, was expressly forbidden. This practice was that of the master's allowing a slave to purchase his time for a certain amount of money, usually paid per annum. The law forbidding it was later rather generally evaded, although we cannot be sure of the evasion during the years 1796-1834. But during the later decades of the period under discussion, especially from 1840-60, there is absolute agreement among the testimonies of ex-slaves that evasion was the rule and not the exception. Various forms of this law were later enacted, but the penalties were usually light, and it may have been this fact together with the case of evasion that caused the disregard of it to become general. An ex-slave of Wilson County explains that the usual method of evasion was the declaration of the employer of the slave that he had hired the slave from the slave's master. Sometimes the owner would pretend to keep the wages of the slave, but really was holding them at the slave's disposal. In this way numbers of slaves bought themselves.
There were other laws affecting masters in regard to their treatment of their slaves and privileges of the latter. One provided that if the slave should steal food or clothing because ill-fed or destitute of apparel, the master should pay for the stolen property.[16] By the provisions of another, slaves were allowed to give testimony in trials of other slaves; the jurors, however, had to be "housekeepers" and "owners of slaves."[17] The beating or abuse of a slave without sufficient cause (no indication given as to what were the limits of "sufficient cause") was an indictable offence, and the person committing a crime of this sort was liable to the same penalties as for the commission of a similar offense on the body of a white person.[18]
Various laws of the early codes, 1813, 1819, 1829, restricting the slave from selling or vending articles under conditions apart from desire or knowledge of his owner are all evidence of his complete subjection by law to the will of his master, even in the smallest things and affairs of personal life, and disposal of belongings. Great care was taken to state specifically in these early laws that there should be no sale of liquor or any intoxicant to slaves.[19]
The provisions concerning larger questions of a slave's activity and privilege are all interesting, and it will be of value to regard, first of all, that for bringing slaves into the State. Slaves were not to be brought into Tennessee unless for use, or procured by descent, devise, or marriage.[20] This enactment was made in 1826, and prepared the way for far more severe measures later. The idea of all legislation of this nature argues clearly the discouragement of slavery as a prevailing institution, by means of preventing fresh importations for sale. Tennessee was not to be, if it could be prevented, a slave market, like Mississippi.
A citizen holding slaves might petition the county court and emancipate a slave. Bond and security were required of the owner, and the slave thus set at liberty became free to go where he chose provided that, if he became a pauper, he should be brought to the county in which he had been set free, and there taken care of at public expense.[21] But occasionally there would arise a situation which required special enactment of the legislature as in the instance of one, Pompey Daniels, a slave, who died before the emancipation of his two children, Jeremiah and Julius, whom he had purchased. This required a special act of the legislature, as there seems to have been no law covering such a case.[22] Years before, in 1801, there was enacted a law, giving power of emancipation to the owner, as we have just seen before, but not to any slave who might essay to deliver another from bondage.[23]
Once free, the Negro's status was rather precarious in some respects. He was required to have papers filled out by the clerk of the county in which he lived, specifying personal details and information intended to identify the person thoroughly. He must without fail have these emancipation records with him at any time and place in order to prove his freedom. In 1831 a law was passed which made it obligatory for the slave to leave upon his emancipation, and persons intending to emancipate their slaves were then compelled to give bond for their speedy removal.[24] Another clause of the same law stipulates that free Negroes should not be allowed to enter the State.[25] Fine and imprisonment were specified as penalties for remaining in the State as long as twenty days. This was a reaction from the provisions of State laws of 1825 when free colored persons immigrating into the State might have papers of freedom registered there, when proof of their absolute freedom had been made. Before the enactment of 1831, the increase of free Negroes was not so actively discouraged by the State, and many having their residence there, the laws concerning this class were quite as important and nearly as well detailed as the provisions of the slave code.
Among the early laws is one exacting a penalty of $500 fine for selling a "free person of color."[26] A free person imported and sold as a slave under the law might recover double the price of his sale from the seller, who might be held until he should give bond.[27] This marks a high degree of feeling of justice toward the freeman, and yet it is worthy of notice that this was not always adequate to obtaining actual justice. Record is given of three young colored men, seamen and free, "carried to Mobile and New Orleans in the steamer New Castle and taken ashore by the captain to the city prison on pretext of getting hemp for the vessel, but really taken by the captain to the city prison as his slaves and sold by the jailor to three persons who carried them into Tennessee."[28] It is further stated that these unfortunates remained in slavery. One, however, was freed by the diligent work of the Friends, who had agents in the South busy gathering information concerning slavery, and planning means of combating it.
The free person of color was exempted from military duty and from the payment of a poll-tax. In accordance with an amendment to the Public Works act of 1804, he was expected to give service on public roads and highways just as other citizens.[29] It is doubtful whether any freeman of color voted under the constitution of 1796, but it seems to have been possible. The new constitution of 1834 restricted the right of voting to "free men who should be competent witnesses against a white man in a court of justice." In the courts free Negroes were legal witnesses in certain cases among their own people, but might themselves be testified against by slaves, even, if the defendants were only freedmen.[30] Otherwise slaves were not allowed to be witnesses against free men of color. Writs of error were granted to both freemen and slaves.
There were numerous small observances regarding the personal conduct of freemen. Life was at best for them a strange and circumscribed affair. They were "neither bond nor free," and probably suffered more from the provisions of the law and their ambiguous position than did their slave brothers. The freeman was not to entertain any slave over night in his home, or on the Sabbath. A small fine was the penalty.[31] Intermarriage of free persons and slaves without consent of the master of the slave was strictly forbidden. Breach of this law, also, was punishable by fine. There were penalties for whites and free Negroes alike for being in "unlawful assembly" with slaves. The word "unlawful" here seems to have had a special judicial meaning, signifying primarily for the purpose of instigating rebellion or insurrection. A law providing for voluntary enslavement of a free person of color, to any person whom he might choose, introduces a most interesting situation which probably indicates that there were more than a few free Negroes who preferred slavery to the condition of a creature living in a sort of limbo between freedom and bondage.
By an act of the legislature in 1819, encouragement was given to European immigrants to come into the State, with the idea that they would become home builders and land-tillers, and make good citizens. The colored population already had a general reputation for thrift, but the sentiment of racial sympathy in the white population just then favored more the immigrant. For a period the tide of public opinion was on this side, and it was considered best for the Negro to be taken in charge by the Tennessee Colonization Society. The State appropriated $10 for every black man removed from the State, an expense finally sanctioned by a law of 1833.[32]
Two years prior to the year of the Tennessee Constitutional Convention of 1834, Virginia in her State Legislature, had witnessed an exciting scene of debate on the question of slavery. In the District of Columbia, also, there was sent to Congress in the session of 1827-28 a petition requesting the "prospective abolition" of slavery in that district, and the repeal of certain laws authorizing the sale of runaways. Similarly in Tennessee the outbreak of antislavery sentiment, long fostered in the eastern part of the State, came into the Convention of 1834. The few details presented here concerning the convention show conclusively that there was a strong, even violent opposition to human slavery in the State. Certain representatives of counties from East Tennessee were conspicuous for their protest against the system, and maintained their convictions despite the failure to win their point at that time.
Many memorialists in the State had addressed the legislature on the question of emancipation both pro and con prior to the convention, and finally, in the convention, on June 18, Wm. Blount of Montgomery County, Northern Tennessee, offered a memorial that on the subject of slavery the General Assembly should have no power or authority to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without the consent of their owners or without paying their owners.[33] The memorial further prayed that, the legislature should not discourage the foreign immigration into the State and that certain laws providing for the owners of slaves to emancipate them should be made with the restriction that beforehand such manumitted persons should be assuredly prevented from becoming a charge to any county.
There were presented other memorials respecting the slave population at this time. Hess, of Gibson and Dyer counties, wanted no emancipation of slaves except by individual disposition of their masters as the latter saw fit, or at least never unless the price of the slave was paid, provided the master did not freely give manumission, and the good of the State seemed to demand the liberation of the slave. But memorials of a different sentiment also were coming in. On May 26, McNeal presented a memorial of sundry citizens of McMinn County, asking for the emancipation of slaves in Tennessee, and on the same date, Senter of Rhea County also brought a petition from "sundry citizens" of his district asking for emancipation.[34] On the 28th, a memorial was given by Stephenson of Washington County from citizens unhesitatingly favoring emancipation. It was read and tabled.
On May 30, Stephenson introduced a resolution to have a committee of thirteen, one from each congressional district "appointed to take in consideration the propriety of designating some period from which slavery shall not be tolerated in this state, and that all memorials on that subject that have or may be presented to the convention be referred to said committee to consider and report thereon."[35] This resolution passed without trouble.
Stephenson was conspicuous for adherence to emancipation principles. It will be observed that he came from Washington County, in the far eastern portion of the State, the region already famous for its declaration of enmity toward slavery within Tennessee borders especially. An article in the Knoxville Register of the year 1831, just a few years prior to this Nashville Convention, denounces slavery in no uncertain terms, but also grows bitter at the thought of free men of color even remaining in the State. "Shall Tennessee" it asks, "be made the receptacle of the vicious and desperate slave as well as the depraved and corrupting free man of color?"[36]
But while a great number of those of East Tennessee probably wanted the abolition of slavery in order to rid the State of all people of color, there were those who through their delegates expressed their opinions otherwise in this convention, as has been intimated in the three memorials from "sundry citizens" of Washington and McMinn and Rhea Counties. Finally, the report of the Committee of Thirteen was given by John A. McKinney, of Hawkins County. It will be noted as an exception to the rule that this representative of an eastern county did not vigorously stand for the emancipation of the slave, but in his report spoke at length to attempt the justification of the system prevailing at that time in the State. Some of the most interesting points of his argument are: that slavery is an evil, but hard to remove, that the physiognomy of the slave is the great barrier to successful adjustment socially as far as white citizens think and feel, that the condition of the free man of color is tragic, that beset with temptations, and denied his oath in a court of justice, he is unable to have wrongs of whites against him redressed, that any interference with slavery at this time would cause a speedy removal of Tennessee population since slave-owners would seek other States with their slaves, and that if Tennessee should free all her slaves, there would be a greater concentration of all the slaves of the United States, giving slaves more advantage in case of uprising.
Since the slave population in 1830 was 142,530, a fair estimate for 1834 would be 150,000, and this host of newly-made freedmen, thought he, would jeopardize the social safety of the white population of Tennessee, and incite the slave inhabitants of adjoining States to sedition. Slavery would not always exist, he believed, but Tennessee could abolish it then without dire results. Colonization was difficult, but possible and practicable.
This report was given on June 19. A few days later a motion was made by a Bedford County delegate to strike out that part of the report referring to the condition of the free man of color as "tragic." This did not prevail. Still later Stephenson in a set speech protested vigorously against the acceptance of the report of the Committee of Thirteen. He declared that the report was "an apology for slavery," and did not show the convention willing to discharge its duty to the memorialists, and to the people whose protests could not there be heard. His principal argument was that the principles guiding this committee in its decision were subversive of the principles of true republicanism; that they were also against the principles of the Bible. Since the committee had admitted the evil of slavery, he contended, the failure to find a remedy is unworthy of the representatives of the people of the State. He maintained that there is no soundness in the argument that because of the physical differences, the black man should be deprived of the "common rights of man," and that it is not better to have slavery distributed over a large area of country than to concentrate it, if slavery is an evil, since the spread of any evil cannot be better than its limitation.[37]
As an indirect blow at any possible suffrage right of any persons of color under the new constitution, Marr, delegate from Weakley and Obion, introduced a resolution at this time intended to restrict suffrage permanently and definitely to white males, specifically prohibiting all "mulattoes, negroes, and Indians." This was referred to the committee of the whole, but, oddly enough, failed of adoption.[38] The intermittent debate on the subject of emancipation, led on the one side by Stephenson, and on the other by McKinney, was resumed a few days later when the latter gave an additional report. He stated that the memorials with their signatures had been examined and the names attached to them had numbered 1804 in all. 105 purported to be slave-holders, said he, but by inquiry the committee had ascertained that the aggregate number of slaves in their possession was not greater than 500. He admitted that there were several counties from which memorials had come, but charged that there had been a signing of more than one memorial in some counties by the same persons, so that there was a doubling of names without a proportional increase of individual signers. He depreciated Stephenson's statement that these memorials had come from almost every part of the State as ill-founded; for the sixteen counties of Tennessee which had sent representatives with memorials favorable to the idea of emancipation were not from widely scattered portions of the State. Only five extended westward beyond the longitude of Chattanooga, and there were none of the more western counties represented. The two sections of the State seemed to bear no hostility toward each other, but decidedly disagreed on the slavery question. The question was largely an economic one with the Tennesseans of the Mississippi Valley. Cotton was coming into greater and greater importance every year. It could, they thought, be most profitably raised by large groups of workmen whose labor was cheap. The slave was the logical person, and they fastened on him the burden.
Lest the impression has been made that the only portion of the State from which the sentiment of an anti-slavery nature came was East Tennessee, it will be well to refer to the vigorous speech of Kincaid, a delegate from Bedford County, who flung a parting reply to the friends and sympathizers of the Committee of Thirteen which had succeeded in thwarting any official action upon the matter proposed by the memorialists.[39] Bedford County, in the central portion of the State, represented both economically and socially a type of citizen different from that of the mountaineer stock. Yet Kincaid fearlessly defended the plain human rights of the colored population in his speech as much as Stephenson had done, and scathingly denounced the Committee of Thirteen for its attitude toward slavery.
The pro-slavery faction, however, successfully contended that the emancipation party had no definite plan for emancipation, as those in Washington County and other districts were divided in their ideas on this subject. There were about thirty memorials besides the one from this county, one half of them asking that all children born in the State after 1835 should be free and that all slaves should be freed in 1855 and sent out of the State. The other half of the memorials favored making the slaves free in 1866 and having them colonized. As a matter of fact, Tennessee did emancipate its slaves three years earlier than this date. By the Committee of Thirteen these statements were given to show that there could be no virtue in acting in accord with the wishes of the memorialists, as they were hopelessly divided in their recommendations. The report of the committee was tabled, but the debate was by no means ended. Further detail is not of use to us here save to point out that there was no vote in the matter and that Stephenson bitterly upbraided the convention as a whole, stating that it had not made an effort to answer the prayer of the memorialists. The survey of this prolonged and unprofitable struggle shows how divided were the people of Tennessee on the question of abolishing slavery.[40]
Later in the convention there occurred some incidents which throw light on the situation of the Negro. The Bill of Rights in the amended constitution, sec. 26, provided: "That free white men of this state have a right to keep and bear arms in their own defence."[41] A delegate from Sevier County objected to the word "white" and moved that it be stricken from the record. Another member from Green County moved that the word "citizens" be inserted instead of "free white men," but this was rejected by a vote of 19 to 30, Stephenson and and others from East Tennessee voting with the ayes, and the Committee of Thirteen with others defeating the motion. A resolution was then brought forward by a delegate from Dyer County intended to prohibit the general assembly from having power to pass laws for the emancipation of slaves without consent of owners.[42] Immediately a memorialist sympathizer moved to lay this on the table until January, 1835. His effort was lost, and the resolution passed. Thus was the day completely won for the anti-emancipation faction.
There had been considerable discussion as to the status of free men of color, and although one provision of the constitution seemed to give the right of suffrage to all free men, yet there was a restriction limiting the privilege of voting to those who were "competent witnesses in a court of justice against a white person."[43] One commentator upon his unusual provision observes that one cannot tell how many Negroes were entitled to vote under this provision.[44] But whatever present-day students may make of this, it was recognized by the members of this convention that the free Negro had no suffrage right, for near the close of the convention there was submitted a resolution providing that since "free men of color were denied suffrage by the constitution," the apportionment of senators and representatives from their respective districts should be based on the white population alone.[45] The revised constitution contains this provision, but with different wording.
The general tendency of the whole body of legal enactments in the period 1834-65 was toward restricting the slave more and more, and at the same time, eliminating the element known as free Negroes. Probably this had an effect upon the percentage of free Negroes in the total population as seen in the years 1820 and 1850. The national percentage for these years in question was in each case six tenths of one per cent.[46] But as the total Negro population increased despite the migration southward from Tennessee, the ratio for Tennessee in 1820 was 3 per cent, and for 1850, 2.4 per cent, a period of greater repression, showing decrease, although very slight.
A general law of 1839 forbade the slave to act as a free person, that is, to hire his own time from his master, or to have merchandisable property and trade therewith.[47] Runaways were to be punished by being made to labor on the streets or alleys of towns, as well as by imprisonment. Several laws show the tendency to class free Negroes with slaves by stating that all capital offences for slaves were also capital offences for free Negroes.[48] Another plainly provides that all offences made capital in the code of that time for slaves, should also be capital for "free persons of color."[49] Further, "no free person of color might keep a grocery or tippling house" under pain of a heavy fine. It will be seen that the attitude thus was plainly more and more adverse to the free Negro. An act of 1842 had made it possible to amend all laws relating to "free persons of color," and this was freely done.[50]
Free Negroes of "good character," either resident in the State prior to 1836 or having removed to the State before that year, and preferring, in their respective county courts, petitions to remain in the same, might do so, but otherwise must leave the State under severe penalties of imprisonment and hard labor, as provided under the law of 1831, prior to the new constitution. The subjects of this legal provision were to renew this court proceeding every three years, under the same penalty for failing to perform the renewal.[51] The laws of registry of free Negroes were kept in force and made, if anything, more rigid. One provision of these enactments was that there should be in the registration papers specification of any "peculiar physical marks on the person" so registered.[52] This practice, defended by law, is exceedingly interesting to the student who compares it with what has long been common knowledge regarding the practices of slave-buyers in the markets. And here we have a measure of the complete humiliation of the "free person of color," for every free Negro or mulatto residing in any county of the State was compelled to undergo this examination before officers of the county court and be duly registered thereafter as a free person.[53]
As might be expected, the law of 1831 was followed up by enactments strictly requiring the emancipation of slaves, when allowed by the State, to be followed closely by the removal of the freedmen from the State. Also instructions for the transportation of certain Negroes to Africa were given in the same code. Those who had acquired freedom after 1836, or who should do so, together with slaves successfully suing for freedom, also free Negroes unable to give bond for good behavior although having right to reside in the State, were all to be transported to Africa, unless they went elsewhere out of the State, according to provision by law.[54]
The word "mulatto" is found often in the laws of this period, showing that this type was becoming an important factor in the race relations of white and black. As far as is known, there is no way of obtaining even the approximate proportion of white mothers to white fathers, but because of the overwhelming evidence by personal testimony of ex-slaves as to the relations of the masters and overseers of plantations to the slave women, and the corresponding power of the dominant race to prevent, at least in large degree, similar physical marriages between Negroes and the women of their race, we may be said rightly to infer that the proportion of white mothers of colored offspring to white fathers was then, as it has always been, very small. In Maryland, according to Brackett, the child of a white father and a mulatto slave could not give testimony in court against a white person, whereas the child of a white mother and a black man would be disqualified in this regard only during his term of service.[55] "A free mulatto was good evidence," says he, "against a white person."[56] The mulatto of Tennessee had no such social or legal position as either of these cases indicate, although here again personal testimony brings to light notable exceptions of the social behavior of individuals in certain localities, where this type, that is, the colored offspring of white motherhood, was regarded as a separate class, above the ordinary person of color.[57]
It is likely that in East Tennessee there was considerable prevalence of such amalgamation of African and Scotch-Irish race stocks, with white motherhood.[58] The reasons were largely economic. Many of the whites who came to live in the lower farm lands down from their first holdings on the rocky slopes and unfertile soil, were driven from these more productive lowlands by the rich white land owners who preferred to have large plantations with great numbers of blacks to raise the crops, rather than to rent or sell to small farmers. For these poorer white neighbors there was no recourse but to take to the mountains and to cultivate there the less desirable lands. The life they had to live was necessarily very rough and hard; their principal diet was corn, and often the rocky soil only yielded them that grudgingly and scantily. They frequently came in contact with the slaves, and the latter were known to steal provisions from their masters' storehouses and bring to these hill-country people appetizing additions to their meager provisions. And the slaves were also known to mingle with them in the quilting, husking, barn-raisings, and other rural festivities, being undoubtedly made welcome. It requires no immoderate imagination to state here the likelihood of much racial intermixure, as we know, from testimony, of more than a few specific cases, and we have, in this rather strange way, the account of social intermingling and the secret gifts of the black men who visited these mountain homes.
William Lloyd Imes.
Philadelphia, Pa.
Footnotes:
[1] Compendium, U. S. Census (1870), pp. 13-15.
[2] The Nashville American, "City of Nashville" booklet, p. 20.
[3] Garrett and Goodpasture, History of Tennessee, pp. 249 sqq.
[4] Ibid., pp. 245-246.
[5] Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention, London, 1843.
[6] Ibid., p. 300.
[7] See paper of E. E. Hoss, Tenn. Hist. Soc., Nashville.
[8] Greely, Horace, The American Conflict, p. 79, New York, 1864.
[9] Journal of The Constitutional Convention, State of Tennessee, 1834.
[10] Journal of Constitutional Convention, 1834.
[11] Haywood and Cobb, Statute Laws of Tenn., 1779, Ch. 5.
[12] Ibid., 1741, Ch. 21.
[13] Ibid., 1788, Ch. 7.
[14] Ibid., 1799, Ch. 9.
[15] R. T. Q., Jr., State Archives, Capitol Library, Tennessee.
[16] This is most natural, of course, but is inserted to emphasize the absolute quality of ownership, for the master was held responsible for the deed just as if he himself had committed it, and the slaves were morally irresponsible. But for other breaches of social good conduct the slave was the direct victim of the penalty, thus at once being slave and man, property and human being.
[17] Statute Laws of Tenn., 1819, Chap. 35.
[18] Acts, 2d Session Gen. Assembly (Knoxville), 1809.
[19] Statute Laws, 1813, Chap. 135.
[20] Ibid., 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 1.
[21] Ibid., 1801, Ch. 27, Sec. 1.
[22] Acts of Gen. Assembly (Tenn.), 1822, Ch. 102.
[23] Cf. 1 and 2.
[24] Statute Laws, 1831, Ch. 102, Sec. 2.
[25] Ibid., Sec. 2.
[26] Statute Laws, 1826, Ch. 22, Sec. 6.
[27] Ibid., 1741, Ch. 24, Sec. 23.
[28] Proceedings of the Anti-Slavery Convention, London, 1843.
[29] Acts of the Gen. Assembly, Tennessee, 1821, Chap. 26.
[30] Statute Laws, Tenn., Chap. 6, Sec. 2. Laws of 1787.
[31] Statute Laws, Tenn., Chap. 6, Sec. 2, Laws of 1787.
[32] Ibid., 1833, Chap. 4, Sec. 1.
[33] Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal, 1834.
[34] Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal, pp. 31-40.
[35] Ibid., p. 53.
[36] Southern Statesman (clipping from Knoxville Register, Oct., 1831).
[37] Tenn. Constitutional Convention Journal, 1834, pp. 102-104.
[38] Ibid., pp. 125-126.
[39] Journal Const. Conv., op. cit., pp. 214 et seq.
[40] Tennessee Constitutional Journal, 1834, pp. 126 et seq.
[41] Ibid., pp. 184 et seq.
[42] Ibid., p. 200, p. 209.
[43] Constitution of Tenn., 1834, Art. 3, Sec. 1.
[44] Code of Tenn. '57, '58, Sec. 3809.
[45] Stephenson, Race Distinctions in American Law, p. 284. Tenn. Const. Conv. Journal, 1834, op. cit., p. 209.
[46] Bureau of the Census, "A Century of Pop. Growth," p. 82. Washington, 1909.
[47] Acts of Tenn., 1846, Chap. 47 (Nicholson).
[48] Code of 1858, Tenn., Art. IV, See. 2725.
[49] Ibid., Sec. 2725.
[50] Ibid., Sec. 2728.
[51] Nicholson, Acts of Tenn., 1846, Chap. 191, Sec. 1.
[52] Code of Tenn., op. cit., Sec. 2714.
[53] Ibid., Sec. 2793-2794. Cf. Statute Laws here.
[54] Statute Laws, Tenn., 1846, Ch. 191.
[55] Brackett, "The Negro in Maryland," Johns Hopkins Studies, Ch. V, p. 191.
[56] Ibid., pp. 191-192.
[57] Personal Testimony, B. S.; J. P. Q. E.; E. S. M. Nashville, 1912.
[58]{Transcriber's Note: Missing footnote text in original.}
NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY IN OUR SCHOOLS
The study of the ethnology and the history of the Negro has not yet extended far beyond the limit of cold-blooded investigation. Prior to the Civil War few Americans thought seriously of studying the Negro in the sense of directing their efforts toward an acquisition of knowledge of the race as one of the human family; and this field was not more inviting to Europeans, for the reduction of the Negro to the status of a tool for exploitation began in Europe. The race did receive attention from pseudo-scientists, a few historians pointed out the possibilities of research in this field, and others brought forward certain interesting sketches of distinguished Negroes exhibiting evidences of the desirable qualities manifested by other races.
There was a new day for the Negro in history after the Civil War. This rending of the nation was such an upheaval that American historians eagerly applied themselves to the study of the ante-bellum period to account for the economic, social, and political causes leading up to this struggle. In their treatment of slavery and abolition, they had to give the Negro some attention. In some cases, therefore, the historians of that day occasionally departed from the scientific standard to give personal sketches of Negroes indicating to some extent the feeling, thought and the aspiration of the whole race. Writers deeply interested in the Negroes at that time wrote eulogistic biographies of distinguished Negroes and of white persons who had devoted their lives to the uplift of the despised race. The attitude in most cases was that the Negroes had been a very much oppressed people and that their enslavement was a disgrace of which the whole country should be made to feel ashamed. As it was the people of the South who had to bear the onus of this criticism and they were not at that time sufficiently enlightened to produce historians like Hildreth, Bancroft, Prescott, Redpath and Parkman, the world largely accepted the opinions of those historians who sympathized with the formerly persecuted Negroes.
During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, however, there came about a change in the attitude of American scholarship effected largely by political movements. Because of the unpopularity and the blunders of the southern States reconstructed on the basis of universal suffrage and mainly under the dictation of white adventurers from the North, the majority of the influential men of the country reached the conclusion that the southern white man, in spite of his faults as a slaveholder, had not been properly treated. This unsatisfactory régime, therefore, was speedily overthrown and the freedman was gradually reduced to the status of the free Negro prior to the Civil War on the grounds that it had been proved that he was not a white man with a black skin.
Following immediately thereupon came a new day for education in the South. Many of its ambitious young men went North to study in the leading universities then devoting much attention to the preparation of scholars for scientific investigation. The investigators from the South directed their attention primarily toward the vindication of the slavery régime and the overthrow of the Reconstruction governments. As a result there have appeared a number of studies on slavery and the Reconstruction. All of this task was not done by southerners and was not altogether confined to the universities, but resulted no doubt largely from the impetus given it in these centers, especially at Johns Hopkins and Columbia. It was influenced to a great extent by the attitude of southern scholars. Ingle, Weeks, Bassett, Cooley, Steiner, Munford, Trexler, Bracket, Ballagh, Tremain, McCrady, Henry, and Russell directed their attention to the study of slavery. With the works of Deane, Moore, Needles, Harris, Washburn, Dunn, Bettle, Davidson, Hickok, Pelzer, Morgan, Northrop, Smith, Wright, and Turner dealing with slavery in the North, the study of the institution by States has been considered all but complete. In a general way the subject of slavery has been treated by A. B. Hart, H. E. von Holst, John W. Burgess, James Ford Rhodes, and U. B. Phillips.
The study of the Reconstruction has proceeded with renewed impetus and has finally been seemingly exhausted in a way peculiar to the recent investigators. Among these studies are those of Matthews, Garner, Ficklen, Eckenrode, Hollis, Flack, Woolley, Ramsdell, Davis, Hamilton, Thompson, Reynolds, Burgess, Pearson, and Hall, most of whom received their inspiration at Johns Hopkins University or Columbia. The same period has been treated in a general way by W. A. Dunning, John W. Burgess, James Schouler, J. B. MacMaster, James Ford Rhodes and W. L. Fleming. Most of these studies deal with social and economic causes as well as with the political and some of them are in their own way well done. Because of the bias in several of them, however, John R. Lynch and W.E.B. DuBois have endeavored to answer certain adverse criticisms on the record of the Negroes during the Reconstruction period.
Speaking generally, however, one does not find in most of these works anything more than the records of scientific investigators as to facts which in themselves do not give the general reader much insight as to what the Negro was, how the Negro developed from period to period, and the reaction of the race on what was going on around it. There is little effort to set forth what the race has thought and felt and done as a contribution to the world's accumulation of knowledge and the welfare of mankind. While what most of these writers say may, in many respects, be true, they are interested in emphasizing primarily the effect of this movement on the white man, whose attitude toward the Negro was that of a merchant or manufacturer toward the materials he handled and unfortunately whose attitude is that of many of these gentlemen writing the history in which the Negroes played a part as men rather than as coal and iron.
The multiplication of these works adversely critical of the Negro race soon had the desired result. Since one white man easily influences another to change his attitude toward the Negro, northern teachers of history and correlated subjects have during the last generation accepted the southern white man's opinion of the Negro and endeavor to instill the same into the minds of their students. Their position seems to be that because the American Negro has not in fifty years accomplished what the master class achieved in fifty centuries the race cannot be expected to perform satisfactorily the functions of citizenship and must, therefore, be treated exceptionally in some such manner as devised by the commonwealths of the South. This change of sentiment has been accelerated too by southern teachers, who have established themselves in northern schools and who have gained partial control of the northern press. Coming at the time when many Negroes have been rushing to the North, this heresy has had the general effect of promoting the increase of race prejudice to the extent that the North has become about as lawless as the South in its treatment of the Negro.
Following the multiplication of Reconstruction studies, there appeared a number of others of a controversial nature. Among these may be mentioned the works of A. H. Stone and Thomas Pierce Bailey adversely criticizing the Negro and those of a milder form produced by Edgar Gardner Murphy, and Walter Hines Page. Then there are the writings of William Pickens, and W. E. B. DuBois. These works are generally included among those for reference in classes studying Negro life, but they throw very little light on the Negro in the United States or abroad. In fact, instead of clearing up the situation they deeply muddle it. The chief value of such literature is to furnish facts as to sentiment of the people, which in years to come will be of use to an investigator when the country will have sufficiently removed itself from race prejudice to seek after the truth as to all phases of the situation.
The Negro, therefore, has unfortunately been for some time a negligible factor in the thought of most historians, except to be mentioned only to be condemned. So far as the history of the Negro is concerned, moreover, the field has been for some time left largely to those sympathetically inclined and lacking scientific training. Not only have historians of our day failed to write books on the Negro, but this history has not been generally dignified with certain brief sketches as constitute the articles appearing in the historical magazines. For example, the American Historical Review, the leading magazine of its kind in the United States, published quarterly since 1895, has had very little material in this field. Running over the files one finds Jernagan's Slavery and Conversion in the American Colonies, Siebert's Underground Railway, Stevenson's The Question of Arming the Slaves, DuBois's Reconstruction and its Benefits, and several economic studies of the plantation and the black belt by A. H. Stone and U.B. Phillips. It has been announced, however, that the Carnegie Institution for Historical Research will in the future direct attention to this neglected field.
In schools of today the same condition unfortunately obtains. The higher institutions of the Southern States, proceeding doubtless on the basis that they know too much about the Negro already, have not heretofore done much to convert the whites to the belief that the one race should know more about the other. Their curricula, therefore, as a general thing carry no courses bearing on Negro life and history.
In the North, however, the situation is not so discouraging. Some years ago classes in history in northern colleges and universities made a detailed study of slavery and abolition in connection with the regular courses in American history. There has been much neglect in this field during the last generation, since many teachers of history in the North have been converted to the belief in the justice of the oppression of the Negro, but there are still some sporadic efforts to arrive at a better understanding of the Negro's contribution to history in the United States. This is evidenced by the fact that Ohio State University offers in its history department a course on the Slavery Struggles in the United States, and the University of Nebraska one on the Negro Problem under Slavery and Freedom.
This study in the northern universities receives some attention in the department of sociology. Leland Stanford University offers a course on Immigration and the Race Problems, the University of Oklahoma another known as Modern Race Problems. The University of Missouri and the University of Chicago offer The Negro in America; the University of Minnesota, The American Negro; and Harvard University, American Population Problems: Immigration and the Negro. This study of the race problem, however, has in many cases been unproductive of desirable results for the reason that instead of trying to arrive at some understanding as to how the Negro may be improved, the work has often degenerated into a discussion of the race as a menace and the justification of preventative measures inaugurated by the whites.
A few Negro schools sufficiently advanced to prosecute seriously the study of social sciences have had courses in sociology and history bearing on the Negro. Tuskegee, Atlanta, Fiske, Wilberforce and Howard have undertaken serious work in this field. They have been handicapped, however, by the lack of teachers trained to do advanced work and by the dearth of unbiased literature adequate to the desired illumination. The work under these circumstances, therefore, has been in danger of becoming such a discussion of the race problem as would be expected of laymen expressing opinions without data to support them. In the reconstruction which these schools are now undergoing, history and sociology are given a conspicuous place and the tendency is to assign this work to well-informed and scientifically trained instructors. These schools, moreover, are now not only studying what has been written but have undertaken the preparation of scholars to carry on research in this neglected field.
The need for this work is likewise a concern to the enlightened class of southern whites. Seeing that a better understanding of the races is now necessary to maintain that conservatism to prevent this country from being torn asunder by Socialism and Bolshevism, they are now making an effort to effect a closer relation between the blacks and whites by making an intensive study of the Negro. Fortunately too this is earnestly urged by the group of rising scholars of the new South. To carry out this work a number of professors from various southern universities have organized what is called the University Commission on Southern Race Questions. They are calling the attention of the South to the world-wide reconstruction following in the wake of the World War, which will necessarily affect the country in a peculiar way. They point to the fact that almost 400,000 Negroes were called into the military service and thousands of others to industrial centers of the North. Knowing too that the demobilization of the Negroes and whites in the army will bring home a large number of remade men who must be adapted anew to life, they are asking for a general coöperation of the whites throughout the South in the interest of the Negro and the welfare of the land.
These gentlemen are directing this study toward the need of making the South realize the value of the Negro to the community, to inculcate a sympathy for the Negro and to enable the whites to understand that the race cannot be judged by the shortcomings of a few of the group. They are appealing to the country and especially to the scholarly men of the South for more justice and fair play for the Negroes in view of the fact that, in spite of the radical aliens who set to work among the Negroes to undermine their loyalty, the Negroes maintained their morale and supported the war. Men of thought then are boldly urged to engage in this movement for a large measure of thoughtfulness and consideration, for the control of "careless habits of speech which give needless offense and for the practice of just relations. To seek by all practicable means to cultivate a more tolerant spirit, a more generous sympathy, and a wider degree of coöperation between the best elements of both races, to emphasize the best rather than the worst features of interracial relations, to secure greater publicity for those whose views are based on reason rather than prejudice—these, they believe are essential parts of the Reconstruction program by which it is hoped to bring into the world a new era of peace and democracy. Because college men are rightly expected to be molders of opinion, the Commission earnestly appeals to them to contribute of their talents and energy in bringing this program to its consummation."
Among these are James J. Doster, Professor of Education, University of Alabama; David Y. Thomas, Professor of Political Science and History, University of Arkansas; James M. Farr, Professor of English, University of Florida; R. P. Brooks, Professor of History, University of Georgia; William O. Scroggs, Professor of Economics and Sociology, Louisiana State University; William L. Kennon, Professor of Physics, University of Mississippi; E. C. Branson, Professor of Rural Economics, University of North Carolina; Josiah Morse, Professor of Philosophy, University of South Carolina; James D. Hoskins, Dean of the University of Tennessee; William S. Sutton, Professor of Education, University of Texas; and William M. Hunley, Professor of Economics and Political Science, Virginia Military Institute.
C. G. Woodson.
GRÉGOIRE'S SKETCH OF ANGELO SOLIMANN
The historical setting of this sketch is the life of the author himself. Abbé Grégoire was born in 1750 and died in 1831. He was educated at the Jesuit College at Nancy. He then became Curé and teacher at the Jesuit school at Pont-a-Mousson. In this position he had the opportunity to apply himself to study and soon attained some distinction as a scholar. In 1783 he was crowned by the Academy of Nancy for his Éloge de La poésie and in 1788 by that of Metz for an Essai sur la Régénération physique et morale des Juifs. Throughout his career he exhibited evidences of a breadth of mind and interest in the man far down. When the French Revolution broke out, therefore, he easily became a factor in the upheaval, but endeavored always to restrain the people from fury and vandalism. In 1789, he was elected by the clergy of the bailliage of Nancy to the States-General, where he coöperated with the group of deputies of Jansenist or Gallican sympathies.
He was among the first of the clergy to join the third estate and contributed largely to the union of the three orders. He took an active part in the abolition of the privileges of the nobles of the church and under the new constitution he was one of the first to take oath. In taking this stand, however, he lost the support of most of his fellow churchmen, who, unlike Abbé Grégoire, did not think that the Catholic religion is reconcilable with modern conceptions of political liberty. Because of the changing fortunes of the revolutionists, therefore, Abbé Grégoire finally found himself often deserted and sometimes almost reduced to poverty.
To the end of his career, however, he maintained his attitude of benevolence toward the oppressed. Differing widely from most white men, who although willing to take radical measures to make democracy safe for themselves, are reluctant to extend its benefits to those of color, Abbé Grégoire earnestly labored in the Constituent Assembly to bring about the emancipation of the Negroes in the French colonies. His interest in persons of African blood, moreover, was not restricted to the mere abolition of slavery because it was a stain on the character of the whites but he endeavored also to elevate the slaves to the full status of citizenship. It was largely through his efforts that men of color in the French colonies were soon after their emancipation admitted to the same civil and political rights as the whites in those dependencies.
He made an effort, moreover, to influence public opinion in behalf of the Negroes in other lands. Having read in Jefferson's Notes on Virginia his references to the so-called inferiority of the Negroes, Grégoire sent him a copy of his De la Litterature des Nègres. Replying to the communication transmitting this publication Jefferson expressed himself in diplomatic and flattering terms, apparently indicating that he had expressed the opinion of inferiority with much hesitation and that the argument to establish the doctrine was after all rather weak. Writing a few days later to Joel Barlow, Jefferson no doubt expressed his real opinion as to what he thought of the inferiority of the Negro and Grégoire's evidences to the contrary. The pamphlet no doubt had some effect for, "As to Bishop Grégoire," says he, "I wrote him a very soft answer. It was impossible for doubt to have been more tenderly or hesitatingly expressed than there was in the Notes on Virginia and nothing was or is further from my intentions than to enlist myself as the champion of a fixed opinion where I have only expressed a doubt."
In later years, however, Abbé Grégoire's De la Litterature des Nègres fell into the hands of a more sympathetic man. This was D. B. Walden of Brooklyn, New York, then secretary to the legation at Paris. Interested in the abolition of the slave trade and the welfare of the blacks, Walden translated Grégoire's De la Litterature des Nègres, that friends of the race unacquainted with the French language might have additional information as to what the Negro had done to demonstrate that the race is not intellectually inferior to others. This translation, however, is unfortunate because of the numerous faults throughout the work and largely on account of its omissions. Exactly why the translator did not desire to bring before the American public all of the facts set forth in this book has never been exactly cleared up. It has been said, however, that the facts omitted were too favorable to the Negro race to be received by the American public at that time. The whole work should be translated as soon as some scholar can direct his attention to it, but, in the absence of such an effort, I am submitting herewith a translation of the most striking omission, chapter five, which gives an interesting sketch of the career of Angelo Solimann.
BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCH OF THE NEGRO ANGELO SOLIMANN
Although Angelo Solimann has published nothing[1] he deserves, because of his extensive learning and still more by the morality and excellence of his character, one of the first places among the Negroes who have distinguished themselves by a high degree of culture.
He was the son of an African prince. The country subject to the latter's domination was called Gangusilang; the family, Magni-Famori. Besides the little Mmadi-Make (this was Angelo's name in his native country) his parents had another younger child, a daughter. He remembered with what respect his father, surrounded by a large number of servants, was treated; he had, like every prince's child of that country, certain marks imprinted on his two legs, and for a long time he hoped that he would be sought for, and recognized by these marks.
Even in his old age, the memories of his childhood, of his first practice in shooting arrows, in which he surpassed his comrades, the memory of the simple customs and the beautiful blue sky of his native country, often recurred to his mind with a pleasure not unmixed with sorrow. He could not sing, without being profoundly affected, those songs of his native land which his good memory had very well conserved.
It appears, from Angelo's reminiscences, that his tribe already had some civilization. His father possessed many elephants, and even some horses which were rare in those countries; money was unknown, but trade by barter was carried on regularly and by auction. Stars were worshipped; circumcision was usual. Two white families lived in the country.
Some writers who have published accounts of their voyages, speak of the perpetual wars between some tribes of Africa, of which the purpose was sometimes vengeance or robbery, sometimes the most ignominious kind of avarice, because the victor took the prisoners to the nearest slave market in order to sell them to the whites. One day as the boy, then seven years old, was standing at the side of his mother who was nursing his sister, a war of this kind of a danger that his father did not suspect broke out against the tribe of Mmadi-Makeé. Suddenly there were heard the frightful clashing of arms and howlings of the wounded. Mmadi-Maké's grandfather, struck by fear, ran into the cabin crying: "There is the enemy." Fatuma, frightened, arose. The father hastily sought his weapon; and the little boy, terrified, ran away as quickly as an arrow. His mother called loudly: "Where are you going Mmadi-Maké?" The child answered: "Wherever God wishes me to go." In his old age he often reflected upon the great significance of these words. When he was out of the cabin, he looked back and saw his mother and many of his father's men fall under the blows of the enemy. He cowered down with another boy under a tree. Struck with fear, he covered his eyes with his hands. The fight continued. The enemy, believing themselves already victorious, seized him, and held him aloft as a sign of joy. At this sight, the fellow-countrymen of Mmadi-Maké cheered their forces and rallied to save the son of their king. The fighting began again, and while it lasted the boy was still raised aloft. Finally the enemies were conquerors and he was positively their prize. His master exchanged him for a fine black horse, which another Negro gave him, and the child was taken to the place of embarkation. There he found many of his fellow-countrymen, all like himself, prisoners, all condemned to slavery. With sorrow they recognized him, but they could do nothing for him. They were even forbidden to speak to him.
When the prisoners, being taken on small boats, reached the seashore, Mmadi-Maké saw with surprise several large vessels, on one of which he was received with his third master. He supposed that it was a Spanish vessel. After suffering a storm, they landed on a coast, and the master promised the child that he would take him to his mother. The latter, delighted, quickly saw his hope disappear, finding instead of his mother, his master's wife, who, moreover, received him very well, kissed him and treated him with much kindness. Her husband named him Andrew, and directed him to take the camels to the pasture, and watch them.
It is impossible to say of what nationality this man was, or how long Angelo, who has now been dead twelve years, lived at his home. This short memoir has been written down recently from the story of his friends. But it is known that after a reasonably long stay, his master announced to him his intention of transporting him to a country where he would be better off. Mmadi-Maké was greatly pleased with this. His mistress parted from him with regret. They embarked and arrived at Messina, where he was conducted to the home of a wealthy lady, who, it appeared, was expecting to receive him. She treated him kindly, gave him an instructor to teach him the language of the country, which he learned with ease. His good nature won for him the friendship of the numerous servants, among whom he singled out a Negress, named Angelina, because of her gentleness, and her kindly attitude towards him. He became dangerously ill; the Marchioness, his mistress, gave him all the care of a mother, even to the point of sitting up with him part of the night. The most skillful physicians were called in and his bed was surrounded by a crowd of persons who awaited his orders. The Marchioness had long wished that he would be baptized. After repeated refusals, one day, during his convalescence, he himself asked for baptism. His mistress, very much delighted, ordered the most elaborate preparations. In a parlor there was erected over a stately bed a canopy richly embroidered. The entire family and all the friends of the house were present. Mmadi-Maké, lying on this bed, was asked concerning the name he desired to have. Because of gratitude and his friendship for the Negress Angelina, he wished to be named Angelo. His desire was granted, and as a family name he was given that of Solimann. He was accustomed to celebrate piously the day of his entrance into Christianity, the eleventh of September, as though it were his birthday.
His goodness, his kindness, and his sense of justice made him dear to every one. The Prince Lobkowitz, then in Sicily in the capacity of imperial general, frequented the house where this child lived. He experienced for him such an affection that he made the most earnest entreaties that he be given to him. Because of her affection for Angelo, the Marchioness could not easily grant his request. She finally yielded to the considerations of advantage and prudence which impelled her to make this gift to the general. How she wept when she parted with the little Negro who entered with repugnance the service of a new master.
The duties of the prince did not permit a long stay in this country. He loved Angelo, but his manner of life and perhaps the spirit of the time caused him to give very little attention to his education. Angelo became wild and ill-tempered. He passed his days in idleness, and children's sports. An old steward of the prince, realizing his good heart and excellent qualities, in spite of his thoughtlessness, procured for him a teacher, under whom Angelo learned in seventeen days to write German. The tender affection of the child, and his rapid progress in all the branches of instruction, repaid the good old man for his trouble.
Thus Angelo grew up in the house of the prince. He accompanied him on all his tours, and shared with him the perils of war. He fought side by side with his master, whom one day he carried wounded, on his shoulders, from the field of battle. Angelo distinguished himself on these occasions, not only as a servant and faithful friend, but also as an intrepid warrior, as an experienced officer, especially in tactics, although he never had military rank. The field marshall Lascy, who esteemed him highly, gave, before a group of officers, a most creditable eulogy upon his bravery, presented him with a splendid Turkish sabre, and offered him the command of a company, which he refused.
His master died. By his will he left Angelo to the Prince Wenceslas de Lichtenstein, who for a long time, had desired to have him. This man asked Angelo if he were satisfied with this arrangement and if he were willing to come to his home. To this Angelo agreed, and made the preparations for the change necessary in his manner of living. In the meanwhile, Emperor Francis I called him to him, and made the same offer, with very flattering terms. But the word of Angelo was sacred. He remained at the home of Prince Lichtenstein. Here, as at the home of General Lobkowitz, the tutelar genius of unhappy persons, he was accustomed to convey to the prince the requests of those who wished to obtain some favor. His pockets were always filled with notes and petitions. Never being able or willing to ask favors for himself, he fulfilled with equal zeal and success this duty in favor of others.
Angelo followed his master on his journeys, and to Frankfort, at the time of the coronation of Emperor Joseph, as king of the Romans. One day, at the instigation of his prince, he tried his luck at chance and won twenty thousand florins. He played another game with his opponents, who again lost twenty-four thousand florins; in playing the second game, Angelo knew how to arrange the play so finely that the loser regained the last amount. This fine trait of Angelo won for him admiration, and gained for him numerous congratulations. The transient favor of chance did not dazzle him; on the contrary, apprehending his fickleness, he never again ventured any big sum. He amused himself with chess and had the reputation of being one of the best players of this game of his time.
At the age of —— he married a widow, Madame de Christiani, née Kellerman, of Belgium origin. The prince did not know of this marriage. Perhaps Angelo had reasons for concealing it. A later event has justified his silence. The Emperor Joseph II, who had a lively interest in everything concerning Angelo and who, as a mark of distinction, even walked arm in arm with him, made known to Prince Lichtenstein one day, without foreseeing the consequences, Angelo's secret. The latter called Angelo, and questioned him. Angelo admitted his marriage. The prince announced that he would banish him from his house, and erase his name from his will. He had intended to give him some diamonds of considerable value, with which Angelo was accustomed to being decked when he followed his master on festive days.
Angelo, who had asked favors so often for others, did not say one word for himself. He left the palace to live in a distant suburb, in a small house bought a long time before, and transferred to his wife. He lived with her in this retreat, enjoying domestic happiness. The most careful education of his only daughter, Madame the Baroness of Hoüchters-leöen, who is no longer living, the cultivation of his garden, the social intercourse of several learned and estimable men, were his occupations and his pleasures.
About two years after the death of Prince Wenceslas of Lichtenstein, his nephew and heir, the Prince Francis, saw Angelo in the street. He ordered his carriage to be stopped, had him enter it, and told him that, being convinced of his innocence, he was resolved to make amends for the injustice of his uncle. Consequently he assigned to Angelo an income revertible after his death to Madam Solimann. The only thing which the prince asked of Angelo was to supervise the education of his son, Louis of Lichtenstein.
Angelo fulfilled punctiliously the duties of his new vocation, and he went daily to the prince's home, in order to watch over the pupil recommended to his care. The Prince, seeing that the long walk might be difficult for Angelo, especially in inclement weather, offered him a residence. There again was Angelo settled, for the second time, in the Lichtenstein palace; but he took with him his family. He lived there in retreat as before in the company of some friends, in that of scholars, and devoted to "belles lettres" which he constantly cultivated with zeal. His favorite study was history. His excellent memory aided him greatly. He could cite the names, dates, year of birth of all illustrious persons, and noteworthy events.
His wife, who for a long time had been declining, was kept alive several years longer, through the tender care of a husband who lavished upon her all the aid of science; but finally she died. From that time on Angelo made several changes in his household. He no longer invited friends to dine with him. He never drank anything except water as an example for his daughter, whose education, then finished, was entirely his work. Perhaps, also, he wished, by a strict economy to make sure the fortune of this only daughter.
Angelo, esteemed and loved everywhere, still did much traveling at an advanced age, sometimes in the interests of others, sometimes to attend to his own affairs. People have recalled his acts of kindness, and the favors that he had shown. Circumstances having taken him to Milan, the late Archduke Ferdinand, who was governor there, overwhelmed him with demonstrations of friendship.
He enjoyed, to the end of his career, a robust constitution; his appearance showed hardly any signs of old age, which caused several mistakes and friendly disputes; for often people who had not seen him for twenty or thirty years, mistook him for his son, and treated him according to this error.
Suffering a stroke of apoplexy in the street, at the age of seventy-five, people hastened to give him succor which was useless. He died, November 21, 1796, mourned by all his friends, who cannot think of him without emotion, and without tears. The esteem of all men of consequence has followed him to the tomb.
Angelo was of medium stature, slender and well proportioned. The regularity of his features and the nobleness of his carriage, form, by their beauty, a contrast with the unfavorable opinion generally held concerning the Negro physiognomy. An unusual suppleness in all bodily exercises gave to his carriage and to his movements grace and ease. Combining with all the fineness of virtue a good judgment, ennobled by extensive and thorough knowledge, he knew six languages, Italian, French, German, Latin, Bohemian, and English, and besides spoke especially the first three fluently.
Like all his fellow countrymen, he was born with an impetuous temper. His unchangeable calmness and good nature were consequently so much the more admirable, as they were the result of hard fighting and many victories won over himself. He never allowed, even when someone had irritated him, an improper expression to escape his lips. Angelo was pious without being superstitious. He carefully observed all religious rites, not believing that it was beneath him to give in this way an example to his family. His word and decisions, to which he had come after careful consideration, were unchangeable, and nothing could swerve him from his intention. He always wore the costume of his country. This was a kind of very simple garment in Turkish fashion almost always of dazzling whiteness, which accentuated to advantage the black and shining color of his skin. His picture, engraved at Augsburg, is found in the art gallery of Lichtenstein.
F. Harrison Hough.
Footnotes:
[1] I discharge a duty in disclosing to the public the names of the persons to whom I am indebted for the biography of this estimable African, concerning whom Dr. Gall was the first to speak to me. Upon the request of my fellow-citizens, D'Hautefort, attaché to the embassy, and Dudon, First Secretary to the French legation in Austria, they hastened to satisfy my curiosity. Two estimable ladies of Vienna, Mme. Stief and Mme. Picler, worked at it with great zeal. All the details furnished by the defunct Angelo's friends were carefully collected. From this material has been written the interesting account which follows. In the French translation it loses in delicacy of style, for Mme. Picler, who wrote it down in German, possesses the rare talent of writing equally well in prose and in poetry. I take great pleasure in expressing to these kind persons my just gratitude.
DOCUMENTS
LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918[1]
The exodus of the Negroes during the World War, the most significant event in our recent internal history, may be profitably studied by reading the letters of the various migrants. The investigator has been fortunate in finding letters from Negroes of all conditions in almost all parts of the South and these letters are based on almost every topic of concern to humanity. These documents will serve as a guide in getting at the motive dominant in the minds of these refugees and at the real situation during the upheaval. As a whole, these letters throw much light on all phases of Negro life and, in setting forth the causes of unrest in the South, portray the character of the whites with whom the blacks have had to do.
These letters are of further value for information concerning the Negroes in the North. From these reliable sources the student can learn where the Negroes settled, what they engaged in, and how they have readjusted themselves in a new situation. Here may be seen the effects of the loss resulting from the absence of immigrants from Europe, the conflict of the laboring elements, the evidences of racial troubles and the menace of mob rule.
Letters Asking for Information about the North
Galveston, Texas,
this 24th day of May, 1917.Sir: Please inform me of a situation, please ans. if fill out or not so I will no. answer at once.
Dallas, Tex.,
April 23, 1917.Dear Sir: Having been informed through the Chicago Defender paper that I can secure information from you. I am a constant reader of the Defender and am contemplating on leaving here for some point north. Having your city in view I thought to inquire of you about conditions for work, housing, wages and everything necessary. I am now employed as a laborer in a structural shop, have worked for the firm five years.
I stored cars for Armour packing co. 3 years, I also claims to know something about candy making, am handy at most anything for an honest living. I am 31 yrs. old have a very industrious wife, no children. If chances are available for work of any kind let me know. Any information you can give me will be highly appreciated.
Savannah, Ga., April 24, 1917.
Sir: I saw an advertisement in the Chicago Ledger where you would send tickets to any one desireing to come up there. I am a married man with a wife only, and I am 38 years of age, and both of us have so far splendid health, and would like very much to come out there provided we could get good employment regarding the advertisement.
Winston-Salem, N. N., April 23, 1917.
Dear Sir: Colored people of this place who know you by note of your great paper the Age and otherwise desire to get information from you of jobs of better opportunities for them and better advantages.
You will do us a great favor to answer us in advance.
Mobile, Ala., June 11, 1917.
Dear Sir: Will you please send me the name of the society in Chicago that cares for colored emigrants who come north seeking-employment sometime ago I saw the name of this society in the defender but of late it does not appear in the paper so I kindly as you please try and get the name of this society and send the same to me at this city.
Mobile, Ala., April 27, 1917.
Sir: Your advertisement appearing in the Chicago Defender have influenced me to write to you with no delay. For seven previous years I bore the reputation of a first class laundress in Selma. I have much experience with all of the machines in this laundry. This laundry is noted for its skillful work of neatness and ect. We do sample work for different laundries of neighboring cities, viz. Montgomery, Birmingham and Mobile once or twice a year. At preseant I do house work but would like to get in touch with the Chicago ——. I have an eager desire of a clear information how to get a good position. I have a written recommendation from the foreman of which I largely depend upon as a relief. You will do me a noble favor with an answer in the earliest possible moment with a description all about the work.
Jacksonville, Fla., 4-25-17.
Dear Sir: in reading a copy of the Chicago defender note that if i get in touch with you you would assist me in getting imployment. i am now imployed in Florida East coast R R service road way department any thing in working line myself and friends would be very glad to get in touch with as labors. We would be more than glad to do so and would highly appreciate it the very best we can advise where we can get work to do, fairly good wages also is it possible that we could get transportation to the destination. We are working men with familys. Please answer at once, i am your of esteem. We are not particular about the electric lights and all i want is fairly good wages and steady work.
Pensacola, Fla., April 28, 1917.
Dear Sir: I seen in the Chicago Defender where men was wanted in small towns near Chicago at fair wages. As i want to lokate in the north i thought it very nessary to consult you in the direction of this work, hoping to receive from you full pertikulars i a wate a reply.
Atlanta, Ga., April 30, 1917.
Sir: I would thank you kindly to explain to me how you get work and what term I am comeing to Chicago this spring and would like to know jest what to do would thank and appreciate a letter from you soon telling me the thing that I wont to know.
Vicksburg, Miss., May the 5th, 1917.
Sir: Just wants you to give me a few words of enfermation of labor situations in your city or south Dakota grain farms what is their offers and their adress. Will thank you for any enfermation given of same.
Fullerton, La., April 28, 1917.
Dear sir: I was reading about you was neading labor ninety miles of Chicago what is the name of the place and what R R extends ther i wants to come north and i wants a stedy employment ther what doe you pay per day i dont no anything about molding works but have been working around machinery for 10 years. Let me no what doe you pay for such work and can you give me a job of that kind or a job at common labor and let me no your prices and how many hours for a day.
Marcel, Miss., 10/4/17.
Dear Sir: Although I am a stranger to you but I am a man of the so called colored race and can give you the very best or reference as to my character and ability by prominent citizens of my community by both white and colored people that knows me although am native of Ohio whiles I am a northern desent were reared in this state of Mississippi. Now I am a reader of your paper the Chicago Defender. After reading your writing ever wek I am compell & persuade to say that I know you are a real man of my color you have I know heard of the south land & I need not tell you any thing about it. I am going to ask you a favor and at the same time beg you for your kind and best advice. I wants to come to Chicago to live. I am a man of a family wife and 1 child I can do just any kind of work in the line of common labor & I have for the present sufficient means to support us till I can obtain a position. Now should I come to your town, would you please to assist me in getting a position I am willing to pay whatever you charge I dont want you to loan me not 1 cent but help me to find an occupation there in your town now I has a present position that will keep me employed till the first of Dec. 1917. now please give me your best advice on this subject. I enclose stamp for reply.
Beaumont, Tex., May 14, 1917.
My dear Sir: Please write me particulars concerning emigration to the north. I am a skilled machinist and longshoreman.
St. Petersburg, Fla., May 31, 1917.
Dear Sir: pleas inform me of the best place in the north for the colored people of the South, I am coming north and I want to know of a good town to stop in. I enclose stamp for reply.
Sanford, Fla., April 27, 1917.
Dear Sir: I have seen through the Chicago Defender that you and the people of Chicago are helping newcomers. I am asking you for some information about conditions in some small town near Chicago.
There are some families here thinking of moving up, and are desirous of knowing what to expect before leaving. Please state about treatment, work, rent and schools. Please answer at some spare time.
New Orleans, La., April 30, 1917.
Dear Sir: Seeing you ad in the defender I am writing you to please give me some information concerning positions—unskilled labor or hotel work, waiter, porter, bell boy, clothes cleaning and pressing. I am experienced in those things, especially in the hotel line. am 27 years of age, good health—have a wife—wish you could give me information as I am not ready to come up at present. would be thankful if you could arrange with some one who would forward transportation for me and wife. would be very glad to hear from you as soon as convenient. Thanking you in advance for interest shown me.
New Orleans, La., April 23, 1917.
Dear Sir: Reading a article in the 21st issue of the Chicago Defender about the trouble you had to obtain men for work out of Chicago and also seeing a advertisement for men in Detroit saying to apply to you I beg to state to you that if your could secure me a position in or around Chicago or any northern section with fairly good wages & good living conditions for myself and family I will gladly take same and if ther could be any ways of sending me transportation I will gladly let you or the firm you get me position with deduct transportation fee out of my salary. as I said before I will gladly take position in northern city or county where a mans a man here are a few positions which I am capable of holding down. Laborer, expirance porter, butler or driver of Ford car. Thaking you in advance for your kindness, beg to remain.
Cedar Grove, La., April 23, 1917.
Dear Sir: to day I was advise by the defendent offices in your city to communicate with you in regards to the labor for the colored of the south as I was lead to beleave that you was in position of firms of your city & your near by surrounding towns of Chicago. Please state me how is the times in & around Chicago for the colored laboring man of the south & the average salary of the labor man & the rates of room & ordanary board. Kindly state to me just in every prticly that you no of that I have asked. I will be in your city on or before six weeks from date above and desire to becom a citizen of same. Please reply me at wonce. i enclos stamp for quick action. When i arive you city i will be more than glad to apply at your place as i wish to thank you in advance for any asistance that you will do for me or tell me.
New Orleans, La., 5-5-17.
Dear Sir: Am applying for a position in your city if there be any work of my trade. I am a water pipe corker and has worked foreman on subservice drainage and sewer in this city for ten (10) years. I am now out of work and want to leave this city. I am a man of family therefore I am very anxious for an immediate reply. Please find enclosed self addressed envelop for return answer.
New Orleans, La., 5-5-17.
Dear Sirs: I was advised by the Chicago Defender to get in touch with you if I desired to locate in or around Chicago. I write this to find out what kind of work that you have on slate. I expect to locate in or around Chicago by the first of June.
Anniston, Ala., April 29, 1918.
Dear sir: I read a peas in the defender about the member com north I shall be vary glad to com in touch with you, as am planing on coming north and I riting you that you mite no of som good town in that secson I am a carpenter by traid and I would like for you to locate in me as I should not like to com in that secson with out no enfremation.
Charleston, S. C., Feb. 10, 1917.
Gentlemen: Upon reading the N. Y. age, have seen where there are need of employees in some sugar concern in New York. Kindly answer this letter, and tell me the nature of the work.
As I am from the south and it is an average difficulty for a southerner to endure the cold without being climatize. If it is possiable for you to get any other job for me regardless to its nature just since the work is indoor I'll appreciate the same.
As it is understood the times in the south is very hard and one can scarcely live. Kindly take the matters into consideration, and reply to my request at your earliest convenience.
Charleston, S. C., May 25, 1917.
Sir: Having been informed that you can secure jobs for people who desire to leave the south, I would like to get information about the conditions and wages either in Niagra or Detroit. I would prefer work in a factory in either town. Also advise as to climate.
Dear Sirs: Having heard of you through a friend of mine, I thought that I would write asking you to please send me full information as to conditions and chances for the advancement of the negro in the north.
I am seeking for the opportunity and chance of advancement as far as my ability is capable as I am a negro my self.
I would like very much to get in touch with you if think that you can give me some assistance along the line which I have spoken.
Miami, Fla., May 4, 1917.
Dear Sir: Some time ago down this side it was a rumour about the great work going on in the north. But at the present time every thing is quite there, people saying that all we have been hearing was false until I caught hold of the Chicago Defender I see where its more positions are still open. Now I am very anxious to get up there. I follows up cooking. I also was a stevedor. I used to have from 150 to 200 men under my charge. They thought I was capable in doing the work and at the meantime I am willing to do anything. I have a wife and she is a very good cook. She has lots of references from the north and south. Now dear sir if you can send me a ticket so I can come up there and after I get straightened out I will send for my wife. You will oblige me by doing so at as early date as possible.
Dear Sirs: I am now looking for a location and am a man hunting work and there is so many has left the South for the north and Seemes as they are all gone to one place now please send the names of some firms that wants labor i am a Man who Beleave in right and Beleave in work and has worked all of my days and mean to work till i die and Never been No kind of trouble and never has to be made work.
Now i will Cloes, hoping to here from you Soon Yours Very Truly,
New Orleans, La., 4/24/17
Dear Sirs: Being desirous of leaving the South for the beterment of my condition generaly and seeking a Home Somewhere in Ill' Chicago or some other prosperious Town I am at sea about the best place to locate having a family dependent on me for support. I am informed by the Chicago Defender a very valuable paper which has for its purpose the Uplifting of my race, and of which I am a constant reader and real lover, that you were in position to show some light to one in my condition.
Seeking a Northern Home. If this is true Kindly inform me by next mail the next best thing to do Being a poor man with a family to care for, I am not coming to live on flowry Beds of ease for I am a man who works and wish to make the best I can out of life I do not wish to come there hoodwinked not knowing where to go or what to do so I Solicite your help in this matter and thanking you in advance for what advice you may be pleased to Give I am yours for success.
P.S. I am presently imployed in the I C RR. Mail Department at Union Station this city.
Palestine, Tex., Mar. 11th, 1917.
Sirs: this is somewhat a letter of information I am a colored Boy aged 15 years old and I am talented for an artist and I am in search of some one will Cultivate my talent I have studied Cartooning therefore I am a Cartoonist and I intend to visit Chicago this summer and I want to keep in touch with your association and too from you knowledge can a Colored boy be an artist and make a white man's salary up there I will tell you more and also send a fiew samples of my work when I rec an answer from you.
Topeka, Kansas, May 1st, 1917.
The Editor of The Chicago Defender.
My Dear Sir: Being a regular reader of your most valuable paper (The Defender) I am impressed with the seeming unlimited interest that paper is taking in the welfare of the army of emigrants comeing from the south.
This alone without the knowledge of its incomparable service as a link in the chain that should bind our people together more closely through out the country, should demand its presence in every negro home of this country. In keeping in touch with the doings of our people in the east and northern states through the Defender. To the Majority of the Middle western race people it seem quite improbable that opportunities for good wage earning positions such as factory work and too a chance for advancement would be given to the workers of our race.
Such conditions in this part of the country to my knowledge is rare. Noteing in the issue of last weeks paper through the investigation into certain matter concerning our people some appearantly well organized league found openings for negro workmen in some parts of Wis. and Ill. that could not be filled.
As I for one that am not satisfied to content myself with little and to remain in the same old rut for the sake of lengthy assiation and fair treatment I am making My appeal to you in your wide aquaintence with conditions to help me to take advangage of an oppertunity that I might other wise miss.
I am mechanically inclined also with the advantage of a course with the International Correspondance School in Automobile work and with several years experience. I am not afraid of any kind of work that pays.
Will kindly ask you to help me all you can at my expense and I will be very grateful to you.
Gonzales, Texas, May 28, 1917.
New York Age, New York, N. Y.
Gentlemen: I wish to know if a man from the south come north, such as common laborer, stationery engineer, gasoline engineer, fireman or janitor able to care for heating plants ets. and able to pay his own way there, is there a likelihood of finding lucrative employment?
I would be plased to have you advise me on the same as myself and several other men of good morals and sober habits and who are able to bear our own expenses would like to better our conditions by coming North.
If you can advise us or Know of any one or place that we can get the desired information please give us the benefit of the same.
Find stamp enclosed for answer.
Houston, Texas, April 20, 1917.
Dear Sir: wanted to leave the South and Go and Place where a man will Be any thing Except A Ker I thought would write you for Advise As where would be a Good Place for a Comporedly young man That want to Better his Standing who has a very Promising young Family.
I am 30 years old and have Good Experence in Freight Handler and Can fill Position from Truck to Agt.
would like Chicago or Philadelphia But I dont Care where so long as I Go where a man is a man Hopeing hear of you soon as I want to leave on or about 15 day of May I am yours as Ever.
Temple, Texas, April 29, 1917.
Mr. T. Arnold Hill, 3719 State St., Chicago, Ill.
Dear Sir: Being a reader of the Defender and young man seeking to better my conditions in the business world, I have decided to leave this State for North or West. I would like to get in touch with a person or firm that I might know where I can secure steady work. I would certainly appericate any information you might be able to give. I finished the course in Blacksmithing and horseshoeing at Prairie View College this State and took special wood working in Hampton Institute Hampton Va. Have been in practical business for several years also I am specializing auto work. I am a married man a member of the church. Thanking you in advance for any favors Am very truly
Rome, Ga., 5/16/17
Dear Sir: "Ive" just read your ad in the Chicago Definder on getting employment. So I will now ask you to do the best you can for me. Now, Mr. ——, I am not a tramp by any means, I am a high class churchman and business man.
I am the Daddy of the Transfer Business in this city. And carried it on for teen years. Seven years ago I sold out to a white Concern.
I prefer a job in a Retail furniture store if I can be placed "Ill' now name a few things that I do. Viz I can repair and Finish furniture, I am an Exspert packer & Crater of furniture, I pack China, Cut Glass & Silver ware.
I can Enamel, Grain & paint furniture. I can repair Violins, Guitars, & Mandolins, I am a first-class Umbrella Man, I can do any thing that can be do to Umbrella & parasol, I can manage a Transfer Business, I understand all about Shipping H. H. Goods & gurniture, I can make out Bills of Lading & write tags for the same.
Now if you can place me on any of these Trades it will be all O.K.
Houston Tex April., 30, 1917.
Sir: I read in the Chicago Defender April the 28 inst that you wonted men to labor in mills sir Eff you Cand Get me a joB to doo it will be Hiley orpresheAted I am A masster firman I cand handle oil or I cand Burn Cole Keep up my pumps in Good order and i is A no. 1 masheane helper I cand doo moste eny thange around the mill and if you cand Get me a joB I Will hiley orpresheate it
And I Will Ask you to send me a pass for self and wife and when I Come take out my fare out off my work so pleas let me here from You at once I wonter com at once Cand Come recker-mended pleaS oBlige
Atlanta, Ga., May 1/1917.
Mr. Arnold Hill.
Dear Sire: I am a glazer and want information on My line of work. I am a cutter and can do anything in a glazing room.
I reads the Defender and like it so much, hoping to hear from you soon
Brook Haven, Miss., 4/24/1917.
Chicago Urban League.
Sirs: I was reading in the defender that theare was good openings for Men in Smalle towns near Chicago would like to know if they are seeking loborers or mechanics I am going to come north in a few days and would rather try to have me a position in view would you kindly advise me along this line as I am not particular about locateing in the city all I desire is a good position where I can earn a good liveing I am experienced in plumbing and all kinds of metal roofing and compositeon roofing an ans from you on this subject would certainly be appreciated find enclosed addressed envelop for reply I wait your early reply as I want to leave here not later than May 8th I remain respectfully yours,
P. S. will say that I am a Man of family dont think that I am picking my Job as any position in any kind of shop would be appreciated have had 12 years experience in pipe fitting.
Pine Bluff, Ark., 4/23-17.
Mr. R. S. Abbott
Kine frind: I am riting you asting you to see if you can get me a job with some of the ship bilders I am a carpenter & can Do most iny thing so if you can get me a job pleas rite me at once.
Pensacola, Fla., 4-29/17.
Dear Sir: I was looking over The Chicago Defender & I saw where you wanting mins to work & the meantime was advanceing transportation if it is so i would thank you kindly if you will aid me with a Transportation that i may come and get some of thoes jobs thae i am a painter by traid but i will & can do eny kind of worke i am a sober and hard working Man my weight is 179 Lbs heigth 6 ft 2 in i see where you can use sum moulders i am not a Moulder but I am a moulder son I can do that worke till the Moulder Come very skilful at eny kind of work Hoping to here from you Soon for more rezult.
Patterson, La., May 1, 1917.
Kind Sir: I saw your ad in the Defender for Laborers I am anxious to get north to do something I am a Cleaner and Presser by Trade exprence Hoffman Pressing mashine oppreator of this Trade is Not in your line. I would be very glad if you could get me a Transportation Advanced from Chicago to woek with the Molders I am anxious to lean That Trade I hope you with them and I would like to learn the Trade.
I hope you will attend to the above matter as I am in Eanest about this matter.
Atlanta, Ga.
To the Urban Committy—
Dear Sir: I am comming north and have read advice in the Chicago Defender and I would be very much obliged to you if you would direct me to some firm that is in need of brick layers for that is my Professical trade and can do any class of work and if I can't get Brick Work now I will consider any other good Job as I want to come right away I have 3 in fambly and I have no objection to work in other small towns I will be very glad to hear from you right away as I have never been north and advice will be excepted yours truly and friend of the race.
Hattiesburg, Miss., 12/4/16.
Hon. John T. Clark, Sec. National League on Urban Conditions,
New York City, N.Y.Sir: I am writing you on matters pertaining to work and desirable locations for industrous and trust worthy laborers. Me for myself and a good number of Friends especially thousand of our people are moving out from this section of whom all can be largely depended upon for good service, for the past 15 years I have been engaged in insurance work of which I am at the head of one now, And have a large host of people at my command. I have had a deal of experience in the lumbering business, Hotel, Agency of most any kind. Any information as to employment and desirable locations especially for good School Conditions Church Etc., will be appreciated.
Fayette, Ga., January 17, 1917.
Dear Sir: I have learned of the splendid work which you are doing in placing colored men in touch with industrial opportunities. I therefore write you to ask if you have an opening anywhere for me. I am a college graduate and understand Bookkeeping. But I am not above doing hard labor in a foundry or other industrial establishment. Please let me know if you can place me.
Natchez, Miss., Sept. 22-17.
Mr. R. S. Abbott, Editor.
Dear Sir: I thought that you might help me in Some way either personally or through your influence, is why I am worrying you for which I beg pardon.
I am a married man having wife and mother to support, (I mention this in order to properly convey my plight) conditions here are not altogether good and living expenses growing while wages are small. My greatest desire is to leave for a better place but am unable to raise the money.
I can write short stories all of which potray negro characters but no burlesque can also write poems, have a gift for cartooning but have never learned the technicalities of comic drawing, these things will never profit me anything here in Natchez. Would like to know if you could use one or two of my short stories in serial form in your great paper they are very interesting and would furnish good reading matter. By this means I could probably leave here in short and thus come in possession of better employment enabling me to take up my drawing which I like best.
Kindly let me hear from you and if you cannot favor me could you refer me to any Negro publication buying fiction from their race.
Baton Rouge, La., 4/26/17.
Dear Sir: I saw your advertisement in the Chicago Defender. I am planning to move North this summer. I am one of the R. F. D. Mail Carriers of Baton Rouge. As you are in the business of securing Jobs for the newcomers, I thought possibly you could give some information concerning a transfer or a vacancy, in the government service, such, as city carrier, Janitor, or something similar that requires an ordinary common school education. Possibly you could give me information about some good firm, that pays from, $3.50 upwards. If I could get a Job with a good reliable firm I would not mind quitting the government service, I have been a Mail carrier for 11 years.
I want to buy property and locate in Chicago permently with my family.
Please let me know what are your charges for securing positions.
Decatur, Ala., 4/25/17.
The Chicago Urban League
Gentlemen: Gentlemens desious of Settling in some Small Northern Town With a modrate Population & also Where a Colored man may open a business Also where one may receive fairly good wedges for a While ontill well enough, azainted with Place to do a buiseness in other words Wonts to locate in Some Coming town Were agoodly no, of colard People is. Wonts to Work At Some occupation ontill I can arrange for other buiseness Just Give Me information As to the best placers for a young buiseness Negro to locate & make good. in. Any Northern State
Thanking you inavance any information you may give in regards to Laber & buiseness Location Also when good Schools or in opration Please adress
P. S. answer this at once as I plain to leave the South by May the 3rd. I can furnish best reffreces.
Dyersburg, Tennessee, 5/20, 1917.
The Defender, Negro News Journal,
My dear Sir: Please hand this letter to the Agency of the negro Employment Bureau—connected with your department—that I may receive a reply from the same—I am a practical fireman—, or stoker as the yankee people call it—have a good knowledge of operating machinery—have been engaged in such work for some 20 yrs—will be ready to call—or come on demand—I am a married man—just one child, a boy about 15 yrs—of—age—a member of the Methodist Episcopal Church—and aspire to better my condition in life—Do me the kindness to hand this to the agent.
Jacksonville, Fla.
I seen your advertisement in the Chicago defender where you would direct men with families where to go in order to find good work. I am a Southern cook, butler or Janitor I have two boys age 15 yrs & 13 yrs, and wife that does maid work now I would like for you to help me locate myself & family some where up there for work I can furnish reference to thirteen years of service at one place I am anxious to come right away.
Lexington, Miss., May 12-17.
My dear Mr. H——:—I am writing to you for some information and assistance if you can give it.
I am a young man and am disable, in a very great degree, to do hard manual labor. I was educated at Alcorn College and have been teaching a few years: but ah: me the Superintendent under whom we poor colored teachers have to teach cares less for a colored man than he does for the vilest beast. I am compelled to teach 150 children without any assistance and receives only $27.00 a month, the white with 30 get $100.
I am so sick I am so tired of such conditions that I sometime think that life for me is not worth while and most eminently believe with Patrick Henry "Give me liberty or give me death." If I was a strong able bodied man I would have gone from here long ago, but this handicaps me and, I must make inquiries before I leap.
Mr. H——, do you think you can assist me to a position I am good at stenography typewriting and bookkeeping or any kind of work not to rough or heavy. I am 4 feet 6 in high and weigh 105 pounds.
I will gladly give any other information you may desire and will greatly appreciate any assistance you may render me.
Pasca Goula, Miss., May the 8, 1917.
Dear Sir & frend: as understand that you ar the man for me to con for to & i want to Com to you & my frend & i has not got the money to Com Will you pleas Sir send me & my frend a ticket to Com an if you will I will glad La Com at onC & will worK et out will Be glad to do so I will not ask you to send the redey Casch for you dont nae me & if you Will Send me 2 tickets i will gladly take the, & i will Com Jest now hoping to hear from you by re torn male Yors Evor.
Memphis, Tenn., May 5, 1917.
Dear Sir: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender papa and me being a firman and a all around man I thought I would write you. prehaps You might could do me lots of good, and if you can use me any way write me and let me No. in my trade or in foundry work. all so I got a boy 19 years old he is pretty apt in Learning I would Like to get him up there and Learn him a trade and I have several others would come previding if there be an opening for them. So this is all ans. soon
Algiers, La., May 16-17.
Sir: I saw sometime ago in the Chicago Defender, that you needed me for different work, would like to state that I can bring you all the men that you need, to do anything of work. or send them, would like to Come my self Con recomend all the men I bring to do any kind of work, and will give satisfaction; I have bin foreman for 20 yrs over some of these men in different work from R. R. work to Boiler Shop machine shop Blacksmith shop Concreet finishing or puting down pipe or any work to be did. they are all hard working men and will work at any kind of work also plastering anything in the labor line, from Clerical work down, I will not bring a man that is looking for a easy time only hard working men, that want good wages for there work, let me here from you at once,
Ellisville, Miss., 5/1/17.
Kind Sir: I have been takeing the Defender 4 months I injoy reading it very much I dont think that there could be a grander paper printed for the race, then the defender. Dear Editor I am thinking of leaving for Some good place in the North or West one I dont Know just which I learn that Nebraska was a very good climate for the people of the South. I wont you to give me some ideas on it, Or Some good farming country. I have been public working for 10 year. I am tired of that, And want to get out on a good farm. I have a wife and 5 children and we all wont to get our from town a place an try to buy a good home near good Schools good Churchs. I am going to leave here as soon as I get able to work. Some are talking of a free train May 15 But I dont no anything of that. So I will go to work an then I will be sure, of my leaving Of course if it run I will go but I am not depending on it Wages here are so low can scarcely live We can buy enough to eat we only buy enough to Keep up alive I mean the greater part of the Race. Women wages are from $1.25 Some time as high as $2.50. just some time for a whole week.
Hoping Dear Editor that I will get a hearing from you through return mail, giving me Some ideas and Some Sketches on the different Climate suitable for our health.
P. S. You can place my letter in Some of the Defender Colums but done use my name in print, for it might get back down here.
Talladega, Ala., Apri 29, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender and have been reading in your paper of occupations waiting to be filled. And as I understand you want the person writting to state just what kind of work they can do. I can car petter work and have been off and own for some years. I am not a finished up carpenter, I can do ware-house work, I can work in a wholesale, I have not sufficient money to come on will you be obliging to send me my transportation. I am near thirty eight (38) years old and weighs about one hundred and ninety five (195) pounds. If you will send a transportation please write me at once at Talladega.
Mobile, Ala., April 21. 17.
Dear Sirs: I am a man that would like to get work in some place where I can elevate my self & family & I think some where in the north is the place for me & I would like to get you gentlemen to advise me in getting a location my trade is cook rail Road camp cars pre fered but will do enything els that I can do. so if you all can help me out in eny way I will Sure take it as a favor.
Palestine, Tex., Mar. 24, 17.
Mr. Editor—
My dear Sir: I have been reading your paper for some time my farther is a subscriber for the New York age I have read a few letters in your paper asking for help of securing a position in the North I am trying to make a man of myself I can get any work down here in the South and owing to prejudice I cant get a start I am 18 yrs. of age weighs 152 lbs. and any position that you can get me will work at any job—untill I can get better I am asking how can I get transportation from here it can be deducted from salary and I will certainly appreciate any thing you do for me toward helping me leave the south a gol any where in the north—please help me if you possible can
I am hoping to hear from you some time soon Your agent of Palestine Mr. —— is a cousin to me my farther is principle of D—— School but refuses to help me any I havent any special trade a little expierence in stage work and drawing.
Bessemer, Ala., 5/14/17.
Sirs: Noticing an ad in Chicago Defender of your assitance to those desiring employment there I thought mayhaps you could help me secure work in your Windy City I'm a married man have one child. I have common school education this is my hand write. I am presently employed as a miner has been for 14 years but would like a Change I'm apt to learn would like to get where I could go on up and support myself and family. You know more about it than I but in your opinion could I make anything as pullman porter being inexsperienced? I'd be so grateful to U. to place me in something Ive worked myself too hard for nothing. I'm sober and can adjust my life with any kind and am a quiet Christian man.
New Orleans, 4/25/17.
Kind Sir: I noticed in last weeks Defender an issieu relating to ocupations in your territory I am a Laborer of N.O. and desire to get information concerning Best ways and means of securing a Position I am absolutely willing to do manual Labor any-where will you—Kindly inform me as to what step can be taken for further reference if necessary apply to —— Hoping this will meet with your generous approval I remain
New Orleans, April 22, 1917.
under the head lines in the Chicage Defender of Saturday April 22-17 I red how some of us that goes up north are being treated. there is a few that have gone from this city north, and came back a few weeks. some say they came back on account of being to cold "The others Say they ware to pay so much to get work etc" I would like to go north. and would rather be in some place. other then Chicago. or near Chicago. I am a union man" but dont exspect to work at union only" there is a few of us union men that are planing to go north and Kindly please write me" all so I mail you one of my union cards hoping to heare from you soon I am respectfully, Yours.
Memphis, Tenn., May 12 8 17.
Dear Sir: I am a constant reader of your paper which can be purchased here at the Panama Cafe news stand. Mr. —— at present I am employed as agent for the Interstate Life and acc'd ins. Co. but on account of the race people leaving here so very fast my present job is no longer a profitable one. I have a number of young friends in your city who are advising me to come to Chicago and I have just about made up my mind to come. but before leaving here I wanted to ask Some advice from you along certain lines. I am buying property here and taking up notes each month on Same these notes now are aroun $14 per month. and with my present Salary and the unusual high price on everything I can't possibly protect myself very long against a foreclosure on above mentioned property on account of my Salary being less than $50.00 per month. Mr. —— do you think I could come to your city with myself and wife rent this place out here and better my condition financially? I am strong and able to do anything kind of work so long as the Salary is O. K. I have a fair experience as a meat cutter and can furnish the best of reference from business houses one of them is Swift & Co of this city. I hope you can understand me clearly, it is my aim to make an honest living and would not dream of any other method. I am prepared to leave here at any time and must go Some place but Chicago is the place that impress me most. and having the confidence in you as a great race man I am writing you for your honest opinion concerning the facts in the matter. Many thanks for the information in today's paper under the Caption ("Know thyself") hoping this will meet with your hearty Cooperation.
P. S. What is about the average salaries paid there for unskilled laborers and what is board and room rent? if I come would it be advisable to come alone and Secure location and everything and then have my wife come later?
Jackson, Miss., May 10-17.
Kind Sir: I saw your ad., in the Chicago Defender. Where you wonted 15 or 20 good men. So I am Writing you asking you do you still wont them. Also you said that you would send transportation for them. If you still wont them I can get good steady working men that wount to work and not gambling no rounders but working men. I am working man can work at anything not a left hand man but work both right and left. So please let me hear from you at once. For I wont to work and wont to work now. So if you Can not send transportation for all send me one. Please Oblige me.
P.S. Please let me hear from you at once.
Memphis, Tenn., May 22nd, 1917.
Sir: As you will see from the above that I am working in an office somewhat similar to the one I am addressing, but that is not the purpose with which I sat out to write.
What I would like best to know is can you secure me a position there? I will not say that I am capable of doing any kind of labor as I am not. Have had an accidental injury to my right foot; hence I am incapable of running up and down stairs, but can go up and down by taking my time. I can perform janitors duties, tend bar, or grocery store, as clerk. I am also a graduate of the Law Department, Howard University, Washington, D. C. Class of '85 but this fact has not swelled my head. I am willing to do almost any thing that I can do that there is a dollar to it. I am a man of 63 years of age. Lived here all of my life, barring 5 or 6 years spent in Washington and the East. Am a christian, Bapitst by affiliation.
Have been a teacher, clerk in the government department, Law and Pension offices, for 5 years, also a watchman in the War Dept. also collector and rental agent for the late R. R. Church, Esq. Member of Canaan Baptist Church, Covington, Tenn. Now this is the indictment I plead to.
Sir, If you can place me I will be willing to pay anything in reason for the service. I have selected a place to stop with a friend of earlier days at ——, whenever I can get placed there. An early reply will be appreciated by yours respectfully.
Pascoqoula, Miss., April 8 17,
Dear Sir: As you have charge of the Urban League, I want to know if the League can locate work for about 8 or 10 men. We are all middle-aged men and would like to have our faires paid and deducted from our wages.
We will work in any small town in Illinois. All of these men are property owners and have large families. We'll leave families 'till later on.
Any good you can do for us Will be highly appreciated.
P.S. Some of these men have trades and are capable of working in railroad shops.
Hamlet, N. C., May 29, 1917.
Gentlemen: I am very desirous of changing my location and am writing to know whether or not you can find a lucrative opening for me somewhere in the North.
I am 42 years old, married, wife and four children and a public school teacher and printer by profession and trade. Will accept any kind of work with living wages, on tobacco farm or factory. I am a sober, steady worker and shall endeavor to render satisfaction in any position in which I am placed.
Beaumont, Texas, July 16, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am a colored, am desiring work in New York or some of the adjoining states. I am not a skilled workman but I can do most any kind of common labor. I have spent several years in the plaining mills of the south. I know all about feeding planers and I can also keep them up very well. I have checked lumber and in fact, I can do a number of different things.
Will you be kind enough to put me in correspondence with some one who would like to employ a good conscientious steady laborer.
I have a family and I would be glad to come north to live. So please be so kind as to do me the favor above asked. I have a little education too if it could be used to any advantage.
Hoping an early reply.
Collins, Miss., May 1st, 1917.
Dear Sir: By being a Subscriber and reader of the Chicago Defender, I read an advertisement where they are wanting and needing help. Needing Moulders and Machinist of course I do not know anything about the trade. But they Said they would pay men $2.25 begin with and Learn the trade And transportation forworded and they would deduct it Out of their wages.
I am Very Anxious to Come Up North. And I would put all of my energy and mind on my work. And try in every way to please the One for whom I am working for. They could get about five men from here. One that is a Pretty good Machinist I am Writting you as they Gave two branches for Colored and that you is the head of the —— So Any favors extended towards Me will be highly Appreciated hoping to hear from you at an early Date I remain yours truly.
McDonoghvill, La., May 1—1917.
dear Mr. ——: it afford me With pleasur to right to you on Some infermashian how to get me a transportation to Some town in the North as i Would like to Come out there to Live and better my condition as i am A young Man and desire to get With the good Clase of Laboring people i have not got a trade but i have Work all My time around oil Mill and Coopper Shop for the Last 8 years and i cand work at Moust enj thing if i get A Little experence.
My age is—24—years good healt good behaver goof record in the south this is all to tell now but if you would Like to no My record i caNd give it to you from my Lodge—are from my church—good by
Hattiesburg, Miss., May 27th, 1917.
Gentlemen: by reading in the defender of the position you are in for securing jobs. I thought I would write, and see if you could place me. Now my job pay me well, but as my wife and Children are anxious to come north I would try and get a job now I am a yellow Pine Lumber inspector and checker can furnish recomdation from some reliable Saw Mill Firms as there is in South Miss. As Gradeing Triming & Checking yellow pine lumber.
P. S. I know I can make good in any Lumber Yard such as checking & stowing Lumber if you Will place me write on what terms to—
Winona, Miss., 4/13/17.
In reading the defender I saw your advertising for more men I would like very much to come up their I wants to leave the South and go whear I can make a support for myself and Family. I have a wife and six children to take cair of and I would like to bee whair I could cair for Them my occupation is Carpenter but I can do most any kind of work will you furnish me a Transportation to com up thair on
Greenwood, Miss., Apr. 22nd, 17.
Sir: I noticed in the Defender about receiving some information from you about positions up there or rather work and I am very anxious to know what the chances are for business men. I am very anxious to leave the South on account of my children but mu husband doesn't seem to think that he can succeed there in business, he is a merchant and also knows the barber trade what are the chances for either? Some of our folks down here have the idea that this Northern movement means nothing to any body but those who go out and labor by the day. I am willing to work myself to get a start. Tell me what we could really do. I will do most anything to get our family out of Bam. Please let this be confidential.
Winina, Miss., Mar the 19 1917.
My dear driend: it is With murch pleaser that i rite to You to let You no i reed Your letter & Was glad to hear from you all so i excepts all you Said that you wood do for me so i am a Painter and Carter to So i am willing to learn in neything in works kind So mr. —— i thank You for Your kindes for all of Your aid so i am a Barber to so i am a good farmer to al all kind So i am not Set do Wn at all so if You Can healp pleas do So So i hay niCe famely so i will tell you i am a Curch member for 38 years i and all of my famely but 3 children so i am not a de Sever So mr. —— i wood ask you for if the monney So i Was so glad to get your letter dear Sit When I com up thire look for me at your offes Pleas so mr —— i all waYs hold gob When i get wone So in god name pleas healp me up there and i will pay you When i com up thire mr —— i Cant raise my famely hear i wanter to So this all Your friend
Knoxville, Tenn., Apr. 30, '17.
Dear Sir: I am anxious to come to Chicago. I have thirteen years experiance as janitor in large residence apartment house, am also handy with tools.
I have a wife and four children. If you can place me where I can earn a decent living for my family will appreciate it.
Montgomery, Ala., Dec. 3rd, 1916.
Dear Sir: in Reading The Defender I See Where you are Disirious of Communicating With a better class of working men To supply the different trades. Please advise Some place by which I could better my condition North or East.
I would be glad To come in to a better Knowing by writting you before Starting
Jazoo City, Miss., 4/3/17.
dear sir: I owe in Con sist to write you a few lines as in the regards of my ability as I am anxus to get some work to do I have a famely to work for and I habe bin workin as helper and bon do most any Kind of work. Has been in the Bixness as MoChinest helper for 7 years and Have fally good ExpernCe in it and would like for you to Help me out if possibl to do so I Would like to work in some Shop or Millplant and I Would lik for you to send me a transpotation and I will pay out of my salry so answer soon and let me no what yo Can do for me I Will Close.
Mobile, Ala., May the 4, 1917.
Dear Sir: I write you a few line to find out about the Work and if I could get you to Send me and Wife and Son a transportation I am not a loafer and can send references that I will work.
P. S. Please rite me at once I am anxious to here from you.
Pensacola, Fla., 30th, 1917.
Dear Sir: in answer to your advertisment for labors I am a man want to work am noes a opertunity Please notiefie me at ane as I Want to get Job with you I Will Ask a Transportation an will leve when its reaches me Please take my letter in canceration ans me at once as I very anxious to from I am stiedy drink no whiskey or eny thing that is intosicating an can give fot the infomation Right soon
Macon, Ga., 4/30/17.
Mr. ——: i War took and Read the Chicago Defender and i read for the Wanted laborers and i am rinten to you to let you here from we all that Wold liKe to taKe a laborers part with this Manufacturing and We or Willing to do ennery kind of Work and We or men Will Work and or Glad that me seet With this canne and We will gladly come if you will Send us transportation fore 9 Mens and We Will Come at once and these Mens is Men With Famly and We all or hard work men and i Will Say A Gin that Me Will do enny Kind of Work dut Me thave a tirde Some us
Pensacola, Fla., April 29-1917.
Sir: While sitting reading the Chicago defender I found that you are in need labering mens that will work sir I am a labering man and I womts to came but are able to pay my way so I ask you to send me a transportation and I will come Just as soon as I get it I am a married man have a wife and six childrens and I wonte to take car of them but con not here in the south so let me here from you in return mail.
Pensacola, Fla., 4-25-17.
Dear Sir: Having read in the "Chicago Defender" are helping the negroes of the South to secure employment I am writing you this note asking you to please put me & my friend in touch with some firm that are employing men.
Please do what you can for us.
Jacksonville, Fla., June 12, 1917.
dear sir: I am writing to you for information concerning a Job I have a wife and 2 children and who so ever my employer may Be I would ask that they may send trancipertation for me and my family and I will pay as i work I am a come laber man my wife is a good launders all So my daughter and My Son is a laber all so I am a railroad mon By trade please aBlige mr ——
Port Arthur, Texas.
Kind sir: inclose you will find Just a word to you in reading the News I found your address and was very glad to see it Kind sir I write you with my hole heart and I do not mean Just to pass off time my brothers and I are now writing you to please send 2 tickets one for —— and one for ——
we are Very Well Experence long many lines so long as publice work I am now employed in the largest Company in the south it is the Gulf Refining Co. I have ben Working for them for a number of years Write soon I remain yours very truly.
Beaumont, Texas, May 7, 1917.
Dear Sir: I see in one of your recent issue of collored men woanted in the North I wish you would help me to get a position in the North I have no trade I have been working for one company eight years and there is no advancement here for me and I would like to come where I can better my condition I woant work and not affraid to work all I wish is a chance to make good. I believe I would like machinist helper or Molder helper. If you can help me in any way it will be highly appreciate hoping to hear from you soon
Beaumont, Texas, May 8th, 1917.
Dear Sir: I wrote you some time ago, and never received any answer. I learn you can assist me in bettering my condition. I would like very much to come North. I have no trade but Im a willing worker, and the Job I have now I have had it for eight years and there is no advancement here for me. I can give eight year refference I would like mechinist helper or some thing where I could learn a trade I have a fair education and I wish is a chance I need no transportation Im very well fix financial Im single and 29 years old if you can help me in any way it will be highly appreciate. hoping to hear from you soon.
Houston, Texas, April 21, 17.
Dear Sir: As I was looking over your great news paper I would like very mutch to get Some information from you about Comeing to your great City, I have a famile and Can give you good Referns about my Self. I am a Working man and will Prove up to what I say and would be very glad to Know from you, about a Job Allthough I am at work But, If I Could get Something to do I would be very glad to leave the South, as I Read in the Chicago Defender about Some of my Race going north and makeing good.—well I would like to be on the List not with Standing my reputation is all O.K.
I thank you.
Jacksonville, Fla., May 22, 1917.
Chicago Defender: I wish to go North haven got money enuff to come I can do any kind of housework laundress nurse good cook has cook for northen people I am 27 years of age just my self would you kindly inderseed for me a job with some rich white people who would send me a ticket and I pay them back please help me. I am brown skin just meaden size.
New Orleans, La., August 27, 1917.
Dear Sir: i am wrighting you for help i haird of you by telling my troble i was told to right you. I wont to come there and work i have ben looking for work here for three month and cand find any i once found a place $1 a week for a 15 year old girl and i did not take that, now you may say how can that be but New Orleans is so haird tell some have to work for food and the only help i have is my mother and she have work 2 week now and she have four children young then me and i am 15teen and she have such a hard time tell she is willing for me to go and if you will sin me a pass you will not be sorry i am not no lazy girl i am smart i have got very much learning but i can do any work that come to my hand to do i am set here to day worry i could explane it to you i have ben out three time to day and it only 12 oclock. and if you please sire sine me a pass, it more thin i am able to tell you how i will thank you i have clothes to bring wenter dress to ware, my grand mama dress me but now she is dead and all i have is my mother now please sire sin me a pass and you wont be sorry of it and if you right and speake mean please ancer i will be glad of that but if you would sin a pass i would be so much glader i will work and pay for my pass if you sin it i am so sorry tell i cant talk like i wont to and if you and your famely dont wont to be worry with me I will stay where i work and will come and see you all and do any think i can for you all from little A—— V—— excuse bad righting.
Jacksonville, Fla., April 29, 1917.
My dear Sir: I take grate pleazer in writing you. as I found in your Chicago Defender this morning where you are secur job for men as I realey diden no if you can get a good job for me as am a woman and a widowe with two girls and would like to no if you can get one for me and the girls. We will do any kind of work and I would like to hear from you at once not any of us has any husbands.
Moss Point, Miss., May 5, 1917.
Dear Sirs: Will you please send me in formation towards a first class cookeing job or washing job I want a job as soom as you can find one for me also I want a job for three young girls ages 13 to 16 years. Pease oblidge.
New Orleans, La., May 7, 1917.
Gentlemen: I read Defender every week and see so much good youre doing for the southern people & would like to know if you do the same for me as I am thinking of coming to Chicago about the first of June, and wants a position. I have very fine references if needed. I am a widow of 28. No children, not a relative living and I can do first class work as house maid and dining room or care for invalid ladies. I am honest and neat and refined with a fairly good education. I would like a position where I could live on places because its very trying for a good girl to be out in a large city by self among strangers is why I would like a good home with good people. Trusting to hear from you.
Selma, Ala., May 19, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I think it is one of the Most Wonderful Papers of our race printed. Sirs I am writeing to see if You all will please get me a job. And Sir I can wash dishes, wash iron nursing work in groceries and dry good stores. Just any of these I can do. Sir, who so ever you get the job from please tell them to send me a ticket and I will pay them. When I get their as I have not got enough money to pay my way. I am a girl of 17 years old and in the 8 grade at Knox Academy School. But on account of not having money enough I had to stop school. Sir I will thank you all with all my heart. May God Bless you all. Please answer in return mail.
Natchez, Miss., Oct. 5, 1917.
Dear Sir: Now I am writing you to oblige me to put my application in the papers for me please. I am a body servant or nice house maid. My hair is black and my eyes are black and smooth skin and clear and brown, good teeth and strong and good health and my weight is 136 lb.
Corinth, Miss., April 30, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am a good cook age 35 years. I can bring my recermendation with me my name is —— ——. I am in good health so I would like for you to send me a transportation I have got a daughter and baby six months old so she can nurse so I would like to come up there and get a job of some kind I can wait table cook housegirl nurse or do any work I am ready to come just as soon as you send the passes to us I want to bring a box of quilts and a trunk of clothes so you please send us the passes for me and daughter. Write me at once I am a negro woman. We will leave her Sat. if you send the passes if you are not the man please give me some infamation to whom to write to a negro friend.
Biloxi, Miss., April 27, 1917.
Dear Sir: I would like to get in touch with you a pece of advise I am unable to under go hard work as I have a fracture ancle but in the mene time I am able to help my selft a great dele. I am a good cook and can give good recmendation can serve in small famly that has light work, if I could get something in that line I could work my daughters a long with me. She is 21 years and I have a husban all so and he is a fireman and want a positions and too small boy need to be in school now if you all see where there is some open for me that I may be able too better my condission anser at once and we will com as we are in a land of starvaten.
From a willen workin woman. I hope that you will healp me as I want to get out of this land of sufring I no there is som thing that I can do here there is nothing for me to do I may be able to get in some furm where I dont have to stand on my feet all day I dont no just whah but I hope the Lord will find a place now let me here from you all at once.
Jacksonville, Fla., April 28, 1917.
Kind sir: I seen your name in the Chicago Defender I am real anxious to go north I and my family I am a married womon with family my husbon and 3 children my olders boy 15 younger 13 baby 4 my sister 20. I can wash chamber mad dish washer nurse or wash and my boy can work my sister can cook or wash or nurse my husband is a good work and swift to lern we are collored pepel a good family wonts a job with good pepel pleas anser soon
Kind Sir: We have several times read your noted paper and we are delighted with the same because it is a thorough Negro paper. There is a storm of our people toward the North and especially to your city. We have watched your want ad regularly and we are anxious for location with good families (white) where we can be cared for and do domestic work. We want to engage as cook, nurse and maid. We have had some educational advantages, as we have taught in rural schools for few years but our pay so poor we could not continue. We can furnish testimonial of our honesty and integrity and moral standing. Will you please assist us in securing places as we are anxious to come but want jobs before we leave. We want to do any kind of honest labor. Our chance here is so poor.
Mobile, Ala., April 30, 1917.
Dear Sir: I after seeing your jobs advertised in the Defender was moved to write to you for clear information of the —— ——. I am a laundress wanting a position in some place where I can get pay for what I do, work here are too scarce to support me necessarily so I humbly wish you to favor me with an early answer stateing the entire nature of the great colored society. Your answer are daily and impatiently expected by your humble servant.
Vicksburg, Miss., May 7, 1917.
Dear Sir: This comes to say to you will you please inform us of some place of employment. We are working here at starvation wages and some of us are virtually without employment willing to accept any kind of work such as cooking, laundering or as domestics no objection to living in a small town, suburb or country. There are fifteen wants work. You can just write me and I will notify them please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience.
Letters About Clubs and Groups for the North
Sauk, Ga., May 1, 1917.
Dear Sir: There are about 15 or 20 of us hard working mans seeking employment an we would be more than glad if you assis us in finding work i see here in the Chicago Defender laborers wanted i am a skill labor at most anything except molder but i am willing to learn the trade we are hard working mans no lofers neather crap shooters work is what we want and can not get it without you assistant, if you will assis us with transportation please rite and let us no what way to came to you these white folks here having meeting trying to stop us from going off to seek work an noing they haven got work nor wagers for us here.
We have had jobs but loose it and have not the money to get away if you except my letter please give us some assistant to leave because is send you a letter Monday but i see afterward that it was send rong so i send you this one. have you got employment up there for female if so let us no please if you send me a speciel please dont put 15 or 20 men and i will under stand if you say 15 or 20 mans they will put me in jail. please answer just as soon can as i want to get away as soon as i can there nothing here to do. some industrious female want employment answer at once please.
Mobile, Ala., April 21, 1917.
Dear Sirs: We have a club of 108 good men wants work we are willing to go north or west but we are not abel to pay rail road fare now if you can help us get work and get to it please answer at once. Hope to hear from you.
Mobile, Ala., May 11, 1917.
Dear sir and brother: on last Sunday I addressed you a letter asking you for information and I have received no answer, but we would like to know could 300 or 500 men and women get employment? and will the company or thoes that needs help send them a ticket or a pass and let them pay it back in weekly payments? We have men and women here in all lines of work we have organized a association to help them through you.
We are anxiously awaiting your reply.
Atlanta, Ga., April 29, 1917.
Dear Sir: I was reading you advertisement in the Chicago Defender and it come intresting to me and I thought I would rite you to get information about it. There are 5 or six families of us wants to know would you send us a ticket if you would we would like to heare from you at once and we will explain our statement in my next letter. I am looking for reply soon.
Jackson, Miss., May the first, 1917.
sir: I was looking over the Chicago Defender and seen ad for labers both woman an men it is a great lots of us woud come at once if we was only abel but we is not abel to come but if you will send me a pas for 25 women and men I will send them north at once men an women
Mobile, Ala., April 29, 1917.
Dear Sir: In reading the defender I seen where you are acting as agent for some big concerns and that you are in need of men. I am a married man and would like to get up there to work but it seems a hard proposition to get enough money to pay my fare and there are a lots more men around here that follow the very work that you want men for but cant get away upon that reason. but if you could plan to get us up there and let us pay after we got there we will be very thankful. At present I am employed as a boiler makers helper and all the men I speak of are boiler makers and machinists helpers and all are hard working men and have families but we want to come north. Let me hear from you please and I can get (12) twelve men at least that have reputation. Looking for an early reply, I am, Your friend for betterment.
Charleston, S. C., April 2, 1917.
Dear Sir: I saw your want in the paper and I thought i would right you and find out about it and if you have work for me and my wife I will be glad to come and if you have no work for her you can send for me and I will be glad to come and bring along manny more if you want them. You can let me know at once and i will be glad to do so. so you can write me at once and I will know just what to do.
Mobile, Ala., April 23, 1917.
Dear Sirs: You will find my full name and address from which please give infermation about jobs and also tell me will you pay my fare up there and take it out of my work after geting to work and i can get a great many men and family if you want them. they wants to come but they cant get no work to do so they can get the money to come on. I can get men women and families so please answer and let me me no what you will do if you need them.
Pascagoula, Miss., May 3, 1917.
Dear Sirs: Whilse reading over the want adv. of the Defender I find where you wants bench molders 20 not saying I am one but I am a labering man and verry apt to lern anything in a short while and desires to come and give it a trile or something else I can do eny thing in common labor hoping you will send me a transportation and give me a trile and I can all so bring you as meny men as you want if you dont want me to bring eny men send me a transportation for my self. hopeing to hear from you by return mail.
Hattiesburg, Miss., April 13, 1917.
Sir: Please oblige me in getting me a pass to Chicago to some firm that are in need of labors I have three in family besides myself I have four or five other men with me now want to know if you can secure that pass we will come at once this would be about eight passes, my self and two in family and five men which will be eight passes. these are able and good work man if you can arrange this & let the list of passes bear each name so as to form a club. let hear from you soon.
De Ridder, La., April 29, 1917.
Dear Sir: there is lots of us southern mens wants transportation and we want to leave ratway as soon as you let us here from you some of us is married mens who need work we would like to bring our wife with us there is 20 head of good mens want transportation and if you need us let us no by return mail we all are redy only wants here from you there may be more all of our peoples wont to leave here and I want you to send as much as 20 tickets any way I will get you up plenty hands to do most any kind of work all you have to do is to send for them. looking to here from you. This is among us collerd.
Plaquemine, La., April 288, 1917.
Der sir: only a few lines in regards you advertismen this week Chicago Defender and it verry intresting to me and other that why Im wrighten you because it my benifit me in the futur I know about twenty five young men would like to go north but accorden to present conditions in the south wont allow them to save enough to go if their a possible chance of you doing enything we all good worker and think if you will give us a chance will proof to you that we can work and if you give us transportation we will work and pay it back from the start. I will close hope you will kindly except our offer and give it your persinel intrest.
New Orleans, April 27, 1917.
Dear Sirs: I have been engaged in the hotel business for eighteen years. And I am personally acquainted with at least fifty of our leading citizens of your city. And in my home I would refer you to Mr. ——, asst. Depot Ticket agent of the —— R. R. He told me that any corporation that was in need of Labor and placed passes with them for the same, that they would haul the people. I could furnish you at least one thousand in the next sixty days. And you will not have sixty dead beats. I will furnish the names, and each pass should have the name of the user on it before leaving Chicago. The greater number that I know have families and do not wish to leave without them. Let me hear from you at once. I can give you the business and my people will go any where sent and do any kind of work, if the wages are right.
Patterson, La., May 1, 1917.
Dear Sir: I was reading one of the Chicago Defender papers and I seen a splendid opportunity to grasp a good job. Now if you could fowerd me a pass from New Orleans I would be very glad because I am a willing worker, write me a letter as soon as possible and let me know just what job you will put me to, of cours I dont know any trade but will be willing to learn a good trade. this aid I seen reads like this:
Laborers wanted for foundry, warehouse and yard work. Excellent opportunity for learning trades, paying good money start $2.50-$2.75 so I would like to learn a trade. I might can get you some more from here. I will close hope I will hear from you at once. Before sending the transportation write me a letter.
Chattanooga, Tenn., May 1, 1917.
Dear Sur: will you send me a transportation i am a foundry man i want to come where i can get same pay for my work and you plese send me a transportation for 4 good hard labore man please send and i can get you some good mens here i am down here working hard and gett nothing for it so i hop you will ancer soon and let me here from you i have had 7 years exprense in foundry works i noes my jobe well i will expet to here from you rat way so good by.
Mobile, Ala., April 30, 1917.
Dear Sir: In answer to your Ad. which apeared in the Chicago Defender for laborer wanted to work in Foundry warehouse and yard work I can recruit 15 good honest men whom I believe would make good and can leave as soon as transportation for same is provided. Hopeing to hear from you soon I remain Yours truly.
New Orleans, La., 4/30/17.
Kind sir: only a few lines wanting to get some information concerning of work i want to find out when could you send transportations for fifteen men eight of them is molders and the balance of them is experienced warehouse men and experienced firemen if required i saw your ad in the CHicago Defender.
This is all at present hopeing to get an early reply.
Chattanogga, Tenn., 5-2-17.
Dear sir: i only had the chance to see your ad to day at noon. i was to glad to see it and hop that i am not to lat to full it i am fuly sattisfied i can get as many as 10 or 15 reddy by the 7 or 8 and we will be reddy by that time if you will tret us rite we will stand by you to the las
Chattanooga, Tenn., May 2, 1917.
Dear Sir: I beg to call you tension of some employment in your country. I has been inform that you will give instruction an get work any wher in the northern stats. I have some of the best labor that is in south an some of the best molders if we can get employment in north we wil go.
a waiting your reply.
Savannah, Ga., March 16, 1917.
Gentlemen: Having learned that you ar short of laborers, I respectfully offer myself as an applicant for a situation, and would be glad to get a hearing from you as soon as it would be convenient for you to reply. There are also many of my friends that would be glad to get a situation. I am willing to do most eny kind of earnest work. I am 36 years of age and can read and wright the english language. and have good experance in busness. Any communication whitch you may be pleased to make addressed as above will receive prompt attention.
St. Petersburg, Fla., May 1, 1917.
Dear sir: I am in receipt of your letter of the 16th of April in reply to a letter I written to you. I will say at this junction that there are more than 250 men desire to come north but is not able to come if your manufacture men would like to have 75 men labores from the south why he can get them for the fair from here to New York is only 19.00 nineteen dollars and I do not think that is a high transportation cost to get good labor. Now there are men here that will work that can and have 10.00 ten dollars on there fair and for a little assistance they will come at once for the condishion there is terrible the low wage and high cost of living and bad treatment is causing all to want to come north. Now I have a family of 8 only, one boy that can work in the north for he is 18 years the others is school children and I would like to get them up there with me for I was raise in the eastern state Massachusett Cambridge and pass as a master workman in Denver Colorader making brick. Now if there is any way to assist why do so now if you can only assist me why just do it as a brother & friend I have 5 to pay for but I have a little moeny but not enough to pay all way 3 full and 2 half fair so you can readily see just where Im at but I got my fare but rather bring my family with me.
Ashford, Ala., Dec. 8, 1916.
Dear sir: I take great pleasure in writing you and replying to your advertiser that you all wanted colored laborers and I want to come up north and could get you 75 more responsible hands if you want them so if you please send me 3 passes are as manny as you like and I garontee you that I will fill them out with responsible hands and good ones so please let me here from you at once.
Orangeburg, S. C., June 14, 1917.
Dear Sir: your addess was gave to me this after noon by a young man by the name of Mr. —— who is now in Conn. and I write him to see if he could get me a good job so he said to me on his card that he was listening for a vacan place to apply for but hesen found any thing not as yet but he said he wood do his very best for me. This time of the year most people are now goeing north so much I thought I wood come two so he told me to write you and see if I could get you to get me a good job and have the people to write me and advance me a transportation from Orangeburg to New York. He said you are the best man in New York to assist good fellow in to good paying jobs. I will look two here from you very soon.
Graham, La., May 18, 1917.
Dear sir: a word of infermation and a ancer from you please there are about 12 or 15 of us with our famlys leaving the south and we can hear of collored peples leaving the south but we are not luckey enough to leave hear. Dr. —— clame to be an agent to sind peples off and we has bin to him so minnie times and has fail to get off untill we dont no what to do so if you will place us about 15 tickets or get some one else to do so we are honest enough to come at once and labor for you or the one that sind them untill we pay you if so requir. If we war able we wood sur leave this torminting place but the job we as got and what we get it we do well to feed our family so please let me here from you at once giveing full detale of my requess.
Savannah, Ga., May 3, 1917.
Dare sier: I understand that you wont some mens and if you wood sen me transportation for ten mens wood bee turly glad and please write to me at wonce and lete me hir form you.
Memphis, Tenn., May 3, 1917.
Dear Sir: Seeing you add in the Chicago definder that you are in need of labor I write you for full information at once hope you will please give me. I am willing to come & if you kneed any more labor I am sufficient to bring them.
Now my dear sir if you can give me a steady job please send me a pass hope you will write me at once.
Savannah, Ga., 4-30-17.
Dear sir: in reply to the labor wanted I write you let you know I am a poor afflicted man can not do anything come to hand but am willing to work and do need something to make a support now will you please look up a job for me I could sweep or do any thing light like that could watch act as janitor if you will send me a transportation when I get there you see my willingness you would make me a job now if you will except I will get you some men and bring with me because I know numbers of men want to come and can get as many as you want. Just give me a trial.
Jacksonville, Fla., May 2, 1917.
Deer sir: i reed in the Chicago Defender that you wanted some molder in your city i dont no wheather you mene lumber are iron moulder but i am 4 years experence in lumber but if you mene iron molder i dont think i will be many days learning the trade if it is any chance that i can get a good job eith you i would like to hear from you at once i am maried and would like to get 2 transportation if i can and if you want some hard working mens let me no and i will do all that i can for you and bring them on with me if you will make same range ment to get them there i mean that i will get you some good men hard working mens like myself so let me here from you at once Please
Jacksonville, Fla., 5/21/17.
Dear sir: i am today righting you a few lines asking you to please give me some information and that is this if you know of any one that wants help of any kind men or women and one that would send a few tickets would you please give me they address i was told to right to you for information please lead me in the light as i could get five familys and 8 or 9 good men for any firm that wanted help, so I am awaiting your promp reply.
Port Arthur, Texas, 5/5th/17.
Dear Sir: Permitt me to inform you that I have had the pleasure of reading the Defender for the first time in my life as I never dreamed that there was such a race paper published and I must say that its some paper.
However I can unhesitatingly say that it is extraordinarily interesting and had I know that there was such a paper in my town or such being handled in my vicinity I would have been a subscriber years ago.
Nevertheless I read every space of the paper dated April 28th which is my first and only paper at present. Although I am greatfully anticipating the pleasure of receiving my next Defender as I now consider myself a full fledged defender fan and I have also requested the representative of said paper to deliver my Defender weekly.
In reading the Defenders want ad I notice that there is lots of work to be had and if I havent miscomprehended I think I also understand that the transportation is advanced to able bodied working men who is out of work and desire work. Am I not right? with the understanding that those who have been advanced transportation same will be deducted from their salary after they have begun work. Now then if this is they proposition I have about 10 or 15 good working men who is out of work and are dying to leave the south and I assure you that they are working men and will be too glad to come north east or west, any where but the south.
Now then if this is the proposition kindly let me know by return mail. However I assure you that it shall be my pleasure to furnish you with further or all information that you may undertake to ask or all information necessary concerning this communication.
Thanking you in advance for the courtesy of a prompt reply with much interest, I am
Columbus, Ga., April 29, 1917.
Dear sir: I seen your adds in the paper & after reading I saw where I could do some business for you & if you will write & let me know promply what you will allow me for heads & let me know right away I can get you as many as thirty at once & I know that you do not want nothing but able bodied men if you will as soon as you get this mail let me know by wireing me & I can get the men ready by Thursday wire me as soon as your early convenence. will also send you my recamendation that I am a true and reliable negro if you take the notion to send the ticket send me money emough to feed them until we get there you can estamate about how much it will take to feed thirty all of them is anxious to go & will go at the word from you please return the recamendation back.
Mobile, Ala., April 21, 1917.
Gentlemen: Please have the kindness to let me know if you can handle any labor as I wish to come north but would like to know just who I am going to work for before starting so as to not be there on expences and in the main time I have other friends that would like to have a steady imployment while they are unable to raise the money for transportation. Let me know what disposition you could make in regards to the same.
Mobile, Ala., May 15, 1917.
Dear Sir and Brother: I am in the information of your labores league and while in this city I have been asked about the conditions of work in the north and at the same time we have about 300 men here in this city of different trades. Some are farmers, mail men iron and stell workers, mechanics and of all classes of work. They ask me in their union to find out just the conditions of the afair. They wants to know if they can go to work in one or two days after they get there? if so some of them can pay all of their fair some half and some wants to come on conditions. will the company send them a pass and let them pay them back weekly? if so I can send 500 more or less in order that you may know who I am I will send you some of my papers that you may know what I stand for and what I have been taking along, please let me hear from you at once and what you think about it.
Letters about Labor Agents
Mobile, Ala., 4-26-17.
Dear Sir Bro.: I take great pane in droping you a few lines hopeing that this will find you enjoying the best of health as it leave me at this time present. Dear sir I seen in the Defender where you was helping us a long in securing a posission as brickmason plaster cementers stone mason. I am writing to you for advice about comeing north. I am a brickmason an I can do cement work an stone work. I written to a firm in Birmingham an they sent me a blank stateing $2.00 would get me a ticket an pay 10 per ct of my salary for the 1st month and $24.92c would be paid after I reach Detorit and went to work where they sent me to work. I had to stay there until I pay them the sum of $24.92c so I want to leave Mobile for there, if there nothing there for me to make a support for my self and family. My wife is seamstress. We want to get away the 15 or 20 of May so please give this matter your earnest consideration an let me hear from you by return mail as my bro. in law want to get away to. He is a carpenter by trade. so please help us as we are in need of your help as we wanted to go to Detroit but if you says no we go where ever you sends us until we can get to Detroit. We expect to do whatever you says. There is nothing here for the colored man but a hard time wich these southern crackers gives us. We has not had any work to do in 4 wks. and every thing is high to the colored man so please let me hear from you by return mail. Please do this for your brother.
Anninston, Ala., April 26, 1917.
Dear sir: Seeing in the Chicago Defender that you wanted men to work and that you are not to rob them of their half loaf; interested me very much. So much that I am inquiring for a job; one for my wife, auntie and myself. My wife is a seamster, my auntie a cook I do janitor work or comon labor. We all will do the work you give us. Please reply early.
Shreveport, La., May 22, 1917.
Dear Sir: I want to get some infirmation about getting out up there I did learn that they had a man here agent for to send people up there I have never seen him yet and I want you to tell me how to get up there. they are passing people out up there that are unable to come I would like to hear from you at once from your unknown friend.
Deridder, La., April 18, 1917.
Dear Sir: in regards of helth and all so in need that I am riting you these fue lines to day to you. this few lines leves famly and I well at the present an doe trus by the help of God these will find you the same. Now what I want you to doe for me is this will you please give this letter to the Chicago Defender printers and I will bee oblige to you. I wood of back this letter to the Chicago defenders but they never wood of receve it from here.
I am to day riting you jus a fue lines for infermasion I wil state my complant is this. now her is 18 hundred of the colored race have paid to a man $2.00 to be transfered to Chicago to work, he tel us that thire is great demand in the north for labor and wee no it is true bee cors ther is thousands of them going from Alabama and fla. and Gergia and all so other states and this white man was to send us to Chicago on the 15 of march and eavery time we ask him about it he tell us that the companys is not redy for us and we all wants to get out of the south, wee herd that this man have fould wee people out of this money, wee has a duplicate shorn that wee have paid him this money and if ther is iny compnys that wants these men and will furnis transpertashion for us wil you please notifie me at once bee cors I am tired of bene dog as I was a beast and wee will come at wonce. So I will bee oblige to you if you will help us out of the south.
Live Oak, Fla., 4-25-17.
Dear sir: I wish to become in touch with you. I have been thinking of leaving the south and have had several ofers presented to me if only would say I would go and pay down so mutch money until a certain date but dont aprove of sutch. Know would be glad to have you relate to me weather I can get a job in or near the city.
I am now working at a commission house. Listen there have been several crooks out saying they are getting men for difrent works in the north, all you had to do pay them $2 or $3 dollars and meet him on a certain day and that would be the last. Will you relate to me some of the difrent kinds of works & prices.
Nothing more, I remain.
New Orleans, La., April 22, 1917.
Dear sir: with the greatest of pleasure for me to address you a few lines, concerning of labor as I was reading and advertisement of yours in the Chicago Defender stateing that those who wish to locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages and to bring their children up with the best of education will kindly get in touch with you. However if you are in a business of that kind it just fitted me. While I am a man with a very large family most all are boys and it is my desires to get in touch with some good firms to works. Kind sir if you are in that kind of position please let me hear from you at once I've get no confidence in some of these so called agents. Ill be to glad to hear from you at once.
Mobile, Ala., 12-4-16.
Dear Sir: While reading Sunday's Defender I read where you was coming south looking for labor I see you want intelligent industrious men to work in factories so I thought I would write and get a little information about it. there are a lot of idle men here that are very anxious to come north. every day they are fooled about go and see the man. pleanty of men have quit thier jobs with the expectation of going but when they go the man that is to take them cant be found. last week there was a preacher giving lecturers on going. took up collection and when the men got to the depot he could not be found, so if you will allow me the privaledge I can get you as many men as you need that are hard working honest men that will be glad to come. I will send you these names and address if you will send for them to come. there is not work here every thing is so high what little money you make we have to eat it up. so if what I say to you is agreeable please answer.
Letters about the Great Northern Drive of 1917
Pensacola, Fla., 4-21-17.
Sir: You will please give us the names of firms where we can secure employment. Also please explain the Great Northern Drive for May 15th. We will come by the thousands. Some of us like farm work. The colored people will leave if you will assist them.
New Orleans, La., April 25, 1917.
Dear Sir: Would you kindely advise me of a good place where I can get a good job out in some of the small places from Chicago about 50 or 60 miles. I am expecting to leave the south about the 15th of May and will bring my family later on. Answer soon.
Pass Christian, Miss., April 30, 1917.
Sir: I want to come north on 15th of May, & I would like to get a job at once. & if you will please locate one for me & let me know in return mail & oblige. Will except a job on farm or in town. I have a little education & I am aquainted with work all right. Hope to here from you soon.
Mobile, Ala., April 25, 1917.
Sir: I was reading in theat paper atoout the Colored race and while reading it I seen in it where cars would be here for the 15 of May which is one month from to day. Will you be so kind as to let me know where they are coming to and I will be glad to know because I am a poor woman and have a husband and five children living and three dead one single and two twin girls six months old today and my husband can hardly make bread for them in Mobile. This is my native home but it is not fit to live in just as the Chicago Defender say it says the truth and my husband only get $1.50 a day and pays $7.50 a month for house rent and can hardly feed me and his self and children. I am the mother of 8 children 25 years old and I want to get out of this dog hold because I dont know what I am raising them up for in this place and I want to get to Chicago where I know they will be raised and my husband crazy to get there because he know he can get more to raise his children and will you please let me know where the cars is going to stop to so that he can come where he can take care of me and my children. He get there a while and then he can send for me. I heard they wasnt coming here so I sent to find out and he can go and meet them at the place they are going and go from there to Chicago. No more at present. hoping to hear from you soon from your needed and worried friend.
Montgomery, Ala., May 7, 1917.
My dear Sir: I am writing to solicit your aid and advice as to how I may best obtain employment at my trade in your city. I shall be coming that way on the 15th of May and I wish to find immediate employment if possible.
I have varied experience as a compositor and printer. Job composition is my hobby. I have not experience as linotype operator, but can fill any other place in a printing office. Please communicate with me at the above address at once. Thanking you in advance for any assistance and information in the matter.
Rome, Ga., May 13, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am writing you in regards to present conditions in Chicago in getting employment. I am an experienced hotel man—in all departments, such as bellman, waiter, buss boy, or any other work pertaining to hotel and would like to know in return could you furnish me transportation to Chicago as you advertise in the Chicago Defender. Am good honest and sober worker, can furnish recermendations if necessary. Have worked at the Palmer House during year 1911 as bus boy in Cafe. But returned South for awhile and since the Northern Drive has begun I have decided to return to Chicago as I am well acquainted with the city. Hope to hear from you soon on this matter as it is of great importance to me.
New Orleans, La., 4-23-17.
Dear Editor: I am a reader of the Defender and I am askeso much about the great Northern drive on the 15th of May. We want more understanding about it for there is a great many wants to get ready for that day & the depot agents never gives us any satisfaction when we ask for they dont want us to leave here, I want to ask you to please publish in your next Saturdays paper just what the fair will be on that day so we all will know & can be ready. So many women here are wanting to go that day. They are all working women and we cant get work here so much now, the white women tell us we just want to make money to go North and we do so please kindly ans. this in your next paper if you do I will read it every word in the Defender, had rather read it then to eat when Saturday comes, it is my hearts delight & hope your paper will continue on in the south until every one reads it for it is a God sent blessing to the Race. Will close with best wishes.
New Orleans, La., May 2, 1917.
Dear Sir: Please Sir will you kindly tell me what is meant by the great Northern Drive to take place May the 15th on tuesday. It is a rumor all over town to be ready for the 15th of May to go in the drive. the Defender first spoke of the drive the 10th of February. My husband is in the north already preparing for our family but hearing that the excursion will be $6.00 from here north on the 15 and having a large family, I could profit by it if it is really true. Do please write me at once and say is there an excursion to leave the south. Nearly the whole of the south is getting ready for the drive or excursion as it is termed. Please write at once. We are sick to get out of the solid south.
Letters Concerning which Secrecy was Enjoined
Orange City, Fla., May 4, 1917.
Dear Sir: Being a reader of the Chicago Defender, I finds a add, stateing laborers wanted. I would like to ask if the add is refering to persons of that state only. Could a person secure a position until he could reach said state?
Now if you would answer this letter of information I would highly appreciate it. During your letter please give information about advanced transportation, etc. This is not as a testimony—don't publish.
Memphis, Tenn., June 1, 1917.
Sir: as I being one of the readers of your great News paper and if I am not to imposeing I want to ask you this information as to what steps I should take to secure a good position as a first class automobeal blacksmith or any kind pretaining to such and to say that I have been opporating a first class white shop here for quite a number of years one of the largest in the south and if I must say the only colored man in the city that does.
now I never knew any other way to find out as I want to leave the south and I feel very much confidential that you would give information if in your power. So if you know of such why please inform me at your leasure time. Any charges why notify me in return but do not publish.
Vicksburg, Miss., May 2, 1917.
Sir: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender I am asking you a little information. So many people are leaving south for north and it is too big families and we want to come north or middle west for better wages. We all have trade and if you think we all can get position just as we get north if not the middle west. Better please dont publish this is no paper. here is a stamp envelop for reply.
Laurel, Miss., 4-30-17.
Dear Sir: In reading your defender paper every week find every thing so true makes me want to come more every day. so i am thinking of coming in a few days decided to write you in regards to getting a job that will suit my age. I am 48 years old am in very good helth and likes to work just like the days come. Have farm the biggest position of my life untill seven years ago. i follow publick work untill now would not like for my name to be publish in the paper.
Fullerton, La., May 7, 1917.
Dear sir: This comes to inform you that I would like very much to come up and locate in your town, but would like to have a little advise before I leave the sunny south. I am a railroad man by trade. Of course I am a Colored man but I have been Conductor for the G. & S. R. Ry. of the past eight years. I have acted as yard master, and manager of the switch engine and had charge of the local freight department. Please advise if you think I can secure a fairly good paying position up there and I am ready to come up and take hold. I can furnish good reference, and have my own typewriter and equipment.
I am not particular about working for the rail-road, but I would like to get something respectable if possible.
I think my reference will satisfy the most interogator. Kindly advise privately and do not publish.
Greenville, Miss., May 12, 1917.
Dear sir: Please inform me as to wether there is imployment for col. insurance agents by Company as industrial writers sick and acc. and deth if thair is such co. handling coolored agents in Chicago or suburban towns, please see suptender as to wether he could youse a good relible live agent. I am contemplating moving to Ill. This is confidential.
My experience as ins. agent 15 year industrial and ord. life and prefered.
Letters Emphasizing Race Welfare
August, Ga., May 12, 1917.
Dear Sir: Just for a little infermation from you i would like to know wheather or not i could get in tuch with some good people to work for with a firm because things is afful hear in the south let me here from you soon as poseble what ever you do dont publish my name in your paper but i think peple as a race oguht to look out for one another as Christians friends i am a schuffur and i cant make a living for my family with small pay and the people is getting so bad with us black peple down south hear. now if you ever help your race now is the time to help me to get my family away. food stuf is so high. i will look for answer by return mail, dont publish my name if your paper but let me hear from you at once.
Deland, Fla., 5/1. 17.
Dear sir: I being onknon to you in personnal but by reading the Chicago Defender I notice in its ad that there is chance for all kind of imployment that a men that will work can get and as I am one of the negro race that dont mind working study so it is understand that you will please let me no as to wheather you can place me in some of those positions for I sopose to be in this town about 5 more weeks. after leving her stopping in Savannah my home city to see my too bro. and mother I will then leve for the northern states I will thank you for some information.
New Orleans, La., May 1, 1917.
Dear sir: i am a reader of the Chicago defender and i seen in the defender that you are interrested in the well fair of the colored people those of the classe that is interested in themselves and coming to the north for a better chance so i take pleashure in riting to you that i may get some under standing about conditions of getting work as i see that you are in turch with the foundrys warehouses and the manufacturing concerns that is in need of laborers and i thought it was best to rite you and get some understanding as it is 4 of us expecting to leave here in a few days to come north but we are not coming for pleasure we are looking for wirk and better treatment and more money and i ask your aid in helping us to secure a good position of work as we are men of familys and we canot aford to loaf and i will be very glad to hear from you and an my arival i will call at your place to see you.
Columbia, S. C., May 7, 1917.
Dir sur: i saw in one of our colord papers your ad i now seat my selft to seak work thru your ade of which i beleve is ernest devotion to our betterment i am a brick layer and plastrer i rite to no if i can get or you can get work for me please let me know detales plese.
Memphis, Tenn., 4-23-17.
Gentlemen: I want to get in tuch with you in regard of a good location & a job I am for race elevation every way. I want a job in a small town some where in the north where I can receive verry good wages and where I can educate my 3 little girls and demand respect of intelegence. I prefer a job as cabinet maker or any kind of furniture mfg. if possible.
Let me hear from you all at once please. State minimum wages and kind of work.
Jacksonville, Fla., May 2, 1917.
Dear sir: I am writing you a few lines seacking information about some work as i was read a Chicago Defender i saw where labarers wanted very much I am a labarer now have not no work here to do i am married man have one child and would like for yo to give me work to do anything I am well expereinced in ware house and foundry and if there any way for you to fearnish me a transportation to come at once do i can go so i can make my family a desen living you will please let me know and if you would help a poor need man i am willing to come any time if I had the money i would pay my own way but i realy ain got it so i am asking you to please do this for me i am realy in need if you can do a poor negro any good please do this for me.
Pensacola, Fla., April 25, 1917.
My dear Sir: I noticed an anticle in the Chicago Defender that officers and members of your organization officer to assist any member of the race to secure steady employment in small cities near Chicago. I am verry anxious to secure a job the year round at any kind of honest work, trusting that I may hear from you at an early date, I beg to remain.
Atlanta, Ga., April 11, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am a reader of you paper and we are all crazy about it and take it every Saturday and we raise a great howl when we dont get it. Now since I see and feel that you are for the race and are willing to assist any one so I will ask you to please assist me in getting imployment and some place to stop with some good quiet people or with a family that would take some one to live with them. I will do any kind of work. I am a hair dresser but I will do any kind of work I can get to do I am a widow and have one child a little girl 6 years years old I dont know any body there so if you can assist me in any way will be greatly appreciated now this letter is personal please dont print it in your paper. I hope to hear from you soon.
Rome, Ga., April 28, 1917.
My dear Northern friend: I saw in the Chicago Defender where llabors are wanted I am sure a man that wants to get out of the south and would do most any kind of work I has a wife she works all the time We has a boy age 13 years he has been working with me 5 years I has been working at the pipe shop 11 year but I can do other work you said you will sind a transportation after labores please send after me I can get 10 more mens if you want them. ans. soon so that I will no what to do but I hope you will say yes. hope you will say get the mens and let us sind for you all I am a man woks all the time I has a wife and 4 childrens.
Houston, Tex., April 27, 1917.
Dear Sirs: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and I seen where you are in need of men and are also in the position for firms to seek you. I see where you are in the lines of work for the betterment of the race.
New Orleans, La., April 22, 1917.
Dear sir: in reading the defender I seen where this was an oportunity for work, for the betterment of the race. Just out of the city and i thought to get in touch with you to see if their would be a chance for me an my brother, i dident no if you meant any one this far from Chicago or not but i rite to find out. but i hope you will except me please and let me no your wages, i hope to hear from you and if you will except me i can pick you up some responseful families mens but if you dont want them take me because i wants work, so good by.
Sherman, Ga., Nov. 28, 1916.
Dear sir: This letter comes to ask for all infirmations concern emplyoment in your conection in the warmest climate. Now I am in a family of (11) eleven more or less boys and girls (men and women) mixed sizes who want to go north as soon as arrangements can be made and employment given places for shelter an so en (etc) now this are farming people they were raised on the farm and are good farm hands I of course have some experence and qualefication as a coman school teacher and hotel waiter and along few other lines.
I wish you would write me at your first chance and tell me if you can give us employment at what time and about what wages will you pay and what kind of arrangement can be made for our shelter. Tell me when can you best use us now or later.
Will you send us tickets if so on what terms and at what price what is the cost per head and by what route should we come. We are Negroes and try to show ourselves worthy of all we may get from any friendly source we endeavor to be true to all good causes, if you can we thank you to help up to come north as soon as you can.
Savannah, Ga., 4/21/17/
Dear Sir: I was very much impressed when I read the Defender where you are taking so much interest securing jobs for the race from the south. Please secure a job for man & wife in some small town and write me all information at once.
Kissimmee, Fla., May 1, 1917.
Dear Sir: I am a subscriber for the Chicago Defender have read of the good work you are doing in employing help for your large factories and how you are striving to help get the better class of people to the north. I am a teacher and have been teaching five years successful, and as our school here has closed my cousin and I have decided to go north for the summer who is also a teacher of this county. I am writing you to secure for us a position that we could fit and one that would fit us, if there be any that is vacant.
We can furnish you with the best of reference. We would not like to advertise through a paper. Hoping to hear from you at an early date, I am
Sanford, Fla., 4-29-17.
Dear sir: as a member of the Race who desire to join in and with and be among the better side of our Race I ask that you surcue me a job and have me a ticket sent or please send transportation fees at once. Write soon as I will watch for answer from you.
Jacksonville, Fla., 4/29/17.
Dear sir: i was reading the Chicago Defender to day and i find that you is mutch enterrested in our negro race i have sevrul years in laundry business as a wash man and stationery boilers fireing at this time i have charge of wash room, i am a fire man and all so a laundry wash man too. hopeing that you will do all you can for me in getting a plase of theas persisons please giv this your attenson estateing salery per week pleas let me heare from you soon i remain yours truly
Pensacola, Fla., May 1, 1917.
dear sirs: I sene in Defender wher more positions open then men for them I am colord an do woork hard for my living an dont mind it is not no bad habits I work but dont get but small wedges I am up bilder of my colord race an love to help one when he dezirs to better his condishon I want to ast you for a favor of helping me to get to you an your office to get me a woork to do I want to learn a trade and I will pay you to look out for me an get me a job if you kindly will. Please an send me 3 tickets as we three good woorking mens make the time you can corleck ever weeak pay for yo at once be cause we meanse buisness now.
Montgomery, Ala., May 19, 1917.
Dear sir: I notice in the Chicago defender that you are working to better the condiction of the colored people of the south. I am a member of the race & want too come north for to better the condiction of my famely I have five children my self and a wife & I want you to seek for me a job please. I will send you the trade I follows while here in the south. I works in the packing houses & also wholesale grocers houses. Either one I can do but I rather the packing the best. you can get a half of dozen womens from here that want work & wants information about jobs such as cooking, nurseing & cleaning up or anything else they can do.
Pensacola, Fla., April 13, 1917.
Dear sur: I ritting to you in order to get in touch with you about the work for the betterment of the race I shure want to better my condeshon in the Chicago Defender I seen whear that you say those wishing to locate in smaller towns with fairly good wages that what I want to suner the better for me. Answer at wonce.
Footnotes:
[1] Collected under the direction of Emmett J. Scott.
BOOK REVIEWS
A Century of Negro Migration. By Carter G. Woodson. The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Washington, D. C. Pp. 221.
The increasingly numerous articles, inquiries and investigations into the nature, extent, causes and results of the recent migratory movement among the Negroes in America demonstrate the great interest which has been manifested in this subject. At a period when so much personal opinion, ill-digested information and controversial literature, on racial problems are being flung at the public, it is a real pleasure for the sincere student of human affairs to welcome such an instructive work as this both because of its point of view and its valuable research. This volume is an unusual contribution in this field. It is an historical treatise, a study in economic progress and a survey of contemporary movements. As suggested by its title, the book examines with scholarly comprehension the continued migrations of the nineteenth century. The point of view which the volume presents is that of the new historical school, which holds that movements of the present have their roots in the past; and the present may not be properly understood without comprehending the foundations of the past. The book is replete with facts organized and interpreted with a scientific spirit, and the discussions are modern and scholarly.
After reading the book one ceases to speak of "a" migration, or of "the" migration, for Negro migration ceases to be a new development. It becomes an old movement, begun a century ago, but now heightened and intensified by the factors growing out of the World War. The author in his preface especially disclaims any distinctly new contribution of fact. The specific value of the volume rests then in its collection of isolated historical data culled from many known sources, and its presentation of a new vantage ground from which the whole subject may be regarded. An introductory section on the migrations at the close of the eighteenth century and in the opening years of the nineteenth century leads to the main chapters which follow under the headings: A Transplantation to the North; Fighting it out on Free Soil; Colonization as a Remedy for Migration; The Successful Migrant; Confusing Movements; The Exodus to the West; The Migration of the Talented Tenth, and The Exodus during the World War.
In the discussion of the Successful Migrant much information is given us of individuals who succeeded by sheer grit in making their way to freedom, and in some cases in building neat fortunes for themselves and their families. The charge that the Negro appears to be naturally migratory, an assertion which comes to light in recent studies in economic progress, is declared untrue. Dr. Woodson asserts that "this impression is often received by persons who hear of the thousands of Negroes who move from one place to another from year to year because of the desire to improve their unhappy condition. In this there is no tendency to migrate but an urgent need to escape undesirable conditions. In fact, one of the American Negroes' greatest shortcomings is that they are not sufficiently pioneering." To the reviewer, this statement, typical of others, seems to be the more reasonable conclusion from the facts, which others regard as only facts and by inference as racial tendencies. In the majority of instances the author finds, as other investigators have found, that the migrants belonged to the intelligent laboring class.
The best discussion is given in the closing chapter on The Exodus during the World War. This is made to differ from other migrations on the ground that the Negro has opportunity awaiting him, whereas formerly he had "to make a place for himself upon arriving among enemies." The effects upon the whites and the Negroes, North and South, are noted with unbiased attitude. The perspective of the trained historian appears to have its influence in this section. The earlier chapters are concerned primarily with the Negro in the Northwest, and so completely does the information center in this section of the country that it appears easily possible to expand this part into a larger work treating this phase in particular. The author's comment and criticism are suggestive to both races and particularly to the Negroes who furnish the subject-matter of the book. The book will have not only historical interest, but it will serve to point out the paramount unsettled condition of the race problem during the past century and the disturbing future which must face America. The volume is heartily commended to all readers and students, and it cannot fail to be informing upon this unsettled aspect of Negro life and history. No serious student should be without it.
Charles H. Wesley.
Negro Migration in 1916-17. By R. H. Leavell, T.R. Snavely, T. J. Woofter, Jr., W. T. B. Williams, and Francis D. Tyson, with an introduction by J. H. Dillard. Government Printing Office, Washington, D. C., 1919. Pp. 158.
This is a report of the Department of Labor issued from the office of the Secretary through the Division of Negro Economics, under the direction of Dr. George E. Haynes. The task was divided among a number of investigators. Mr. Leavell directed his attention to the migration from Mississippi, Mr. Snavely to that from Alabama and North Carolina, and Mr. Woofter to that from Georgia. Mr. Williams sketches in general the Exodus from the South and Mr. Tyson gives a survey of the Negro Migrant in the North. Submitted in this condition the report is much less valuable than it would have been, had the investigation been directed by a single man to work out of these individual reports a scientific presentation of the whole movement. As this was not the case, there is found throughout the report numerous duplications of discussions of causes and effects which might have given place to more valuable information.
The conclusion of Mr. Leavell, himself a Mississippian, as to measures for the rehabilitation of Mississippi labor conditions, are very interesting. He believes that a permanent surplus of Negro laborers outside of the upper delta can be created by reorganizing agriculture with emphasis on live stock and forage, that this surplus could then be directed to the delta and to Arkansas so far as needed for producing cotton and food stuffs, that the balance of this surplus labor should be drawn permanently to northern industries, and that the older communities along the Mississippi could attract the necessary additional labor from the surplus created in the hills. He believes also that there should be schools emphasizing education toward the farm, fair dealing in all business transactions, equal treatment in the distribution of public utilities, equal treatment in the courts and the encouragement of Negro farm ownership, the abolition of the fee system in courts of justice, the insistence of white public opinion on full settlement with Negroes on plantations, and, above all else, that the fundamental need is for frequent and confidential conferences upon community problems and for active cooperation between the local leaders of the two races.
Mr. Snavely counts among the causes of the migration from Alabama and North Carolina, the changed conditions incident to the transition from the old system of cotton planting to stock raising and the diversification of crops. Mr. Williams undertakes to estimate the size of the exodus, some of its effects and the initial remedies for keeping the Negroes in the South. Some of these are better pay, greater care for the employees, better educational facilities, the opportunity to rent and purchase sanitary homes, justice in the courts, the abolition of "jim crowism" and segregation.
One of the most interesting parts of the report is that which deals with the Negro migrant in the North. It is doubtful, however, that the author has done his task so well as Mr. Epstein did in treating intensively the same situation in Pittsburgh. This part of the report is too brief to cover the field adequately. There are few statistics taken from the censuses of 1900 and 1910 to show the increase of Negro population in the North during this period. Then comes a rapid survey of the districts receiving large numbers of Negroes during the migration. Attention is directed also to the adjustment of the Negroes to northern industry, race friction and the bearing of the Negro migration on the labor movement culminating in the riot of East St. Louis. Delinquency in the migrant population and the reports on the crime, health and housing conditions of the Negroes in the North are also discussed. That part of the report on constructive efforts toward adjustment of the migrant population in the North gives much information as to how the leading citizens of both races have coöperated in trying to solve the problems resulting from this sudden shifting of large groups of people.
Twenty-Five Years in the Black Belt. By William J. Edwards. The Cornhill Company, Boston, 1918. Pp. 143.
This is a valuable biographical work in that the reader gets a view of conditions in the South as experienced and viewed by a Negro educated at Tuskegee and inspired thereby to spend his life in another part of the State of Alabama, doing what he learned at this institution. The author mentions his growth, the founding of the Snow Hill School, the assistance of the Jeannes Fund, and the ultimate solutions of his more difficult problems. The book becomes more interesting when he discusses the Negro problem, the exodus of the blacks and the World War.
The aim of the author, however, is to acquaint the public with the problems and difficulties confronting those who labor for the future of the Negro race. He complains of the land tenure, the credit system by which the Negroes become indebted to their landlords, the lack of educational facilities, and the consequent ignorance of the masses of the race. To enlist support to remedy these evils wherever this condition obtains, the life of the author who for twenty-five years has had to struggle against hardships is hereby presented as typical of the thousands of teachers white and black now suffering all but martyrdom in the South that the Negroes may after all have a chance to toil upward.
The book is not highly literary. The style is generally rough. Interesting facts appear here and there, but they did not reach the stage of organization in passing through the author's mind. The value of the book, however, is not materially diminished by its style. It certainly reflects the feelings and chronicles the deeds of a large group of the American people during one of the most critical periods of our history and must therefore be read with profit by those interested in the strivings of the people of low estate. Persons primarily concerned with industrial education will find this sketch unusually valuable. To throw further light on this systematic effort to elevate the Negroes of Alabama the author has given numerous illustrations. Among these are Uncle Charles Lee and His Home in the Black Belt, Partial View of the Snow Hill Institute, A New Type of Home in the Black Belt, Typical Log Cabin in the Black Belt, the Home of a Snow Hill Graduate, Graduates of Snow Hill Institute and Teachers of Snow Hill Institute.
Women of Achievement. By Benjamin Brawley. Woman's American Baptist Home Mission Society, Chicago, 1919. Pp. 92.
Glancing at the title of this volume one would expect to find therein the sketches of a number of women of color known to be useful in the uplift of the Negro race. Instead of this, however, there is the disappointment in tho restriction of these sketches to Harriet Tubman, Nora Gordon, Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune, and Mary Church Terrell. No one will question the claims of some of these women to honorable mention, but when Nora Gordon, an unknown but successful missionary to Africa, is given precedence to the hundreds of women of color who have influenced thought and contributed to the common good of the race and country the historian must call for an explanation.
It is equally clear that in choosing the other four of these women as representative of the achievements of their race the biographer has done other distinguished women of the Negro race considerable injustice, if his book is to be taken seriously. Harriet Tubman was truly a great character and her life is an interesting chapter in the history of this country. Whether Meta Warrick Fuller, Mary McLeod Bethune and Mary Church Terrell deserve special consideration to the exclusion of others, however, is debatable. Meta Warrick Fuller has distinguished herself in art and so have several other women of color. Mary McLeod Bethune is generally considered an enterprising educator and public spirited woman, but one can here raise the question as to whether she leads her companions. Mary Church Terrell has very well established herself as an acceptable speaker on the race problem and so have many others.
In giving the facts which entitle these characters to honorable mention the author did not do his task well. He mentioned too few incidents in the lives of these persons to make them interesting. In other words, instead of presenting facts to speak for themselves the author too easily yielded to the temptation to indulge in mere eulogy. These mistakes cannot be excused, even if the book is intended for children. On the whole, however, the work indicates effort in the right direction and it is hoped that more extensive and numerous sketches of women of achievement of the Negro race may be found in the literature of our day.
NOTES
At the close of this the fourth year of its existence the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History convened in biennial session in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of June at the 12th Street Branch Y. M. C. A. The reports for the year were heard, new officers were elected, and the plans for the coming year were formulated. The proceedings in full will appear in the October number.
The chief interest of the meeting centered around the informing addresses on the Negro in the World War. Every phase of the war history which the Negro helped to make was treated.
The Association worked out also the plans by which it will collect data to write a scientific History of the Negro in the World War just as soon as the treaty of peace is signed and documents now inaccessible because of the proximity to the conflict become available. The coöperation of all seekers after the truth is earnestly solicited.
During the past two years the Association has been able to move steadily forward in spite of the difficulties incident to the war. The subscriptions to the Journal of Negro History have gradually increased and a number of philanthropists have liberally contributed to the fund now being used to extend the work into all parts of the country. This work is being done by a Field Agent who organizes clubs for the study of Negro life and history and, through local agents, sells the publications of the Association and solicits subscriptions to the Journal of Negro History.
In addition to publishing for four years the Journal of Negro History, a repository of truth now available in bound form, the association has brought out also Slavery in Kentucky, an interesting portraiture of the institution in that State; The Royal Adventurers Trading into Africa, one of the best studies of the early slave trade; and A Century of Negro Migration, the only scientific treatment of this movement hitherto published.
The circulation of these publications has been extensive. They are read in North America, South America, Europe, Asia, and Africa; they reach more than three hundred college and public libraries; they are found in all Negro homes where learning is an objective; they are used by most social workers to get light on the solution of the problems of humanity; they are referred to by students and professors conducting classes carrying on research; and they reach members of the cabinet and the President of the United States.
Carter G. Woodson is not a contributor to the Official History of the Negro in the World War by Mr. Emmett J. Scott as has been reported throughout the country. He has given the author several suggestions, however, and such editorial assistance as the many tasks and obligations of the Director permitted.