Vol. IV—October, 1919—No. 4

LABOR CONDITIONS IN JAMAICA PRIOR TO 1917

To show the lack of progress in Jamaica since the abolition of slavery by the gradual process inaugurated in 1833 and its final extermination in 1838, nothing will better serve the purpose than the review of the system of apprenticeship established as a substitute for that institution. According to the portraiture given by Sturge and Harvey in their work entitled The West Indies in 1837 and the conditions now obtaining in the island, very little progress in the condition of the laboring man has been made since that time.

For scarcely any remuneration the Negroes were required by a compulsory arrangement between their overseers and the Special Magistrates to give during the crop the time granted them under the law for their own use and they were on many estates obliged to work a greater number of hours than was required by law. The apprentices were compelled to work by spells of eight hours in the field on one day, and for sixteen hours in and about the boiling house on the next day, giving up their half Friday, for which amount of extra labor they received two shillings and one penny or 50 cents a week. On one estate the wages paid for extra labor during crop was two pence or 4 cents an hour. The working hours were generally from four to eleven and from one to five, and it is interesting to note that while it was expected that on each half Friday given to the apprentices, sufficient food should be provided by them to last for the succeeding week, yet when that half day was taken from them five or six herrings were the only compensation.

The following case is taken from an agreement made in 1836 by certain cane hole diggers. Every laborer agreed to dig 405 cane holes in four and one half days due his master, and to receive ten pounds of salt fish and a daily allowance of sugar and rum, the salt fish to be diminished in the ratio of one pound for every forty holes short of 405. In the one day and a half of his own time he was paid three shillings and four pence or 80 cents for every ninety cane holes. Under this agreement the maximum work performed was that of an apprentice who in three weeks of thirteen and one half days dug in his own time 1,017 holes, for which he received 28 pounds of fish, and in cash one pound and fifteen shillings or $8.40. By this means it was possible for the master to have 58 acres of land worked at a total cost of £147 10s 0d or $708. The cost to him, if the work had been given out to jobbers, would have been £8 an acre or £464, $2,227.20. His apprentices were therefore the means of saving for him the sum of £316 l0d or $1,519.20.

The following was the scale of wages for transient labor:

Prime headman	3 pence or 6 cents.
Inferior headman	2 pence or 4 cents.
First gang—able-bodied	1½ pence or 3 cents.
First gang—weakly	1¼ pence or 2½ cents.
Second gang—able-bodied	1¼ pence or 2½ cents.
Second gang—weakly	1 penny or 2 cents.
Third gang—active	¾ penny or 1½ cents.
Third gang—lazy	½ penny or 1 cent.

The apprentices were permitted under the law to make application to be valued, and on the basis of the valuation were entitled to purchase their freedom. Here again was the system grossly abused. The slaves or apprentices, as they were at that time called, became at the hour of valuation very desirable assets; and, in many instances, so valuable did they suddenly become that it was quite out of their power to carry out their intention. The system became for this reason a premium on all the bad qualities of the Negroes and a tax upon all the good. In spite of this, however, so great was the desire for freedom that within a period of twenty-eight months, from 1st August, 1834, to 30th November, 1836, 1,580 apprentices purchased their freedom by valuation at a cost of £52,215 or $250,632, an average of £33 or $158.40 a head.

Although seventy-eight years have passed since the total abolition of slavery, however, the condition of the laborers of Jamaica remains practically the same as it was then. There has been beyond doubt much improvement in the island, but the unfortunate fact is this, that the laborer living in a country much improved in many respects, is himself no better or very little better off than his forefathers in slavery. In truth, he is still an economic slave. The conditions under which he lives and works are such as destroy whatever ambition he may possess, and reduce his life to a mere drudgery, to a mere animal existence.

Some progress has been made and there are signs of improvement, but the majority of laborers, the men and women and children who till the banana fields and work on the sugar plantations, are no better off than previously. These are still beasts of burden, still the victims of an economic system under which they labor not as human beings with bodies to be fed or clothed, with minds to be cultivated and aspiring souls to be ministered unto, but as living machines designed only to plant so many banana suckers in an hour, or to carry so many loads of canes in a day. After seventy-eight years in this fair island, side by side, with the progress and improvements above referred to, there are still hundreds and hundreds of men and women who live like savages in unfloored huts, huddled together like beasts of the field, without regard to health or comfort. And they live thus, not because they are worthless or because they are wholly without ambition or desire to live otherwise, but because they must thus continue as economic slaves receiving still the miserable pittance of a wage of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day that was paid to their forefathers at the dawn of emancipation. The system is now so well established that the employers apparently regard it as their sacred right and privilege to exploit the laborers, and the laborers themselves have been led by long submission and faulty teaching to believe that the system is a part of the natural order, a result of divine ordainment.

This attitude of the poor down-trodden laborers is one of the most effective blocks in the way of his improvement. But the despair of every one who dares to tackle this problem of improving the economic and therefore the social and moral condition of the laborers of this island is based on the inertness which almost amounts to callous indifference of the local Government.

The following letters addressed to me by the Colonial Secretary of Jamaica deserves to be put on record as evidence of the mind of the government, in 1913,—of its inability or unwillingness to take the first step. Letter A was written at the direction of Sir Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., then Governor of Jamaica, who recently expressed the opinion that the laborers in this island should receive one dollar a day. That letter is valuable in that it is an official statement of the maximum wages paid by the government of Jamaica to its own laborers. Letter B was written at the direction of the then Colonial Secretary, Mr. P. Cork, and is even more valuable as an official pronouncement on the important question of a living wage.

Letter A.

"17th January, 1913.

No. 787/15568

With reference to the letter from this office No. 13099/15568 dated the 6th November last and to previous correspondence in connection with your suggestion that the Government should raise the wages of their laborers, I am directed by the Governor to inform you that it appears from enquiries made by His Excellency's direction that the average wage now earned by laborers under the Public Works Department is approximately one shilling and eight pence half penny (41 cents) for an average day of ten hours, so that in an average day of ten hours the laborers would at the same rate of pay earn two shillings and one penny half penny" (51 cents).

Letter B.

"8th March, 1913.

No. 2926/3268

The Acting Governor directs me to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 26th ultimo on the subject of the amount of wages paid to native laborers in the employment of the Government, and in reply to say that no acknowledgement of the correctness of your contention that one shilling and sixpence per diem is not a fair living wage for any laborer to receive, and that the minimum he ought reasonably to expect to enable him to meet the ordinary demands of existence is two shillings per diem (48 cents), is to be inferred from the letter from this office, No. 737/15568 dated the 17th of January, 1913.

"2. I am to add that His Excellency is not in a position to comply with your request that steps should be taken to ensure to all laborers working under the Public Works Department a minimum wage of two shillings per diem (48 cents) as from 1st April next."

The problem becomes real and serious when the ruling authorities are unwilling to admit what is absolutely clear to every one who is not hopelessly prejudiced, namely, that eighteen pence or thirty-six cents a day, the amount which was paid to the emancipated slaves in 1838, is not a living wage for his descendants in the year 1913, and when they are either unable or unwilling to set the pace for other employers of labor by paying their own laborers a minimum wage of two shillings or forty-eight cents a day.

With the labor problem of Jamaica the question of East Indian Immigration is intimately connected. While, on the one hand, we have the able-bodied native laborers miserably and cruelly underpaid, and having in consequence to emigrate in large numbers to other countries, on the other hand, we have the importation into the island of indentured immigrants under the conditions which make the economic improvement of the native laborers an impossibility. On the one side, the available records inform us that from April 1, 1905, to March 31, 1908, laborers numbering 39,060 emigrated from this island and deposited with the local Government the sum of £22,217 or $106,641.60 as required by law. The exodus to Cuba is at present a very serious comment upon the existing labor conditions. During the month of December, 1916, 761 persons emigrated from the island, 580 to Cuba and 181 to other places.

The figures, on the other side, reveal the fact that since the introduction of East Indian Immigration in 1845 to the present time 35,933 East Indians have been brought into the island; and it is estimated that there are to-day resident in the island over 20,000 East Indians, 3,000 of whom are indentured and 17,000 have completed their term of indenture. These immigrants are distributed to the several estates by the government at a cost of £20.10.0, or $90.42, paid in installments: £2 or $9.60, paid on allottment, £2.2.0 or $10.08 at the end of the first year, and £4.2.0 or $19.68 at the end of each of the succeeding four years.

For the years 1891-1908 the cost of this system to the colony is officially reported as follows:

Cost of importation	£129,692.2.2	$622,522.12
Administrative expenses	£ 37,377.0.2	179,409.64
Return passages 1901-8	£ 27,254.5.11	130,820.62
Gross cost	£194,323.83	£932,752.38
Receipts in hand	£143,171.1.1	$687,221.06
Net cost to colony	£ 51,152.7.2	$245,531.32

or an average of over £3,000 or $14,400 per annum.

The immigrants are indentured for five years, and are entitled after a continuous residence of ten years in the colony to one half of the value of their passage money in the case of men and of one third in the case of women. For a working day of nine hours the men are paid one shilling or 24 cents and the women nine pence or 18 cents. A deduction of two shillings and sixpence or 60 cents a week is made for rations supplied. They receive free hospital treatment which cost the Government on the average of two pounds or $9.60 each per annum.

The system of immigration is a factor contributing to the present unsatisfactory condition of the labor market in this island. The immigrants are unfair competitors of the natives. They accept lower wages, and they lower the standard of life. They are practically modern slaves. It is not then reasonable with such competitors for the native laborer to expect a favorable response to his appeal for fairer treatment. It is asserted that the importation of East Indians is necessary because the native laborers will not give that reliable and continuous service which is necessary for the profitable working of the estates. The answer to this is that these same laborers emigrate and give their foreign employers the reliable and continuous service which they consistently withhold from the employer at home because they are paid more and treated better abroad.

The solution of the problem in so far as the first steps are concerned is then two fold. First, the government must at once determine that this systematic immigration of cheap labor must cease, and must set about without delay to make the necessary arrangements and adjustments which will be preparatory to an early discontinuance of the system. Next, the employers of labor must either by persuasion or legal coercion be led to induce the native laborers by the offer of better wages to remain at home.

With reference to the first it has been discovered that the government supports the fiction that the importation of East Indians is necessary. In a report dated October 1, 1908, the Acting Protector of Immigrants, with the apparent approval of the Governor, wrote: "As a result of having a nucleus of reliable labor in the shape of indentured coolies owners of estates have felt themselves justified in spending large sums of money in extending their cultivations, and in installing expensive machinery. This has had the effect of providing employment for a much larger number of creole laborers than formerly, and of putting a great deal more money in circulation. I think that instead of the coolie being cursed by the native laborer for taking away his work he should be blessed for having been the means of providing employment for him."

The substance of the statement given above is incorporated by Sir Sydney Olivier, K.C.M.G., in a chapter of his book entitled White Capital and Colored Labor, in which there occurs this remarkable assertion: "In Jamaica wages are higher in those districts where indentured coolies are employed on banana plantations." Coolies who receive a maximum wage of one shilling or 24 cents a day are introduced to the world as the wage-raising factor in Jamaica!

Just prior to the World War the labor question was a very live one in Jamaica. The weekly exodus of hundreds of laborers to the neighboring island of Cuba, the murmuring of dissatisfaction among the immigrants, friction in the working of the Immigration Department,—all have served to bring this labor problem prominently to public notice. At a meeting held in the interest of the sugar industry in January, 1917, there was adopted a suggestive resolution moved by Mr. A. W. Farquharson, a prominent and successful legal practitioner, and a man who, though the descendant of an old family of planters, is deeply interested in the improvement of the laborers. The resolution was: "That this committee is convinced that the continuous and increasing exodus of laborers from the colony to seek work in foreign countries is impeding the development of the resources of the island, and that it is of urgent importance that early measures should be adopted to arrest such exodus, by the creation of conditions which will induce an improvement in the status of the laboring population."

The Daily Chronicle of that date comments thus on the question:

"The Sugar Committee has pointed out clearly the precise measures that are certain to produce better remuneration for the laborer, and this, as we have been insisting from the start, is the very essence of the scheme. According to the recommendations forwarded to the Government and turned down by the Privy Council—some of whose members have evidently made up their minds that something akin to the feudal system must, in the interest of a few, be forever maintained in Jamaica—the Government would go into the business for the protection of the community against the avidity of the private capitalist; in other words, to insure a fair distribution in this island, of the profits derived from the rehabilitated industry. Under this arrangement the Government factories would be in a position to set the pace in the matter of payment of wages to the laborer. Think of what this would mean! A higher standard of living, better health, more happiness—the very things which the peasant is being forced to go abroad to obtain. But the mandamus will have none of this socialism; it is too broad, too comprehensive, too human for minds unaccustomed to look beyond self. So they have rejected the Sugar Committee's proposals, compelling Mr. Farquharson and his friends to appeal to the Secretary of State for the Colonies. His Excellency the Governor and his advisors have thus shown their utter inability to understand the economic needs of the island. Deliberately—we do not say with malice aforethought—have they decided to perpetuate conditions which in the past have served to disintegrate the population of this colony, and will in the future continue to do this with even more harmful effects than hitherto unless some well-considered attempt is made to produce more wealth from our soil for the benefit, not of a few capitalists, but of the nine hundred thousand inhabitants of Jamaica."

One might not wholly endorse this criticism, but it should be represented that the inaction of the government, whether due to inability or indifference or to whatever cause, has been the prime preventing cause of an earlier solution of a long standing problem. It seemed, however, as if an attempt was at last to be made to do something. A news article in The Daily Gleaner, February, 1917, announced that the Government had at last realized the urgent need of improved barrack accommodation on the estates, and of proper medical supervision of the laborers. It desired to stem the exodus of laborers, but from its own statement given out to the press in the article referred to, not so much for the benefit of the ill-paid laborers, but in consideration for the employers who would soon have to face a labor market relieved of imported coolies. And so, for the sake of the employers, it was proposed to ask the native laborer to agree to be indentured for twelve months at the same miserable wages of eighteen pence or 36 cents a day, with the addition of a tempting (?) bonus of two pounds or $9.60 at the end of the term. And this paternal suggestion was made in order "to improve the local sources of labor supply that were available" at a time when Cuba was offering from one dollar to one dollar and a half a day!

The Labor Problem of Jamaica may then be briefly stated thus: After seventy-eight years of freedom the laboring population was economically no better off in 1916 than their forefathers who lived in the early days of emancipation. The laborers received a daily wage which was but a small pittance, and they worked under conditions that were appalling, and that were a disgrace to any community pretending to be civilized. The government instead of taking steps to improve these conditions and thus to induce the laborer to give in Jamaica that reliable and continuous service which hundreds so willingly and efficiently gave abroad, promoted the perpetuation of those conditions by spending each year over £3,000 or $14,400 of the taxpayers' money in establishing and maintaining a system of immigration which demoralized the best labor market by providing the employers with an undesirable class of laborers whose standard of life is abnormally low, and to whom twenty-four cents a day is a considerable sum, and thereby compelled the native laborer either to accept the unsatisfactory conditions or to emigrate.

The following extract from an article entitled, "What Feeding Him Means," which appeared in The Daily Gleaner of February 7, 1917, throws more light on the problem:

"Captain Fist tells us that what the peasant needs to make him a better worker is better feeding. He also suggests that decent dwelling places should be put up on the estates and plantations for the people, and that a small lot of land should be allowed each family for the cultivation of ground provisions. All this and more is being done for the Jamaican in Panama. But when we hear of living places here, it is always 'barracks' that are spoken of,—a long range of wretched structures where comfort and privacy are out of the question, and where, as a rule, only single men can live. But men are not going to work and live as bachelors to oblige other people. We do not want laborers merely, we want decent families of men and women and children, and if the economic situation in this country cannot provide us with these, so much the worse for the situation and for the whole country. The fact is that the Jamaica peasant, if he has been decently fed and is free from disease, is a good worker. Our Government, therefore, if it is to justify any claim to being intelligent, progressive and far seeing must take up the question of disease with a degree of thoroughness never shown before; while the employer of labor must provide decent living places for his workers and pay a sufficient wage to enable them to eat enough nutritious food and become better workers and improved human beings. Unless something of the sort is done, Jamaica will continue to lose her best able bodied population. There can be no restriction of emigration here unless the Government fixes that minimum at an amount not less than two shillings a day (48 cents) and then the Government would have to see that the worker got his money, and also obtained sufficient work to do. Nothing is to be expected from any scheme of local indenture: the laborer who indentured himself to work for a year at one shilling and sixpence a day, (36 cents) even with a bonus of less than a shilling a week thrown in at the end of a year would be an exceptional person, a man with no intention of keeping the contract and what would you do if he did not keep the contract? No; these schemes are merely moonshine: we might as well dismiss them from our minds at once. The only way in which the Government can directly help the laborer is for the Government to start industries and pay a decent daily or weekly wage. But the intelligent employer can do a great deal to help himself where labor is concerned, if he will but understand that better pay and better conditions are what his workers want and must have; and he will find that so long as his undertakings pay him well—that so long as sugar, coconuts and other things bring him a large profit (as they are doing today) it will be profitable to him to make the lot of the worker a better one than it is. Now is the time for employers to set to work on these necessary reforms. They can afford to do so, and they decidedly ought to do so.

E. Ethelred Brown.

THE LIFE OF CHARLES B. RAY

Charles Bennett Ray was born in Falmouth, Massachusetts, December 25, 1807, and died August 15, 1886. He first attended the school and academy of his native town and then studied theology at the Wesleyan Academy of Wilbraham, Massachusetts, and later at Wesleyan University, Middletown, Connecticut. He became a Congregational minister. His chief work, however, was in connection with the anti-slavery movement, the Underground Railroad and as editor of The Colored American from 1839 to 1842. As a national character he did not measure up to the stature of Ward, Remond and Douglass, and for that reason he is too often neglected in the study of the history of the Negro prior to the Civil War. But he was one of the useful workers in behalf of the Negroes and accomplished much worthy of mention.[1]

Ray became connected with the anti-slavery movement in 1833, in the early winter of which the American Anti-Slavery Society was formed. He proved his fidelity to the sacred cause of liberty by lending practical aid which men in high places often had neither the time nor the patience to give and contributed much to the final overthrow of slavery. "Many a midnight hour," said he, "have I with others walked the streets, their leader and guide and my home was an almost daily receptacle for numbers of them at a time."[2] In those days when so many matters of importance touching the subject of slavery had to be adjusted, the advocates of freedom often met for an interchange of views; and Mr. Ray's home became, on several occasions, the scene of such gatherings where Lewis Tappan, Simeon S. Jocelyn, Joseph Sturge, the celebrated English philanthropist, and others discussed with great earnestness the inner workings of that grand moral conflict.

In coöperation with wealthy abolitionists whose purse strings were wont to be loosed at the call of humanity, he assisted in enabling many a slave to see the light of freedom. Several were taken by him to the Plymouth Church in Brooklyn, which under the inspiration of Henry Ward Beecher, the fearless champion of the cause, contributed liberally toward the succor of the oppressed. In 1850, fifteen years after the formation of the Vigilance Committee of the city of New York, of which Theodore S. Wright was president, the New York State Committee was formed with a plan and object similar to those of the more local organizations. Of this new association Gerrit Smith was president and Ray, a member of the executive board as well as corresponding secretary, an office he held also in the older society. While Ray was not every time the moving spirit of these organizations, he figured largely in carrying out the plans agreed upon by these bodies. In the discharge of the trust committed to his hands he usually acquitted himself with an honorable record.[3]

In advancing the anti-slavery cause, Ray was among the first to work with the circle of radical free Negroes who, through the conventions of the free people of color meeting in Philadelphia and in other cities of the North from 1830 until the Civil War,[4] did much to make the freedman stand out as worthy objects of the philanthropy of the anti-slavery societies. During this period the American Colonization Society was doing its best to convince free Negroes of their lack of opportunity in this country to induce them to try their fortunes in Africa and because of the rapidity with which some free Negroes yielded to this heresy, there was a strong probability that the anti-slavery movement might be weakened by such adherence to faith in colonization to the extent that the ardor of the militant abolitionists would be considerably dampened. While not among the first to start the convention movement among Negroes, Ray in the course of time became one of its most ardent supporters and no convention of the free people of color was considered complete without him.

His career as a journalist in connection with The Colored American was highly creditable. This paper was established in 1837 as the Weekly Advocate with Samuel E. Cornish as editor and Phillip A. Bell as proprietor. After two months it was decided to change the name of the publication to The Colored American, under the caption of which it appeared March 4, 1837. Bell then called to his assistance Charles B. Ray who served him as general agent. Traveling as such he went through all parts of the North, East, and West writing letters to present to the public his observations and experiences and lecturing while speaking of the claims of his paper as the champion of the slave and the organ of thought for the free Negro.[5]

Ray rose to the position of one of the proprietors of The Colored American in 1838 and upon the withdrawal of Bell from the enterprise the following year, he became the sole editor and continued in that capacity until 1842 when he suspended publication. He was regarded by his contemporary, William Wells Brown, as a terse and vigorous writer and an able and eloquent speaker well informed upon all subjects of the day. "Blameless in his family relations, guided by the highest moral rectitude, a true friend to everything that tends to better the moral, social, religious and political condition of man. Dr. Ray," says Brown, "may be looked upon as one of the foremost of the leading men of his race."[6]

That the paper ceased to be was no reflection on Ray's ability to conduct the journal, for he manifested evidences of unusual editorial ability and his writings were always strong in the advocacy of liberty and justice. The failure of the enterprise was due to the fact that there were not quite 400,000 free Negroes in the United States at that time and the small number of readers among them were so unhappily dispersed throughout the country that it was difficult to secure enough support for such an enterprise. At this time The Colored American was the only paper in the United States devoted to the interest of the Negro published by a man of color. Its objects were the "more directly moral, social, and political elevation and improvement of the free colored people; and the peaceful emancipation of the enslaved." It, therefore, advocated "all lawful as well as moral measures to accomplish those objects."[7] Feeling that this journal should not be narrow in restricting its efforts to better the condition of the people of color in this country, the editor proclaimed his interest in behalf of such people of all countries of the universe and his concern in the reforms of the age and whatever related to common humanity.

Concerning this paper the Herald of Freedom said the following:

"The Colored American, we are glad to see, has reappeared in the field, under the conduct of our enterprising and talented Brother Ray. It will maintain a very handsome rank among the antislavery periodicals, and we hope will be well sustained and kept up by both, colored and uncolored patronage.

"It must be a matter of pride to our colored friends, as it is to us, that they are already able to vindicate the claims our enterprise has always made in their behalf,—to an equal intellectual rank in this heterogeneous (but 'homogeneous') community.

"It is no longer necessary for abolitionists to contend against the blunder of pro-slavery,—that the colored people are inferior to the whites; for these people are practically demonstrating its falseness. They have men enough in action now, to maintain the anti-slavery enterprise, and to win their liberty, and that of their enslaved brethren,—if every white abolitionist were drawn from the field: McCune Smith, and Cornish, and Wright and Ray and a host of others,—not to mention our eloquent brother, Remond, of Maine, and Brother Lewis who is the stay and staff of field antislavery in New Hampshire.

"The people of such men as these cannot be held in slavery. They have got their pens drawn and tried their voices, and they are seen to be the pens and voices of human genius; and they will neither lay down the one, nor will they hush the other, till their brethren are free.

"The Calhouns and Clays may display their vain oratory and metaphysics, but they tremble when they behold the colored man is in the intellectual field. The time is at hand, when this terrible denunciation shall thunder in their own race."[8]

The Christian Witness said the following:

"The Colored American. Returning from the country, we are glad to find upon our table several copies of this excellent paper, which has waked up with renewed strength and beauty. It is now under the exclusive control of Charles B. Ray, a gentleman in every manner competent to the duties devolving upon him in the station he occupies. Our colored friends generally, and all those who can do so, would bestow their patronage worthily by giving it to The Colored American."[9]

As to the sort of editor Charles B. Ray was, we can best observe by reading two of his striking editorials on Prejudice and This Country, our only Home.

Prejudice

"'Prejudice,' said a noble man, 'is an aristocratic hatred of humble life.'

"Prejudice, of every character, and existing against whom it may, is hatred. It is a fruit of our corrupt nature, and has its being in the depravity of the human heart. It is sin.

"To hate a man, for any consideration whatever, is murderous; and to hate him, in any degree, is, in the same degree murderous; and to hate a man for no cause whatever, magnifies the evil. 'Whosoever hateth his brother is a murderer,' says Holy Writ.

"There is a kind of aristocracy in our country, as in nearly all others, a looking down with disdain upon humble life and a disregard of it. Still, we hear little about prejudice against any class among us, excepting against color, or against the colored population of this Union, which so monopolizes this state of feeling in our country that we hear less of it in its operations upon others, than in other countries. It is the only sense in which there is equality; here, the democratic principle is adopted and all come together as equals, and unite the rich and the poor, the high and the low, in an equal right to hate the colored man; and its operations upon the mind and character are cruel and disastrous, as it is murderous and wicked in itself. One needs to feel it, and to wither under its effects, to know it: and the colored men of the United States, wherever found, and in whatever circumstances, are living epistles, which may be read by all men in proof of all that is paralyzing to enterprise, destructive to ambition, ruinous to character, crushing to mind, and painful to the soul, in the monster, Prejudice. For it is found equally malignant, active, and strong—associated with the mechanical arts, in the work-shop, in the mercantile houses, in the commercial affairs of the country, in the halls of learning, in the temple of God; and in the highways and hedges. It almost possesses ubiquity; it is every where, doing its deleterious work wherever one of the proscribed class lives and moves.

"Yet prejudice against color, prevalent as it is in the minds of one class of our community against another, is unnatural, though habitual. If it were natural, children would manifest it with the first signs of consciousness; but with them, all are alike affectionate and beloved. They have not the feeling, because it is a creature of education and habit.

"While we write, there are now playing at our right, a few steps away, a colored and white child, with all the affection and harmony of feeling, as though prejudice had always been unknown.

"Prejudice overlooks all that is noble and grand in man's being. It forgets that, housed in a dark complexion is, equally alike with the whites, all that is lofty in mind and noble in soul, that there lies an equal immortality. It reaches to grade mind and soul, either by the texture of the hair, or the form of the features, or the color of the skin. This is an education fostered by prejudice; consequently, an education almost universally prevalent in our country; an education, too, subverting the principles of our humanity, and turning away the dictates of our noble being from what is important, to meaner things.[10]

"This Country, our only Home.

"When we say, 'our home,' we refer to the colored community. When we say, 'our only home,' we speak in a general sense, and do not suppose but in individual cases some may, and will take up a residence under another government, and perhaps in some other quarter of the globe. We are disposed to say something upon this subject now, in refutation of certain positions that have been assumed by a class of men, as the American people are too well aware, and to the reproach of the Christian church and the Christian religion, too, viz.: that we never can rise here, and that no power whatsoever is sufficient to correct the American spirit, and equalize the laws in reference to our people, so as to give them power and influence in this country.

"If we cannot be an elevated people here, in a country the resort of almost all nations to improve their condition; a country of which we are native, constituent members; our native home, (as we shall attempt to show) and where there are more means available to bring the people into power and influence, and more territory to extend to them than in any other country; also the spirit and genius of whose institution we so well understand, being completely Americanized, as it will be found most of our people are,—we say, if we can not be raised up in this country, we are at great loss to know where, all things considered, we can be.

"If the Colored Americans are citizens of this country, it follows, of course, that, in the broadest sense, this country is our home. If we are not citizens of this country, then we cannot see of what country we are, or can be, citizens; for Blackstone who is quoted, we believe, as the standard of civil law, tells us that the strongest claim to citizenship is birthplace. We understand him to say, that in whatever country or place you may be born of that country or place you are, in the highest sense, a citizen; in fine, this appears to us to be too self-evident to require argument to prove it.

"Now, probably three-fourths of the present colored people are American born, and therefore American citizens. Suppose we should remove to some other country, and claim a foothold there, could we not be rejected on the ground that we were not of them, because not born among them? Even in Africa, identity of complexion would be nothing, neither would it weigh anything because our ancestry was of that country; the fact of our not having been born there would be sufficient ground for any civil power to refuse us citizenship. If this principle were carried out, it would be seen that we could not be even a cosmopolite, but must be of nowhere, and of no section of the globe. This is so absurd that it is as clear as day that we must revert to the country which gave us birth, as being, in the highest sense, citizens of it.

"These points, it appears to us, are true, indisputably true. We are satisfied as to our claims as citizens here, and as to this being the virtual and destined home of colored Americans.

"We reflect upon this subject now, on account of the frequent agitations, introduced among us, in reference to our emigrating to some other country, each of which, embodies more or less of the colonizing principle, and all of which are of bad tendency, throwing our people into an unsettled state; and turning away our attention in this country, to uncertain things under another government, and evidently putting us back. All such agitations introduced among us, with a view to our emigrating, ought to be frowned upon by us, and we ought to teach the people that they may as well come here and agitate the emigration of the Jays, the Rings, the Adamses, the Otises, the Hancocks, et al., as to agitate our removal. We are all alike constituents of the same government, and members of the same rising family. Although we come up much more slowly, our rise is to be none the less sure. This subject is pressed upon us, because we not infrequently meet some of our brethren in this unsettled state of mind, who, though by no means colonizationists yet adopt the colonization motto, and say they can not see how or when we are going to rise here. Perhaps, if we looked only to the selfishness of man, and to him as absolute, we should think so, too. But while we know that God lives and governs, and always will; that He is just, and has declared that righteousness shall prevail; and that one day with Him is as a thousand years, and a thousand years as one day; we believe that, despite all corruption and caste, we shall yet be elevated with the American people here.

"It appears to us most conclusive, that our destinies in this country are for the better, not for the worse, in view of the many schemes introduced to our notice for emigrating to other countries having failed; thus teaching us that our rights, hopes, and prospects, are in this country; and it is a waste of time and of power to look for them under another government; and also, that God, in His providence, is instructing us to remain at home, where are all our interests and claims and to adopt proper measures and pursue them, and we yet shall participate in all the immunities and privileges the American nation holds out to her citizens, and be happy. We are also strongly American in our character and disposition.

"We believe, therefore, in view of all the facts, that it is our duty and privilege to claim an equal place among the American people; to identify ourselves with American interests, and to exert all the power and influence we have, to break down all the disabilities under which we labor, and thus look to become a happy people in this extensive country."[11]

Ray rendered equally as valuable services to the Negroes as a promoter of the Underground Railroad. In fact he was approaching the climax of his career when the Underground Railroad became an efficient agency in offering relief to the large number of Negro slaves who found themselves reduced to the plane of beasts in the rapidly growing cotton kingdom. One of the striking cases in which he figured was that of the escape of the Weims family, so well known for the almost unparalleled deliverance from bondage of the entire family with one exception.

Exactly how the freedom of these slaves was obtained appears to better effect in the language of Ray himself. "But I must say a word about the younger girl, the price of whom they held as high as we gave for Catherine. We proposed another method for her freedom and carried it out, in which the mother acted a good part, as she could; we proposed to run her off. I was written to, to know whether a draft for three hundred dollars would be forwarded, conditioned upon the appearance of Ann Maria in my house or hands—the sum being appropriated to compensate the one who should deliver her safely in the North. I answered, of course, in the affirmative."[12]

The escape of Ann Maria, as proposed by this new plan, can best be explained by the correspondence between Mr. Ray and Mr. Bigelow in Washington, who, writing according to a method often adopted in those days in order the more effectually to secure concealment, designates Ann Maria as the parcel sent.[13] The letter reads thus:

"Washington, D. C., Nov. 17, 1855.

"Rev. Chas. B. Ray,

"Dear Sir: I have a friend passing through the city on his way to New York, and I mean to avail myself of his kindness to send to your lady the little parcel she has been so long expecting. You can name it to her, and I now suggest that as soon as you find it convenient, you send me by express the wrapper and covering in which the valuables are packed, for I have another similar parcel to send and shall find these things exactly convenient for that purpose. My friend intends to leave here on Monday morning, with his own conveyance, taking it leisurely, and may not reach New York before about Thursday, but of this I speak more exactly before I close. I need not suggest to you how anxious I shall be to get the earliest news of the arrival of the package without breakage or injury."

Also he adds as follows:

"Washington, D. C., November 22, 1855.

"Rev. Chas. B. Ray,

"Dear Sir:

"My last letter will lead you to expect to see the boy Joe to-day but it was afterwards calculated that he will not arrive till sometime to-morrow. I am requested for the gratification of Joe's mother that you will be pleased on his arrival and before he changes his sex, to have his daguerrotype taken for her use. It will make up a part of the Record."

Mr. Ray's narration continues thus:

"Accordingly, one afternoon upon arriving home I found, sitting on the sofa at my home, a little boy about ten years old in appearance and looking rather feminine. I knew at once who it was, that it was Ann Maria. Upon her arrival I was to take her to Mr. Tappan, in whose hands the balance of the money was placed. This I did, and the little boy Joe was taken to her uncle or to where he could obtain her and finally reached Canada."

The following incident has often been told in Mr. Ray's family. "One summer morning, a loud rap with the knocker at the front door arrested the attention and the door being opened, a man entered, who after asking, 'Does the Rev. Mr. Ray live here?' and receiving an affirmative answer, whistled as a signal to attract the notice of his comrades, then cried out, 'Come on, boys!' and forthwith fourteen men in all entered, quite alarming the inmates of the house on seeing such a train of fugitives."

In the midst of these busy days Mr. Ray also served as a minister. For twenty years he was the pastor of the Bethesda Congregational Church in New York City where many learned to wait upon his ministry. He lived until 1886, long enough to enjoy some of that liberty for which he so patiently toiled. His more valuable services to his race, however, were rendered during the period prior to the Civil War. Although in the midst of this struggle of the subsequent period there came forward men who towered higher in the public opinion than he did, the valuable work which he did as an abolitionist, and an editor, should not be neglected.

M. N. Work

Footnotes:

[1] A very good account of C. B. Ray's literary efforts is given in I. Garland Penn's The Afro-American Press, pp. 32-47.

[2] Papers in the possession of Ray's family.

[3] For further information see manuscripts in the possession of Ray's family.

[4] This convention movement is well treated in J. W. Cromwell's The Negro in American History, pp. 27-46.

[5] Penn, The Afro-American Press, p. 35.

[6] Brown, The Rising Son, p. 473.

[7] Penn, The Afro-American Press, p. 38.

[8] Penn, The Afro-American Press, pp. 39-40.

[9] Ibid., p. 41.

[10] Penn, The Afro-American Press, pp. 42-43.

[11] Penn, The Afro-American Press, pp. 43-46.

[12] From papers in the possession of Ray's family.

[13] These letters are in the possession of the author.

THE SLAVE IN UPPER CANADA [A]

The dictum of Lord Chief Justice Holt: "As soon as a slave enters England he becomes free"[1] was succeeded by the decision of the Court of King's Bench to the same effect in the celebrated case of Somerset v. Stewart [2] where Lord Mansfield is reported to have said: "The air of England has long been too pure for a slave and every man is free who breathes it."[3]

James Somerest,[4] a Negro slave of Charles Stewart in Jamaica, had been brought by his master to England "to attend and abide with him and to carry him back as soon as his business should be transacted." The Negro refused to go back, whereupon he was put in irons and taken on board the ship Ann and Mary lying in the Thames and bound for Jamaica. Lord Mansfield granted a writ of habeas corpus requiring Captain Knowles to produce Somerset before him with the cause of the detainer. On the motion, the cause being stated as above indicated, Lord Mansfield referred the matter to the Full Court of King's Bench; whereupon, on June 22, 1772, judgment was given for the Negro. The basis of the decision, the theme of the argument, was that the only kind of slavery known to English law was villeinage, that the Statute of Tenures (1660) (12 Car. 11, c. 24) expressly abolished villeins regardant to a manor and by implication villeins in gross. The reasons for the decision would hardly stand fire at the present day. The investigation of Paul Vinogradoff and others have conclusively established that there was not a real difference in status between the so-called villein regardant and villein in gross, and that in any case the villein was not properly a slave but rather a serf.[5] Moreover, the Statute of Tenures deals solely with tenure and not with status.

But what seems to have been taken for granted, namely that slavery, personal slavery, had never existed in England and that the only unfree person was the villein, who, by the way was real property, is certainly not correct. Slaves were known in England as mere personal goods and chattels, bought and sold, at least as late as the middle of the twelfth century.[6] However weak the reasons given for the decision, its authority has never been questioned and it is good law. But it is good law for England, for even in the Somerset case it was admitted that a concurrence of unhappy circumstances had rendered slavery necessary [7] in the American colonies: and Parliament had recognized the right of property in slaves there.[8]

When Canada was conquered in 1760, slavery existed in that country. There were not only Panis [9] or Indian Slaves, but also Negro slaves. These were not enfranchised by the conqueror, but retained their servile status. When the united empire loyalists came to this northern land after the acknowledgment by Britain of the independence of the revolted colonies, some of them brought their slaves with them: and the Parliament of Great Britain in 1790 passed an Act authorizing any "subject of ... the United States of America" to bring into Canada "any negroes" free of duty having first obtained a license from the Lieutenant Governor.[10]

An immense territory formerly Canada was erected into a Government or Province of Quebec by Royal Proclamation in 1763 and the limits of the province were extended by the Quebec Act in 1774.[11] This province was divided into two provinces, Upper Canada and Lower Canada in 1791.[12] At this time the whole country was under the French Canadian law in civil matters. The law of England had been introduced into the old Government of the Province of Quebec by the Royal Proclamation of 1763; but the former French Canadian law had been reintroduced in 1774 by the Quebec Act in matters of property and civil rights, leaving the English criminal law in full force. The law, civil and criminal, had been modified in certain details (not of importance here) by Ordinances of the Governor and Council of Quebec.

The very first act of the first Parliament of Upper Canada reintroduced the English civil law.[13] This did not destroy slavery, nor did it ameliorate the condition of the slave. Rather the reverse, for as the English law did not, like the civil law of Rome and the systems founded on it, recognize the status of the slave at all, when it was forced by grim fact to acknowledge slavery it had no room for the slave except as a mere piece of property. Instead of giving him rights like those of the "servus," he was deprived of all rights, marital, parental, proprietary, even the right to live. In the English law and systems founded on it, the slave had no rights which the master was bound to respect.[14]

The first Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Canada was Col. John Graves Simcoe. He hated slavery and had spoken against it in the House of Commons in England. Arriving in Upper Canada in the summer of 1792, he was soon made fully aware that the horrors of slavery were not unknown in his new Province. The following is a report of a meeting of his Executive Council:

"At the Council Chamber, Navy Hall, in the County of Lincoln, Wednesday, March 21st, 1793.

"Present

"His Excellency, J. G. Simcoe, Esq., Lieut.-Governor, &c., &c.,
The Hon^ble Wm. Osgoode, Chief Justice
The Hon^ble Peter Russell.

"Peter Martin (a negro in the service of Col. Butler) attended the Board for the purpose of informing them of a violent outrage committed by one —— Fromand, an Inhabitant of this Province, residing near Queens Town, or the West Landing, on the person of Chloe Cooley a Negro girl in his service, by binding her, and violently and forcibly transporting her across the River, and delivering her against her will to certain persons unknown; to prove the truth of his Allegation he produced Wm. Grisley (or Crisley).

"William Grisley an Inhabitant near Mississague Point in this Province says: that on Wednesday evening last he was at work at Mr. Froomans near Queens Town, who in conversation told him, he was going to sell his Negro Wench to some persons in the States, that in the Evening he saw the said Negro girl, tied with a rope, that afterwards a Boat was brought, and the said Frooman with his Brother and one Vanevery, forced the said Negro Girl into it, that he was desired to come into the boat, which he did, but did not assist or was otherwise concerned in carrying off the said Negro Girl, but that all the others were, and carried the Boat across the River; that the said Negro Girl was then taken and delivered to a man upon the Bank of the River by —— Froomand, that she screamed violently and made resistance, but was tied in the same manner as when the said William Grisley first saw her, and in that situation delivered to the man.... Wm. Grisley farther says that he saw a negro at a distance, he believes to be tied in the same manner, and has heard that many other People mean to do the same by their Negroes

"Resolved.—That it is necessary to take immediate steps to prevent the continuance of such violent breaches of the Public Peace, and for that purpose, that His Majesty's Attorney-General, be forthwith directed to prosecute the said Fromond.

"Adjourned."[15]

The Attorney-General was John White [16] an accomplished English lawyer. He knew that the brutal master was well within his rights in acting as he did. He had the same right to bind, export, and sell his slave as to bind, export, and sell his cow. Chloe Cooley had no rights which Vrooman was bound to respect: and it was no more a breach of the peace than if he had been dealing with his heifer. Nothing came of the direction to prosecute and nothing could be done.

It is probable that it was this circumstance which brought about legislation. At the Second Session of the First Parliament which met at Newark, May 31, 1793, a bill was introduced and unanimously passed the House of Assembly. The trifling amendments introduced by the Legislative Council were speedily concurred in, the royal assent was given July 9, 1793, and the bill became law.[17] It recited that it was unjust that a people who enjoy freedom by law should encourage the introduction of slaves, and that it was highly expedient to abolish slavery in the Province so far as it could be done gradually without violating private property; and proceeded to repeal the Imperial Statute of 1790 so far as it related to Upper Canada, and to enact that from and after the passing of the Act, "No Negro or other person who shall come or be brought into this Province ... shall be subject to the condition of a slave or to" bounden involuntary service for life. With that regard for property characteristic of the English-speaking peoples, the act contained an important proviso which continued the slavery of every "negroe or other person subjected to such service" who has been lawfully brought into the Province. It then enacted that every child born after the passing of the act, of a Negro mother or other woman subjected to such service should become absolutely free on attaining the age of twenty-five, the master in the meantime to provide "proper nourishment and cloathing" for the child, but to be entitled to put him to work, all issue of such children to be free whenever born. It further declared any voluntary contract of service or indenture should not be binding longer than nine years. Upper Canada was the first British possession to provide for the abolition of slavery.[18]

It will be seen that the Statute did not put an end to slavery at once. Those who were lawfully slaves remained slaves for life unless manumitted and the statute rather discouraged manumission, as it provided that the master on liberating a slave must give good and sufficient security that the freed man would not become a public charge. But, defective as it was, it was not long without attack. In 1798, Simcoe had left the province never to return,[19] and while the government was being administered by the time-serving Peter Russell, a bill was introduced into the Lower House to enable persons "migrating into the province to bring their negro slaves with them." The bill was contested at every stage but finally passed on a vote of eight to four. In the Legislative Council it received the three months' hoist and was never heard of again.[20] The argument in favor of the bill was based on the scarcity of labor which all contemporary writers speak of, the inducement to intending settlers to come to Upper Canada where they would have the same privileges in respect of slavery as in New York and elsewhere; in other words the inevitable appeals to greed.

After this bill became law, slavery gradually disappeared. Public opinion favored manumission and while there were not many manumissions inter vivos,[21] in some measure owing to the provisions of the act requiring security to be given in such case against the freed man becoming a public charge, there were not a few liberations by will.[22]

The number of slaves in Upper Canada was also diminished by what seems at first sight paradoxical, that is, their flight across the Detroit River into American territory. So long as Detroit and its vicinity were British in fact and even for some years later, Section 6 of the Ordinance of 1787 "that there shall be neither slavery not involuntary servitude in the said territory otherwise than as the punishment of crime" was in great measure a dead letter: but when Michigan was incorporated as a territory in 1805, the ordinance became effective. Many slaves made their way from Canada to Detroit, a real land of the free; so many, indeed, that we find that a company of Negro militia was formed in Detroit in 1806 to assist in the general defence of the territory, composed entirely of escaped slaves from Canada.[23]

Almost from the passing of the Canada Act, however, runaway Negroes began to come to Upper Canada, fleeing from slavery; this influx increased and never ceased until the American Civil War gave its death blow to slavery in the United States. Hundreds of blacks thus obtained their freedom, some having been brought by their masters near to the international boundary and then clandestinely or by force effecting a passage; some coming from far to the South, guided by the North Star; many assisted by friends more or less secretly. The Underground Railroad was kept constantly running.[24] These refugees joined settlements with other people of color freeborn or freed in the western part of the Peninsula, in the counties of Essex and Kent and elsewhere.[25] Some of them settled in other parts of the province, either together or more usually sporadically.

At the time of the outbreak of the Civil War there were many thousands of black refugees in the province.[26] More than half of these were manumitted slaves who in consequence of unjust laws had been forced to leave their State. While some of such freedmen went to the Northern States, most came to Canada, some returning to the Northern States. The Negro refugees were superior to most of their race, for none but those with more than ordinary qualities could reach Canada.[27]

The masters of runaway slaves did not always remain quiet when their slave reached this province. Sometimes they followed him in an attempt to take him back. There are said to have been a few instances of actual kidnapping, a few of attempted kidnapping.[28] There have been cases in which criminal charges have been laid against escaped slaves, and their extradition sought, ostensibly to answer the criminal charges. It has always been the theory in this province that the governor has the power independently of statute or treaty to deliver up alien refugees charged with crime.[29] To make it clear, the Parliament of Upper Canada in 1833 passed an Act for the apprehension of fugitive offenders from foreign countries, and delivering them up to justice.[30] This provides that on the requisition of the executive of any foreign country the governor of the province on the advice of his executive council may deliver up any person in the province charged with "Murder, Forgery, Larceny or other crime which if committed within the Province would have been punishable with death, corporal punishment, the Pillory, whipping or confinement at hard labour." The person charged might be arrested and detained for inquiry. The Act was permissive only and the delivery up was at the discretion of the governor.

When this act was in force Solomon Mosely or Moseby, a Negro slave, came to the Province across the Niagara River from Buffalo which he had reached after many days' travel from Louisville, Kentucky. His master followed him and charged him with the larceny of a horse which the slave took to assist him in his flight. That he had taken the horse there was no doubt, and as little that after days of hard riding he had sold it. The Negro was arrested and placed in Niagara jail; a prima facie case was made out and an order sent for his extradition.

The people of color of the Niagara region made Mosely's case their own and determined to prevent his delivery up to the American authorities to be taken to the land of the free and the home of the brave, knowing that there for him to be brave meant torture and death, and that death alone could set him free. Under the leadership of Herbert Holmes, a yellow man,[31] a teacher and preacher, they lay around the jail night and day to the number of from two to four hundred to prevent the prisoner's delivery up. At length the deputy sheriff with a military guard brought out the unfortunate man shackled in a wagon from the jail yard, to go to the ferry across the Niagara River. Holmes and a man of color named Green grabbed the lines. Deputy Sheriff McLeod from his horse gave the order to fire and charge. One soldier shot Holmes dead and another bayoneted Green, so that he died almost at once. Mosely, who was very athletic, leaped from the wagon and made his escape. He went to Montreal and afterwards to England, finally returning to Niagara, where he was joined by his wife, who also escaped from slavery.

An inquest was held on the bodies of Holmes and Green. The jury found "justifiable homicide" in the case of Holmes; "whether justifiable or unjustifiable there was not sufficient evidence before the jury to decide" in the case of Green. The verdict in the case of Holmes was the only possible verdict on the admitted facts. Holmes was forcibly resisting an officer of the law in executing a legal order of the proper authority. In the case of Green the doubt arose from the uncertainty whether he was bayoneted while resisting the officers or after Mosely had made his escape. The evidence was conflicting and the fact has never been made quite clear. No proceedings were taken against the deputy sheriff; but a score or more of the people of color were arrested and placed in prison for a time. The troublous times of the Mackenzie Rebellion came on, the men of color were released, many of them joining a Negro militia company which took part in protecting the border.

The affair attracted much attention in the province and opinions differed. While there were exceptions on both sides, it may fairly be said that the conservative and government element reprobated the conduct of the blacks in the strongest terms, being as little fond of mob law as of slavery, and that the radicals, including the followers of Mackenzie, looked upon Holmes and Green as martyrs in the cause of liberty. That Holmes and Green and their fellows violated the law there is no doubt, but so did Oliver Cromwell, George Washington and John Brown. Every one must decide for himself whether the occasion justified in the courts of Heaven an act which must needs be condemned in the courts of earth.[32]

In 1842 the well-known Ashburton Treaty was concluded [33] between Britain and the United States. This by Article X provides that "the United States and Her Britannic Majesty shall, upon mutual requisitions ... deliver up to justice all persons ... charged with murder or assault with intent to commit murder, or piracy or arson or robbery or forgery or the utterance of forged paper.... Power was given to judges and other magistrates to issue warrants of arrest, to hear evidence and if "the evidence be deemed sufficient ... it shall be the duty of the ... judge or magistrate to certify the same to the proper executive authority that a warrant may issue for the surrender of such fugitive."

It will be seen that this treaty made two important changes so far as the United States was concerned: (1) It made it the duty of the executive to order extradition in a proper case and took away the discretion, (2) it gave the courts jurisdiction to determine whether a case was made out for extradition.[34] These changes made it more difficult in many instances for a refugee to escape: but as ever the courts were astute in finding reasons against the return of slaves.

The case of John Anderson is well known. He was born a slave in Missouri. As his master was Moses Burton, he was known as Jack Burton. He married a slave woman in Howard County, the property of one Brown. In 1853 Burton sold him to one McDonald living some thirty miles away and his new master took him to his plantation. In September, 1853, he was seen near the farm of Brown, when apparently he was visiting his wife. A neighbor, Seneca T. P. Diggs, became suspicious of him and questioned him. As his answers were not satisfactory he ordered his four Negro slaves to seize him, according to the law in the State of Missouri. The Negro fled, pursued by Diggs and his slaves. In his attempt to escape the fugitive stabbed Diggs in the breast and Diggs died in a few hours. Effecting his escape to this province, he was in 1860 apprehended in Brant County, where he had been living under the name of John Anderson, and three local justices of the peace committed him under the Ashburton Treaty. A writ of habeas corpus was granted by the Court of Queen's Bench at Toronto, under which the prisoner was brought before the Court of Michaelmas Term of 1860.

The motion was heard by the Full Court.[35] Much of the argument was on the facts and on the law apart from the form of the papers, but that was hopeless from the beginning. The law and the facts were too clear, although Mr. Justice McLean thought the evidence defective. The case turned on the form of the information and warrant, a somewhat technical and refined point. The Chief Justice, Sir John Beverley Robinson, and Mr. Justice Burns agreed that the warrant was not strictly correct, but that it could be amended: Mr. Justice McLean thought it could not and should not be amended.

The case attracted great attention throughout the province, especially among the Negro population. On the day on which judgment was to be delivered, a large number of people of color with some whites assembled in front of Osgoode Hall.[36] While the adverse decision was announced, there were some mutterings of violence but counsel for the prisoner [37] addressed them seriously and impressively, reminding them "It is the law and we must obey it." The melancholy gathering melted away one by one in sadness and despair. Anderson was recommitted to the Brantford jail.[38] The case came to the knowledge of many in England. It was taken up by the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society and many persons of more or less note. An application was made to the Court of Queen's Bench of England for a writ of habeas corpus, notwithstanding the Upper Canadian decision, and while Anderson was in the jail at Toronto, the court after anxious deliberation granted the writ,[39] but it became unnecessary, owing to further proceedings in Upper Canada.

In those days the decision of any court or of any judge in habeas corpus proceedings was not final. An applicant might go from judge to judge, court to court [40] and the last applied to might grant the relief refused by all those previously applied to. A writ of habeas corpus was taken out from the other Common Law Court in Upper Canada, the Court of Common Pleas. This was argued in Hilary Term, 1861, and the court unanimously decided that the warrant of commitment was bad and that the court could not remand the prisoner to have it amended.[41] The prisoner was discharged. No other attempts were made to extradite him or any other escaped slave and Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation put an end to any chance of such an attempt being ever repeated.

W. R. Riddell.

Footnotes:

[A] This paper has appeared in Transactions of the Royal Society of Canada, May, 1919.

[1] Per Hargrave arguendo, Somerset v. Stewart (1772), Lofft 1, at p. 4; the speech in the State Trials Report was never actually delivered.

[2] (1772) Lofft 1; (1772) 20 St. Trials 1.

[3] These words are not in Lofft or in the State Trials but will be found in Campbell's Lives of the Chief Justices, Vol. II, p. 419, where the words are added: "Every man who comes into England is entitled to the protection of the English law, whatever oppression he may heretofore have suffered and whatever may be the colour of his skin. 'Quamvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus esses'" and certainly Vergil's verse was never used on a nobler occasion or to nobler purpose. Verg. E. 2, 19.

William Cowper in The Task, written 1783-1785, imitated this in his well-known lines:

"Slaves cannot breathe in England; if their lungs
Receive our air, that moment they are free.
They touch our country and their shackles fall."

[4] I use the spelling in Lofft; the State Trials and Lord Campbell have "Somersett" and "Steuart."

[5] See, e. g., Vinogradoff, Villeinage in England, passim; Hallam's Middle Ages (ed. 1827), Vol. 3, p. 256; Pollock & Maitland, History of English Law, Vol. 1, pp. 395 sqq. Holdsworth's History of English Law, Vol. 2, pp. 33, 63, 131; Vol. 3, pp. 167, 377-393.

[6] See Pollock & Maitland's History Eng. Law, Vol. 1, pp. 1-13, 395, 415; Holdworth's Hist. Eng. Law, Vol. 2, pp. 17, 27, 30-33, 131, 160, 216.

[7] "So spake the fiend and with necessity,
The tyrant's plea, excused his devilish deeds."
Paradise Lost, Bk. 4, ll. 393, 394.

Milton a true lover of freedom well knew the peril of an argument based upon supposed necessity. Necessity is generally but another name for greed or worse.

[8] E. g., the Statute of (1732) 5 Geo. II, C. 7, enacted, sec. 4, "that from and after the said 29th. September, 1732, the Houses, Lands, Negroes and other Hereditaments and real Estates situate or being within any of the said (British) Plantations (in America) shall be liable" to be sold under execution. Note that the Negroes are "Hereditaments and Real Estate."

[9] The name Pani or Panis, Anglicized into Pawnee, was used generally in Canada as synonymous with "Indian Slave" because these slaves were usually taken from the Pawnee tribe. Those who would further pursue this matter will find material in the Wisconsin Historical Collections, Vol. XVIII, p. 103 (note); Lafontaine, L'Esclavage in Canada cited in the above; Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, Vol. XXVII, p. 613 (n); Vol. XXX, pp. 402, 596. Vol. XXXV, p. 548; Vol. XXXVII, p. 541. From Vol. XXX, p. 546, we learn that Dr. Anthon, father of Prof. Anthon of Classical Text-book fame, had a "Panie Wench" who when the family had the smallpox "had them very severe" along with Dr. Anthon's little girl and his "aeltest boy" "whoever they got all safe over it and are not disfigured."

Dr. Kingsford in his History of Canada, Vol. V, p. 30 (n), cites from the Documents of the Montreal Historical Society, Vol. I, p. 5, an "ordonnance au sujet des Nègres et des sauvages appelés panis, du 15 avril 1709" by "Jacques Raudot, Intendant." "Nous sous le bon plaisir de Sa Majesté ordonnons, que tous les Panis et Nègres qui ont été achetés et qui le seront dans la suite, appartiendront en pleine proprieté a ceux qui les ont achetés comme étant leurs esclaves." "We with the consent of His Majesty enact that all the Panis and Negroes who heretofore have been or who hereafter shall be bought shall be the absolute property as their slaves of those who bought them." This ordinance is quoted (Mich. Hist. Coll., XII, p. 511), and its language ascribed to a (nonexistent) "wise and humane statute of Upper Canada of May 31, 1798"—a curious mistake, perhaps in copying or printing.

There does not seem to have been any distinction in status or rights or anything but race between the Panis and the other slaves. I do not know of an account of the numbers of slaves in Canada at the time; in Detroit, March 31, 1779, there were 60 male and 78 female slaves in a population of about 2,550 (Mich. Hist. Coll., X, p. 326); Nov. 1, 1780, 79 male and 96 female slaves in a somewhat smaller population (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIII, p. 53); in 1778, 127 in a population of 2,144 (Mich. Hist. Coll., IX, p. 469); 85 in 1773, 179 in 1782 (Mich. Hist. Coll., VII, p. 524); 78 male and 101 female (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIII, p. 54). The Ordinance of Congress July 13, 1787, forbidding slavery "northwest of the Ohio River" (passed with but one dissenting voice, that of a Delegate from New York) was quite disregarded in Detroit (Mich. Hist. Coll., I, 415); and indeed Detroit and the neighboring country remained British (de facto) until August, 1796, and part of Upper Canada from 1791 till that date.

[10] This Act (1790) 30 Geo. III, c. 27, was intended to encourage "new settlers in His Majesty's Colonies and Plantations in America" and applied to all "subjects of the United States." It allowed an importation into any of the Bahama, Bermuda or Somers Islands, the Province of Quebec (then including all Canada), Nova Scotia and every other British territory in North America. It allowed the importation by such American subjects of "negros, household furniture, utensils of husbandry or cloathing free of duty," the "household furniture, utensils of husbandry and cloathing" not to exceed in value £50 for every white person in the family and £2 for each negro, any sale of negro or goods within a year of the importation to be void.

[11] The Royal Proclamation is dated 7th October, 1763; it will be found in Shortt & Doughty, Documents relating to the Constitutional History of Canada published by the Archives of Canada, Ottawa, 1907, pp. 119 sqq. The Proclamation fixes the western boundary of the (Province or) Government at a line drawn from the south end of Lake Nipissing to where the present international boundary crosses the River St. Lawrence.

The Quebec Act is (1774) 14 Geo. III, C. 83. It extends Quebec south to the Ohio and west to the Mississippi; Shortt & Doughty, pp. 401 sqq.

[12] The division of the Province of Quebec into two provinces, i. e., Upper Canada and Lower Canada, was effected by the Royal Prerogative, Sec. 31 George III, c. 31, the celebrated Canada of Constitutional Act. The Message sent to Parliament expressing the Royal intention is to be found copied in the Ont. Arch. Reports for 1906, p. 158. After the passing of the Canada Act, an Order in Council was passed August 24, 1791 (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 158 et seq.), dividing the Province of Quebec into two provinces and under the provisions of sec. 48 of the act directing a royal warrant to authorize the Governor or Lieutenant-Governor of the Province of Quebec or the person administering the government there, to fix and declare such day as he shall judge most advisable for the commencement of the effect of the legislation in the new provinces not later than December 31, 1791. Lord Dorchester (Sir Guy Carleton) was appointed, September 12, 1791, Captain General and Governor-in-Chief of both provinces and he received a Royal warrant empowering him to fix a day for the legislation becoming effective in the new provinces (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, p. 168). In the absence of Dorchester, General Alured Clarke, Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Quebec, issued November 18, 1791, a proclamation fixing Monday, December 26, 1791, as the day for the commencement of the said legislation (Ont. Arch. Rep., 1906, pp. 169-171). Accordingly technically and in law, the new province was formed by Order in Council, August 24, 1791, but there was no change in administration until December 26, 1791.

[13] The first session of the First Parliament of Upper Canada was held at Newark (now Niagara-on-the-Lake) September 17 to October 15, 1792; the statute referred to is (1792) 32 Geo. III, c. 1 (U. C.).

[14] Everyone will remember the words of the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court of the United States in the celebrated Dred Scott case. In Dred Scott v. Sandford, 1856 (19 How. 354, pp. 404, 405), Chief Justice Roger B. Taney, speaking of the view taken of the Negro when the Constitution was framed, says: "They were at that time considered as a subordinate and inferior class of beings who had been subjugated by the dominant race and whether emancipated or not, yet remained subject to their authority and had no rights or privileges but such as those who held the power and the Government might choose to grant them" (p. 407). "They had no more than a century before been regarded as beings of an inferior order ... and so far inferior that they had no rights which the white man was bound to respect, and that the negro might justly and lawfully be reduced to slavery for his benefit. He was bought and sold and treated as an ordinary article of merchandise and traffic" (p. 411). "All of them had been brought here as articles of merchandise."

This repulsive subject now chiefly of historical interest is treated at large in such works as Cobb's Law of Slavery, Philadelphia, 1858; Hurd's Law of Freedom and Bondage, Boston, 1858; Von Holst's Const. Hist. U. S. (1750-1833), Chicago, 1877; the judgments of all the Judges in the Dred Scott case are well worth reading, especially that of Mr. Justice Curtis.

[15] This is copied from the Canadian Archives Collection, Q. 282, pt. I, pp. 212 sqq.; taken from the official report sent to Westminster by Simcoe. There is the usual amount of uncertainty in spelling names Grisley or Crisly, Fromand, Frooman, Froomond or Fromond (in reality Vrooman).

Osgoode was an Englishman, the first Chief Justice of Upper Canada. Arriving in this Province in the summer of 1792, he left to become Chief Justice of Lower Canada in the summer of 1794. Resigning in 1801, he returned to England on a pension which he enjoyed until his death in 1824. He left no mark on our jurisprudence and never sat in any but trial courts of criminal jurisdiction. Osgoode Hall, our Ontario Palais de Justice, is called after him.

Russell came to Upper Canada also in 1792 as Receiver-General and Legislative Councillor; he was an Executive Councillor and when Simcoe left Canada in 1796, he acted as Administrator until the coming of the new Lieutenant Governor Peter Hunter in 1799. Russell was not noted for anything but his acquisitiveness but he was a faithful servant of the Crown in his own way.

Col. John Butler, born in Connecticut in 1728, became a noted leader of Indians. He took the Loyalist side, raising the celebrated Butler's Rangers; he settled at Niagara after the Revolutionary war and proved himself a useful citizen; he died in 1796. See Cruikshanks' Butler's Rangers, Lundy's Lane Historical Society's publication; Robertson's Free Masonry in Canada, Vol. I, p. 470; Riddell's edition of La Rochefoucauld's Travels in Canada, 1795, published by the Ontario Archives, 1917, p. 177.

Navy Hall was in the little town which Simcoe named "Newark," which before this had been called Niagara, West Niagara, Nassau, Lenox and Butlersburg, now called Niagara or Niagara-on-the-lake. Navy Hall was the seat of government from 1792 to 1797. Queens Town is the present Queenston; Mississagua Point is at the embouchure of the Niagara River; it is still known by the same name, spelled generally however with a final "a." Nothing seems to be known of the subsequent fate of Chloe Cooley.

The Vroomans and Cryslers (or Chrystlers or Chryslers) the same family as Chrystler of Chrystler's Farm, the scene of an American defeat, November 11, 1813, were well-known residents. I am indebted to General E.A. Cruikshank for the following note:

"The Vrooman Farm is situated on the west bank of the Niagara, in the township of Niagara, about a mile below the village of Queenston, and includes that feature of the river bank generally known as Vrooman's Point; it was still in the possession of the Vrooman family when I last visited the place about twelve years ago. The remains of a small half-moon or redan battery on the point which had been constructed in the War of 1812, and played a considerable part in the battle of Queenston were then quite well marked. One of the Vrooraans of that time was in the militia artillery, and assisted to serve the gun mounted on the battery. The possessor of the farm was then, I think, more than eighty years of age, but he was active and in possession of his memory and other faculties. He stated to me the exact number of shots which he had been informed by his father, or the Vrooman engaged in the action, had been fired from this gun, which of course, may or may not be correct. An Adam Chrysler, who was a lieutenant in the Indian Department in the Revolutionary War, and before that, a resident in the Scoharie district, of the Mohawk country, received lands either in the township of Niagara or the township of Stamford, near the village of Queenston. His grandson, John Chrysler, some twenty years ago, then being quite an old man, who is now dead, loaned me some very interesting documents which had been preserved in the family, and belonged to this Adam Chrysler. One of them, I remember, was the original instructions issued to him, and signed by Lieut.-Colonel John Butler, the deputy superintendent general, strictly enjoining him to restrain the Indians, with whom he was acting, from all acts of cruelty upon prisoners and non-combatants. Some members of his family, ladies, were residing at Niagara Falls, Ontario, ten years ago, and I presume still are there. I have no doubt that it was some member of Adam Crysler's family who took part in the abduction of the Cooley girl. The original spelling of this name was Kreisler, which is a fairly common German name in the Rhine Palatinate, from which this family came."

In the report by Col. John Butler of the Survey of the Settlement at Niagara, August 25, 1782 (Can. Arch., Series B, 169, p. 1), McGregor Van-Every is named as the head of a family. He was married, without children, hired men or slaves, had 3 horses, no cows, sheep or hogs, 8 acres of "clear land" and raised 4 bushels of Indian corn and 40 of potatoes but no wheat or oats. His neighbor, Thomas McMicken, was married, had two young sons, one hired man and one male slave. He had two horses, 1 cow and 20 hogs, and raised ten bushels of Indian corn, 10 of oats and 10 of potatoes (no wheat) on his 8 acres of "clear land."

[16] John White called to the Bar in 1785 at the Inner Temple (probably); he practised for a time but unsuccessfully in Jamaica and through the influence of his brother-in-law, Samuel Shepherd and of Chief Justice Osgoode was appointed the first Attorney General of Upper Canada. He arrived in the Province in the summer of 1792 and was elected a member of the first House of Assembly for Leeds and Frontenac. He was an active and useful member. It is probable, but the existing records do not make it certain, that it was he who introduced and had charge in the House of Assembly of the Bill for the abolition of slavery passed in 1793, shortly to be mentioned. In January, 1800, he was killed in a duel at York, later Toronto, by Major John Small, Clerk of the Executive Council. His will, drawn by himself after his fatal wound, is still extant in the Court of Probate records at Toronto. One clause reads: "I desire to be rolled up in a sheet and not buried fantastically, and that I may be buried at the back of my own house." Buried in his garden at his direction, his bones were accidentally uncovered in 1871 and reverently buried in Toronto. His manuscript diary is still extant, a copy being in the possession of the writer.

[17] The statute is (1793) 33 Geo. III, c. 7, (U. C.). The Parliament of Upper Canada had two Houses, the Legislative Council, an Upper House, appointed by the Crown and the Legislative Assembly, a Lower House or House of Commons, as it was sometimes called, elected by the people. The Lieutenant Governor gave the royal assent. The bill was introduced in the Lower House, probably by Attorney General White, as stated in last note, and read the first time, June 19. It went to the committee of the whole June 25, and was the same day reported out. On June 26 it was read the third time, passed and sent up for concurrence. The Legislative Council read it the same day for the first time, went into Committee over it the next day, June 28, and July I, when it was reported out with amendments, passed and sent down to the Commons July 2. That House promptly concurred and sent the bill back the same day. See the official reports; Ont. Arch. Reports for 1910 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 25, 26, 27, 28, 32, 33, Ont. Arch. Rep. for 1909 (Toronto, 1911), pp. 33, 35, 36, 38, 41, 42.

The first Fugitive Slave Law was passed by the United States in 1793. Three years afterwards occurred an episode, little known and less commented upon, showing very clearly the views of George Washington on the subject of fugitive slaves, at least, of those slaves who were his own.

A slave girl of his escaped and made her way to Portsmouth, N. H. Washington, on discovering her place of refuge, wrote concerning her to Joseph Whipple, the Collector at Portsmouth, November 28, 1796. The letter is still extant. It is of three full pages and was sold in London in 1877 for ten guineas (Magazine of American History, Vol. 1, December, 1877, p. 759). Charles Sumner had it in his hands when he made the speech reported in Charles Summer's Works, Vol. III, p. 177. Washington in the letter described the fugitive and particularly expressed the desire of "her mistress," Mrs. Washington, for her return to Alexandria. He feared public opinion in New Hampshire, for he added

"I do not mean however, by this request that such violent measures should be used as would excite a mob or riot which might be the case if she has adherents; or even uneasy sensations in the minds of well-disposed citizens. Rather than either of these should happen, I would forgo her services altogether and the example also which is of infinite more importance."

In other words, "if the slave girl has no friends or 'adherents'" send her back to slavery—if she has and they would actively oppose her return, let her go—and even if it only be that "well-disposed citizens" disapprove of her capture and return, let her remain free.

There may be some difficulty in justifying Washington's course by the opinion of Thomas Aquinas (Summa Theologics, 1 ma., 2 dae., Quaest. XCVI, Art. 4), who says that an unjust law is not binding in conscience "nisi forte propter vitandum scandalum vel turbationem." Aquinas is speaking of an unjust law which may be resisted unless scandal or tumult would result from resistance. Washington is speaking of a law which he considers right, but which he would not enforce if it should occasion such evils. The analogy does not hold as the editor of Charles Sumner's Works seems to think (Vol. III, p. 178, note).

Whipple answered from Portsmouth, December 22, 1796:

"I will now, Sir, agreeably to your desire, send her to Alexandria if it be practicable without the consequences which you except—that of exciting a riot or a mob or creating uneasy sensations in the minds of well disposed persons. The first cannot be calculated beforehand; it will be governed by the popular opinion of the moment or the circumstances that may arise in the transaction. The latter may be sought into and judged of by conversing with such persons without discovering the occasion. So far as I have had opportunity, I perceive that different sentiments are entertained on the subject."

Whipple made enquiry. Public opinion in Portsmouth was adverse to the return of the fugitive. She was unmolested and lived out a long life in Portsmouth and Kittery.

Nothing more clearly and impressively shows the veneration felt by his countrymen for George Washington than the praise the fearless, outspoken, uncompromising hater of slavery, Charles Sumner, of the conduct of the President in this transaction. Sumner considered the poor slave girl "a monument of the just forbearance of him whom we aptly call Father of his Country.... While a slaveholder and seeking the return of a fugitive, he has left in permanent record a rule of conduct which if adopted by his country will make slave hunting impossible." With almost any other man, Sumner would have no praise or reverence for a desire to force a fugitive back into slavery unless prevented by fear of mob or riot or adverse public opinion.

In the same letter Washington gives what may be considered a reason or excuse for his demand. "However well disposed I might be to a gradual abolition, or even to an entire emancipation of that description of people, if the latter was itself practicable at this moment, it would neither be expedient nor just to reward unfaithfulness with a premature preference and thereby discontent beforehand the minds of all her fellow servants who by their steady attachment are far more deserving than herself of favour."

This is the familiar pretext of the master, private or state. Those who rebel against oppression and wrong are not to be given any relief—that would be unjust to those who tamely submit. That very argument was advanced by the ruler across the sea against the proposition to come to terms with Washington and his party who had ventured to oppose the would-be master.

And it is to be noted that Washington did not free those "who by their steady attachment are far more deserving ... of favour" till he had had all the advantage he could from their services—he did indeed free them by his will, but only after the death of his wife.

Sumner cannot be said to minimize his merits when he says "He was at the time a slaveholder—often expressing himself with various degrees of force against slavery, and promising his suffrage for its abolition, he did not see this wrong as he saw it at the close of life." (Sumner's Works, Vol. III, pp. 759 sq.)

[18] Vermont excluded slavery by her Bill of Rights (1777), Pennsylvania and Massachusetts passed legislation somewhat similar to that of Upper Canada in 1780; Connecticut and Rhode Island in 1784, New Hampshire by her Constitution in 1792, Vermont in the same way in 1793: New York began in 1799 and completed the work in 1827, New Jersey 1829; Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin and Iowa were organized as a Territory in 1787 and slavery forbidden by the Ordinance, July 13, 1787, but it was in fact known in part of the Territory for a score of years. A few slaves were held in Michigan by tolerance until far into the nineteenth century notwithstanding the prohibition of the fundamental law (Mich. Hist. Coll., VII, p. 524). Maine as such, never had slavery having separated from Massachusetts in 1820 after the Act of 1780, although it would seem that as late as 1833 the Supreme Court of Massachusetts left it open when slavery was abolished in that State (Commonwealth v. Aves, 18 Pick. 193, 209). (See Cobb's Slavery, pp. clxxi, clxxii, 209; Sir Harry H. Johnston's The Negro in the New World, an exceedingly valuable and interesting work but not wholly reliable in minutiæ, pp. 355 et seq.)

[19] Simcoe was almost certainly the prime mover in the legislation of 1793. When giving the royal assent to the bill he said: "The Act for the gradual abolition of Slavery in this Colony, which it has been thought expedient to frame, in no respect meets from me a more cheerful concurrence than in that provision which repeals the power heretofore held by the Executive Branch of the Constitution and precludes it from giving sanction to the importation of slaves, and I cannot but anticipate with singular pleasure that such persons as may be in that unhappy condition which sound policy and humanity unite to condemn, added to their own protection from all undue severity by the law of the land may henceforth look forward with certainty to the emancipation of their offspring." (See Ont. Arch. Rep. for 1909, pp. 42-43.) I do not understand the allusion to "protection from undue severity by the Law of the land." There had been no change in the law, and undue severity to slaves was prevented only by public opinion. It is practically certain that no such bill as that of 1798 would have been promoted with Simcoe at the head of the government as his sentiments were too well known.

[20] Ont. Arch. Rep. for 1909, pp. 64, 69, 70, 71, 74; ibid. for 1910, pp. 67, 68, 69, 70.

The bill was introduced in the Lower House by Christopher Robinson, member for Addington and Ontario, Ontario being then comprised of the St. Lawrence and Lake Ontario Islands, and having nothing in common with the present County of Ontario. He was a Virginian loyalist, who in 1784 emigrated to New Brunswick, and in 1788 to that part of Canada later Lower Canada and in 1792 to Upper Canada. He lived in Kingston till 1798 and then came to York, later Toronto, but died three weeks afterwards. He was one of the lawyers who took part in the inauguration of the Law Society of Upper Canada at Wilson's Tavern, Newark, in July, 1797, and was an active and successful practitioner. His ability was great, but his fame is swallowed up by that of his more famous son, Sir John Beverley Robinson, the first Canadian Chief Justice of Upper Canada, and of his grandson, the much loved and much admired Christopher Robinson, Q.C., of our own time. Accustomed from infancy to slavery, he saw no great harm in it—no doubt he saw it in its best form.

The chief opponent of the bill was Robert Isaac Dey Gray, the young solicitor general. John White was not in this the second house. The son of Major James Gray, a half-pay British Officer, he studied law in Canada. He was elected member of the House of Assembly for Stormont in the election of 1796 and again in 1804. He was appointed the first Solicitor General in 1797 and was drowned in 1804 in the Speedy disaster. An Indian, Ogetonicut, accused of a murder in the Newcastle District, was captured on the York Peninsula, now Toronto or Hiawatha Island, in the Home District, and had to be sent to Newcastle, now Presqu' Isle Point near Brighton, in the Newcastle District, for trial. The Government Schooner Speedy sailed for Newcastle with the Assize Judge Gray; Macdonell, who was to defend the Indian; the Indian prisoner, Indian interpreters, witnesses, the High Constable of York and certain inhabitants of York. It was lost, captain, crew and passengers—spurlos versenkt.

The motion for the three months' hoist in the Upper House was made by the Honorable Richard Cartwright seconded by the Honorable Robert Hamilton. These men, who had been partners, generally agreed on public measures and both incurred the enmity of Simcoe. He called Hamilton a Republican, then a term of reproach distinctly worse than Pro-German would be now, and Cartwright was, if anything, worse. But both were men of considerable public spirit and personal integrity. For Cartwright see The Life and Letters of Hon Richard Cartright, Toronto, 1876. For Hamilton see Riddell's edition of La Rochefoucault's Travels in Canada in 1795, Toronto, 1817, in Ont. Arch. Rep. for 1916; Miss Carnochan's Queenstown in Early Years, Niagara Hist. Soc. Pub., No. 25; Buffalo Hist. Soc. Pub., Vol. 6, pp. 73-95.

There was apparently no division in the Upper House although there were five other Councillors in addition to Cartwright and Hamilton in attendance that session viz.: McGill, Shaw, Duncan, Baby and Grant; and the bill passed committee of the whole.

[21] Slaves were valuable even in those days. A sale is recorded in Detroit of a "certain Negro man Pompey by name" for £45 New York Currency ($112.50) in October, 1794; and the purchaser sold him again January, 1795, for £50 New York Currency ($125.00). (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIV, p. 417.) But it would seem that from 1770 to 1780 the price ranged to $300 for a man and $250 for a woman (Mich. Hist. Coll., XIV, p. 659). The number of slaves in Detroit is said to have been 85 in 1773 and 179 in 1782 (Mich. Hist. Coll., VII, p. 524).

The best people in the province continued to hold slaves. On February 19, 1806, the Honourable Peter Russell, who had been administrator of the government, and therefore head of the State for three years, advertised for sale at York "A Black woman named Peggy, aged 40 years, and a Black Boy, her son, named Jupiter, aged about 15 years," both "his property," "each being servants for life"—the woman for $150 and the boy for $200, 25 per cent off for cash. William Jarvis, the secretary, two years later, March 1, 1811, had two of his slaves brought into court for stealing gold and silver out of his desk. The boy "Henry commonly called prince" was committed for trial and the girl ordered back to her master. Other instances will be found in Dr. Scadding's very interesting work, Toronto of Old, Toronto, 1873, at pp. 292 sqq.

[22] A number of interesting wills are in the Court of Probate files at Osgoode Hall, Toronto. One of them only I shall mention, viz.: that of Robert I.D. Gray, the first solicitor general of the province, whose tragic death is related above. In this will, dated August 27, 1803, a little more than a year before his death, he releases and manumits "Dorinda my black woman servant ... and all her children from the State of Slavery," in consequence of her long and faithful services to his family. He directs a fund to be formed of £1,200 or $4,800 the interest to be paid to "the said Dorinda her heirs and Assigns for ever." To John Davis, Dorinda's son, he gave 200 acres of land, Lot 17 in the Second Concession of the Township of Whitby and also £50 or $200. John, after the death of his master whose body servant and valet he was, entered the employ of Mr., afterwards Chief, Justice Powell; but he had the evil habit of drinking too much and when he was drunk he would enlist in the Army. Powell got tired of begging him off and after a final warning left him with the regiment in which he had once more enlisted. Davis is said to have been in the battle of Waterloo. He certainly crossed the ocean and returned later on to Canada. He survived till 1871, living at Cornwall, Ontario, a well-known character. With him died the last of all those who had been slaves in the old Province of Quebec or the Province of Upper Canada.

[23] Mich. Hist. Coll., XIV, p. 659.

[24] A fairly good account of the Underground Railroad will be found in William Still's Underground Railroad, Philadelphia, 1872, in W.M. Mitchell's Underground Railway, London, 1860; in W.H. Siebert's Underground Railway, New York, 1899; and in a number of other works on Slavery. Considerable space is given the subject in most works on slavery.

One branch of it ran from a point on the Ohio River, through Ohio and Michigan to Detroit; but there were many divagations, many termini, many stations: Oberlin was one of these. See Dr. A. M. Ross' Memoirs of a Reformer, Toronto, 1893, and Mich. Hist. Coll., XVII, p. 248.

[25] The Buxton Mission in the County of Kent is well known. The Wilberforce Colony in the County of Middlesex was founded by free Negroes; but they had in mind to furnish homes for future refugees. See Mr. Fred Landon's account of this settlement in the recent (1918) Transactions of the London and Middlesex Hist. Soc., pp. 30-44. For an earlier account see A. Steward's Twenty Years a Slave, Rochester, N. Y., 1857.

[26] Ross in his Memoirs gives, on page 111, 40,000, but he may be speaking for all Canada. The number is rather high for Upper Canada alone.

[27] "The Kingdom of heaven suffereth violence and the violent take it by force." There can be no doubt that the Southern Negro looked upon Canada as a paradise. I have heard a colored clergyman of high standing say that of his own personal knowledge, dying slaves in the South not infrequently expressed a hope to meet their friends in Canada.

[28] These being merely traditional and not supported by contemporary documents are more or less mythical and I do not attempt to collect the various and varying stories.

There are several stories more or less well authenticated of masters bringing slaves into Canada with the intention of taking them back again as Charles Stewart intended with his slave James Somerset and the slaves successfully asserting their freedom, resisting removal with the assistance of Canadians. Of one of the most shocking cases of wrong, if not quite kidnapping, a citizen of Toronto was the subject. John Mink, a respectable man with some Negro blood, had a livery stable on King Street, Toronto. He was also the proprietor of stage-coach lines and a man of considerable wealth. He had an only daughter of great personal beauty, and showing little trace of Negro origin. It was understood that she would marry no one but a white man, and that the father was willing to give her a handsome dowry on such a marriage. A person of pure Caucasian stock from the Southern States came to Toronto, wooed and won her. They were married and the husband took his bride to his home in the South. Not long afterwards the father was horrified to learn that the plausible scoundrel had sold his wife as a slave. He at once went South and after great exertion and much expense, he succeeded in bringing back to his house the unhappy woman, the victim of brutal treachery.

There have been told other stories of the same kind, equally harrowing, and unfortunately not ending so well, but I have not been able to verify them. The one mentioned here I owe to the late Sir Charles Moss, Chief Justice of Ontario.

[29] The same rule obtained in Lower Canada; (1827) re Joseph Fisher, 1 Stuart's L. C. Rep. 245.

[30] This is the Act (1833), 3 Will IV, c. 7 (U. C.). This came forward as cap. 96 in the Consolidated Statutes of Upper Canada 1859, but was repealed by an Act of (United) Canada (1860), 23 Vic., c. 91 (Can.).

[31] To his people he seems to have been known as Hubbard Holmes; he is always called a yellow man, whether mulatto, quadroon, octoroon or other does not appear.

[32] The contemporary accounts of this transaction, e. g., in the Christian Guardian of Toronto, and the Niagara Chronicle, are not wholly consistent. The main facts, however, are clear. Although there was some doubt as to the time, the military guard were ordered to fire. Miss Janet Carnochan has given a good account of this in Slave Rescue in Niagara, Sixty Years Ago, Niag. Hist. Soc., Pub. No. 2. It is said that "the Judge said he must go back," the fact being that the direction was by the executive and not the courts. The Reminiscences of Mrs. J. G. Currie, born at Niagara in 1829 and living there at the time of the trouble, are printed in the Niagara Hist. Soc., Pub. No. 20. Mrs. Currie gives a brief account (p. 331) and says that one of the party, one MacIntyre, had a bullet or bayonet wound in his cheek. In Miss Carnochan's account, her informant, who was the daughter of a slave who had escaped in 1802 and was herself born in Niagara in 1824, says that "the sheriff went up and down slashing with his sword and keeping the people back. Many of our people had sword cuts in their necks. They were armed with all kinds of weapons, pitchforks, flails, sticks, stones. One woman had a large stone in a stocking and many had their aprons full of stones and threw them too." Mrs. Anna Jameson, in her Sketches in Canada, ed. of 1852, London, on pp. 55-58, gives another account. She rightly makes the extradition order the governor's act, but errs in saying that "the law was too expressly and distinctly laid down and his duty as Governor was clear and imperative to give up the felon" as "by an international compact between the United States and our province, all felons are mutually surrendered." There was nothing in the common law, or in the statute of 1833 which made it the duty of the governor to order extradition, and there was no binding compact between the United States and Upper Canada such as Mrs. Jameson speaks of. No doubt the reason given by her for the order was that in vogue among the official set with whom she associated, her husband being vice-chancellor and head (treasurer) of the Law Society. The Christian Guardian, Niagara Reporter and Niagara Chronicle and St. Catharines Journal of September, October and November, 1837, contain accounts of and comments upon the occurrences, and sometimes attacks upon each other.

Deputy Sheriff Alexander McLeod was a man of some note if not notoriety. During the rebellion of 1837 and 1838 he was in the Militia of Upper Canada. He took a creditable part in the defence of Toronto against the followers of Mackenzie in December, 1837, and was afterwards stationed on the Niagara frontier. There he claimed to have taken part in the cutting out of the Steamer Caroline in which exploit a Buffalo citizen, Amos Durfee, was killed. McLeod, visiting Lewiston in New York State, in November, 1840, was arrested on the charge of murder and committed for trial. This arrest was the cause of a great deal of communication and discussion between the governments of the United States and of Great Britain, the latter claiming that what had been done by the Canadian militia was a proper public act and they demanded the surrender of McLeod. This was refused. McLeod was tried for murder at Utica, October, 1841, and acquitted, it being conclusively proved that he was not in the expedition at all.

[33] Concluded at Washington, August 9, 1842, ratification exchanged at London, October 13, 1842, proclaimed November 10, 1842; this treaty put an end to many troublesome questions, amongst them the Maine boundary which it was found impracticable to settle by Joint Commissions or by reference to a European crowned head, William, King of the Netherlands. It will be found in all the collections of treaties of Great Britain or the United States, and in most of the treaties on extradition, amongst them the useful work by John G. Hawley, Chicago, 1893 (see pp. 119 sqq.).

[34] It was held in this province that the Act of 1883 was superseded by the Ashburton Treaty in respect to the United States, but that it remained in force with respect to other countries (Reg. v. Tubber, 1854, 1, P. R., 98). Since the treaty, our government has refused to extradite where the offense charged is not included in the treaty. In re Laverne Beebe (1863), 3, P. R., 273—a case of burglary.

The provisions of the treaty were brought into full effect in Canada (Upper and Lower) by the Canadian Statute of 1849, 12, Vic., c. 19, C. S. C. (1859), c. 89.

[35] Chief Justice Sir John Beverley Robinson, Mr. Justice McLean (afterwards Chief Justice of Upper Canada) and Mr. Justice Burns.

[36] The seat of the Superior Courts in Toronto, the Palais de Justice of the Province.

[37] Mr. Samuel B. Freeman, Q.C., of Hamilton, a man of much natural eloquence, considerable knowledge of law and more of human nature; he was always ready and willing to take up the cause of one unjustly accused and was singularly successful in his defences.

I have heard it said that it was Mr. M. C. Cameron, Q.C., who so addressed the gathering, but he does not seem to have been concerned in the case in the Queen's Bench.

[38] The case is reported in (1860), 20 Up. Can., Q. B., pp. 124-193. The warrant is given at pp. 192, 193.

[39] The case is reported in (1861), 3, Ellis & Ellis Reports, Queen's Bench, p. 487; 30, Law Jour., Q. B., p. 129; 7, Jurist, N. S., p. 122; 3, Law Times, N. S., p. 622; 9, Weekly Rep., p. 255.

It was owing to this decision that the statute was passed at Westminster (1862) 25, 26, Vic., c. 20, which by sec. 1 forbids the courts in England to issue a writ of habeas corpus into any British possession which has a court with the power to issue such writ. The court was Lord Chief Justice Cockburn, and Justices Crompton, Hill and Blackburn, a very strong court. The Counsel for Anderson was the celebrated but ill-fated Edwin James. The writ was specially directed to the sheriff at Toronto, the sheriff at Brantford and the jail-keeper at Brantford. Judgment was given January 15, 1861.

[40] Common law, of course, not chancery.

[41] The court was composed of Chief Justice William Henry Draper, C.B., Mr. Justice Richards, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of Queen's Bench, and, as Sir William Buell Richards, of the Supreme Court of Canada, and Mr. Justice Hagarty, afterwards Chief Justice successively of the Court of Common Pleas, of the Court of King's Bench, and, as Sir John Hawkins Hagarty, of Ontario.

Mr. Freeman was assisted in this argument by Mr. M. C. Cameron, a lawyer of the highest standing professionally and otherwise, afterwards Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, and afterwards, as Sir Matthew Cameron, Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas. Counsel for the crown on both arguments were Mr. Eccles, Q.C., a man of deservedly high reputation, and Robert Alexander Harrison, afterwards Chief Justice of the Court of Queen's Bench, an exceedingly learned and accurate lawyer.

The case in the Court of Common Pleas is reported in Vol. 11, Upper Can., C. P., pp. 1 sqq.

DOCUMENTS

NOTES ON SLAVERY IN CANADA [1]

The following Notes received from the Canadian Archives Department, Ottawa, have more or less bearing upon the question of slavery in Upper Canada:

1. General James Murray, the first Governor of the new Government of Quebec, writing to John Watts, of New York, from Quebec, November 2, 1763, and speaking of the promoting of the improvement of agriculture, says:

"I must most earnestly entreat your assistance, without servants nothing can be done, had I the inclination to employ soldiers which is not the case, they would disappoint me, and Canadians will work for nobody but themselves. Black Slaves are certainly the only people to be depended upon, but it is necessary, I imagine they should be born in one or other of our Northern Colonies, the Winters here will not agree with a Native of the torrid zone, pray therefore if possible procure for me two Stout Young fellows, who have been accustomed to Country Business, and as I shall wish to see them happy, I am of opinion there is little felicity without a Communication with the Ladys, you may buy for each a clean young wife, who can wash and do the female offices about a farm, I shall begrudge no price, so hope we may, by your goodness succeed," (Can. Arch., Murray Papers, Vol. II, p. 15.)

2. D. M. Erskine, writing from New York, May 26, 1807, to Francis Gore, Lt. Governor of Upper Canada, says:

"I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of the 24th ult enclosing a Memorial presented to you by the Proprietors of Slaves in the Western District of the Province of Upper Canada.

"I regret equally with yourself the Inconvenience which His Majesty's subjects in Upper Canada experience from the Desertions of their slaves into the Territory of the United States, and of Persons bound to them for a term of years, as also of His Majesty's soldiers and sailors; but I fear no Representation to the Government of the United States will at the present avail in checking the evils complained of, as I have frequently of late had occasion to apply to them for the Surrender of various Deserters under different circumstances, and always without success—

"The answer that has been usually given, has been. 'That the Treaty between Great Britain & the United States which alone gave them the Power to surrender Deserters having expired, it was impossible for them to exercise such an authority without the Sanction of the Laws—'

"I will however forward to His Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs, the Memorial above mentioned in the Hope that some arrangements may be entered into to obviate in future the great Losses which are therein described." (Can. Arch., Sundries, Upper Canada, 1807.)

3. John Beverley Robinson, Attorney General, Upper Canada, giving an opinion to the Lt. Governor, York, July 8, 1819, says the following:

"May it please Your Excellency

"In obedience to Your Excellency's commands I have perused the accompanying letter from C. C. Antrobus Esquire, His Majesty's Chargé d'affaires at the Court of Washington and have attentively considered the question referred to me by Your Excellency therein—namely—'Whether the owners of several Negro slaves from the United States of America and are now resident in this Province' and I beg to express most respectfully my opinion to Your Excellency that the Legislature of this Province having adopted the Law of England as the rule of decision in all questions relative to property and civil rights, and freedom of the person being the most important civil right protected by those laws, it follows that whatever may have been the condition of these Negroes in the Country to which they formerly belonged, here they are free—For the enjoyment of all civil rights consequent to a mere residence in the country and among them the right to personal freedom as acknowledged and protected by the Laws of England in Cases similar to that under consideration, must notwithstanding any legislative enactment that may be thought to affect it, with which I am acquainted, be extended to these Negroes as well as to all others under His Majesty's Government in this Province—

"The consequence is that should any attempt be made by any person to infringe upon this right in the persons of these Negroes, they would most probably call for, and could compel the interference of those to whom the administration of our Laws is committed and I submit with the greatest deference to Your Excellency that it would not be in the power of the Executive Government in any manner to restrain or direct the Courts or Judges in the exercise of their duty upon such an application." (Can. Arch., Sundries, Upper Canada, 1819.)

4. At a meeting of the Executive Council of the Province of Lower Canada held at the Council Chamber in the Castle of St. Lewis, on Thursday, June 18, 1829, under Sir James Kempt, the Administrator of the Government, the following proceedings were had:

"Report of a Committee of the whole Council Present The Honble. the Chief Justice in the Chair, Mr. Smith, Mr. DeLery, Mr. Stewart, and Mr. Cochran on Your Excellency's Reference of a Letter from the American Secretary of State requesting that Paul Vallard accused of having stolen a Mulatto Slave from the State of Illinois may be delivered up to the Government of the United States of America together with the Slave.

"May it please Your Excellency

"The Committee have proceeded to the consideration of the subject matter of this reference with every wish and disposition to aid the Officers of the Government of the United States of America in the execution of the Laws of that Dominion and they regret therefore the more that the present application cannot in their opinion be acceded to.

"In the former Cases the Committee have acted upon the Principle which now seems to be generally understood that whenever a Crime has been committed and the Perpetrator is punishable according to the Lex Loci of the Country in which it is committed, the country in which he is found may rightfully aid the Police of the Country against which the Crime was committed in bringing the Criminal to Justice—and upon this ground have recommended that Fugitives from the United States should be delivered up.

"But the Committee conceive that the Crimes for which they are authorized to recommend the arrest of Individuals who have fled from other Countries must be such as are mala in se, and are universally admitted to be Crimes in every Nation, and that the offence of the Individual whose person is demanded must be such as to render him liable to arrest by the Law of Canada as well as by the Law of the United States.

"The state of slavery is not recognized by the Law of Canada nor does the Law admit that any Man can be the proprietor of another.

"Every Slave therefore who comes into the Province is immediately free whether he has been brought in by violence or has entered it of his own accord; and his liberty cannot from thenceforth be lawfully infringed without some Cause for which the Law of Canada has directed an arrest.

"On the other hand, the Individual from whom he has been taken cannot pretend that the Slave has been stolen from him in as much as the Law of Canada does not admit a Slave to be a subject of property.

"All of which is respectfully submitted to Your Excellency's, Wisdom." (Can. Arch., State K, p. 406.)

5. At a meeting of the Executive Council for Upper Canada, held at York, on Thursday, September 12, 1833, under Sir John Colborne, Lieutenant Governor, the following proceedings were had:

"Received a Letter from the Governor of the State of Michigan dated Detroit August 12th 1833 with a new requisition for the delivery up of Thornton Blackburn and other fugitives from Justice which was read in Council on 27th August 1833 with the following opinion of the Attorney General, as referred to him 13th July 1833.

"'Attorney General's Office
"'12th July 1833

"'Sir

"'I have the Honour to return the various papers relating to the subject of the requisition from the acting Governor of Michigan demanding that Thornton Blackburn and others who are stated to have fled from the justice of that country and taken refuge within this Province and now in custody at Sandwich should be given up, upon which His Excellency required my opinion whether the Law of this Province authorized him in complying with such demand or not. Had His Excellency been confined to the official requisition and the deposition that accompanied it he might I think have been warranted in delivering up those persons inasmuch as there is thereupon evidence on which according to the terms of our act (3 Wm 4th, C. 8) a magistrate would have been "warranted in apprehending and committing for trial" persons so charged who is convicted of the offence alleged viz: riot and forcible rescue and assault and battery would, if convicted, have been subject according to the Laws of this Province to one of the several punishments enumerated in the act as applicable to felonies and misdemeanors.

"'That the Governor and Council are not confined to such evidence is clear since though limited in their authority to enforce the provisions of the act against fugitives from foreign States by the condition above mentioned viz: being satisfied that the evidence would warrant commitment for trial etc. yet in coming to that conclusion they are I think bound to hear no ex parte evidence alone but matter explanatory to guide their judgment; for even tho' satisfied with their authority so to do, they are not required "to deliver up any person so charged if for any reason they shall deem it inexpedient so to do.'

"In the present case I think the evidence on oath as to facts not alluded to in the official Communication and as to the law of the United States upon the subject becomes extremely important; I mean that of Mr Cleland and Mr Alexander Fraser the Attorney for the City of Detroit. The case appears to be this—Two coloured persons named Thornton a man and his wife were claimed as slaves on behalf of some person in the State of Kentucky; that they were arrested and examined before a magistrate in Detroit and he in accordance with the law of the United States made his certificate and directed them to be delivered over as the personal property of the claimant in Kentucky; that the Sheriff took them into custody in consequence and that when one of them, (the man) was on the point of being removed from prison in order to be restored to his owner he was with circumstances of considerable violence rescued and escaped to this Province. There appears to be an error in the deposition accompanying the requisition, the wife of Thornton is there charged with being one of the persons assisting in the riot and rescue, whereas it appears that previous to the day of her husband's rescue she had eluded the Gaoler in disguise and she was then within this Province; she therefore does not appear to come within the class of offenders which the Act contemplates—viz: 'Malefactors who having committed crimes in foreign Countries have sought an asylum in this Province.'

"With regard to Thornton himself, the Attorney of Detroit who has favoured His Excellency with a certified Copy of the Law of the United States upon the subject, declares,—that the commitment to the custody of the Sheriff was illegal—and this is urged strongly as an equitable consideration against His Excellency's interference that the Sheriff detained Thornton in custody not as Sheriff but as agent for the Slave owner and that the law does not authorize commitments under such circumstances to the Sheriff, but merely that 'the owner, agent, or attorney may seize and arrest the fugitive (slave) and take him before the Judge etc: who upon proof that the person seized owes service to the claimant &c. shall give a certificate thereof to such claimant, his agent or Attorney which shall be sufficient Warrant for removing the said fugitive from labour &c.'

"To this argument as to the illegality of the custody I do not attach much weight, for admitting that Thornton was not committed to the custody of Mr. Wilson as Sheriff of Wayne County, still as we may presume that the Judge's Certificate was properly given, he might not be the less legally in the custody of Mr Wilson as agent to the claimant in Kentucky; for the next section of the act of congress enacts that anyone who 'shall rescue such fugitive from such claimant or his agent &c. shall forfeit and pay the sum of five hundred dollars &c.' That the custody was legal according to the law of the United States I have little doubt; the legality there is officially recognized by the requisition and it is not a subject for His Excellency's enquiry. Upon this view of the case and considering that His Excellency in Council can only restore fugitives charged upon evidence of crimes which if proved to have been committed in this Province would subject the offender to 'Death, Corporal punishment by Pillory or whipping or by confinement at hard labour' and considering this as a Penal Act which must not be strained beyond the literal import towards those against whom it is intended to operate; the result is that our law recognizes no such custody as that of an agent acting under a warrant for removing a fugitive slave to the Territory from which he fled, this is an offence which could not be committed within this Province in any case and therefore that His Excellency in Council is not by the Act of this Province either required or authorized to deliver up the persons demanded.

"I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c.,

"(Signed) Robert S. Jameson, Attorney General."

"The Council having again had before them the requisition of the Governor of the State of Michigan relative to the escape of certain offenders into this Province deem it mainly important to their full consideration of the question that besides his opinion upon the propriety of giving up the persons alluded to the Attorney General should be requested explicitly to state whether if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments in the act passed last Session.

"(Signed) John Strachan, P.C."
(Can. Arch., State J, p. 137.)

6. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, Tuesday, September 17, 1833, under the presidency of the Rev. Dr. Strachan, the following proceedings were had:

"The Council assembled agreeably to the desire of His Excellency the Lieutenant Governor to take into consideration the requisition of his Excellency the Governor of Michigan.

"Read the following letter.

"'Attorney General's Office
"'14th September, 1833

"'Sir

"'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province the offender would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the Act (3 Wm 4, Cap 7) passed at the last Session I have the honor to answer that a forcible rescue from the custody of the Sheriff of this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in the affidavit of John M. Wilson and Alexander McArthur accompanying the requisition would undoubtedly subject the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to the gravest punishment in the act, death alone excepted.

"'I have the honor to be, Sir, &c.,

"'(Signed) Robert S Jameson,
"'Attorney General.

"'To John Beikie, Esquire,
"'Clerk, Executive Council,'"

"'The Council took the same into consideration and were pleased to make the following minute thereon.

"'The Council having had under consideration the requisition of His Excellency the Governor of Michigan together with the various papers relative thereto beg leave respectfully to state that as the question involves matters of great importance in our relations with a neighbouring state it would be satisfactory to them if the opinion of the Judges were obtained for their information,'" (Can. Arch., State J. p. 148.)

7. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at York, September 27, 1833, under the presidency of Peter Robinson, the following proceedings were had:

"Resumed the consideration of His Excellency G.B. Porter, Esquire, Governor of Michigan's Letter of the 12th Ultimo which was read in Council on the 27th and again on the 12th and 17th Instant.

"Read also the Attorney General's opinion of the 20th Instant and the Judges' Report of this date as follows:

"'Attorney General's Office
"'20th September, 1833

"'Sir

"'To the question which the Executive Council have done me the Honor to submit to me in relation to the requisition from the Governor of Michigan dated 12th August, 1833, whether if a similar outrage had been committed in this Province, the offender or offenders would be liable to undergo any of the punishments stated in the Act (3 Wm. 4 c. 7) passed last Session: my opinion is that a forcible rescue from the custody of the sheriff in this Province attended with the aggravated circumstances detailed in the Affidavits of John M. Wilson and Alexander MacArthur though by the law of England it would subject the offender and those actively aiding and abetting him to severe corporal punishment, by the law of the Province as it now stands could not be visited by a graver punishment than fine and imprisonment which is not one of those enumerated in the act.

"'I have the Honor to be, Sir, &c.,

"'(Signed) Robert S. Jameson,
"'Attorney General.

"'To
"'John Beikie, Esq.,
"'Clerk, Executive Council.'

"'Judges' Report.

"'York, 27th September, 1833.

"'May it please Your Excellency

"'We have the Honor to report to Your Excellency that we have deliberated upon the reference made to us by Your Excellency's Command on the 17th September Instant in respect to an application addressed to Your Excellency by the Government of the Territory of Michigan requesting that certain persons now inhabiting this Province may be apprehended and sent to that country to answer to a charge preferred against them for assaulting and beating the Sheriff of the County of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody. We observe that the recent act of the Legislature of this Province intituled "An Act to provide for the apprehending of fugitive offenders from foreign countries and delivering them up to Justice" (a copy of which we annex to this report) gives a discretion to the Governor and Council in carrying into effect its provisions declaring in express terms that it shall not be incumbent upon them to deliver up any person charged if for any reason they shall deem is inexpedient so to do." We take it for granted however notwithstanding the general terms in which the reference is made to us, that we are not expected to express our opinion upon what would or would not be a proper exercise of this discretion. It does not, indeed, occur to us than any question of political expediency is presented by the case and if any were, we should abstain from offering an opinion upon it.

"'It is to the legal considerations connected with the case that we have confined ourselves; and in this view of it we beg respectfully to state that these prisoners having been once already apprehended and in custody in this Province upon this same charge and liberated by the decision of the Governor and Council after a consideration of the case upon an application made by the Government of Michigan, we should not think fit that the Governor and Council should authorize a second apprehension of the parties and exercise a second time the power and discretion given by the Act—This course we think could not be approved of unless, in the case of some atrocious offender, new and strong evidence should be discovered which it was not in the power of the foreign Government to produce upon a previous application and for the want of which the prisoners were upon such first application discharged, or perhaps in a case where some official or legal formality had by mere accident been overlooked on the first occasion.

"'Independently of the consideration that this case has been already acted upon by the Government, the documents before us place it in this light: the prisoners with the exception of Blackburn and his wife are charged with assaulting and beating the sheriff of Wayne and rescuing a prisoner from his custody, Blackburn being the prisoner alluded to is charged with joining in the riot and battery of the Sheriff and with unlawfully rescuing himself—The wife of Blackburn we cannot find to be sufficiently charged with any offence known to our laws which do not acknowledge a state of slavery; for the imputation of conspiring with the rioters and contriving the rescue is supported by no evidence and seems to rest on conjecture—The prisoner Blackburn it appears from the Documents before us was not committed for felony nor for any crime nor imprisoned for any cause which by our laws could be recognized as a justification of imprisonment. We mention this not from any doubt that the prisoner was in legal custody according to the laws of Michigan but because the rescue of a prisoner constitutes by our law a greater or less offence according to the degree of the crime for which he was committed and this prisoner being committed for no crime and certainly not for any felony his rescue would according to our law be a misdemeanor only and a misdemeanor of that kind that the persons convicted of it would be punished by fine and imprisonment or either of them and not by any other description of punishment—The Statute referred to provides in explicit terms that the persons subject to be delivered up under it to the justice of a foreign country are those only who shall be charged "with murder, forgery, larceny or other crime committed without the jurisdiction of this Province which crimes if committed within this Province would by the laws thereof be punishable by death corporal punishment by pillory or whipping or by confinement at hard labour." We are not aware whether the laws of the Territory of Michigan do or do not authorize the giving up of offenders charged with crimes not embraced in the above very comprehensive description; but however that may be, it is evident that the conduct of this and of other Governments in respect to the delivery up of offenders can be no further reciprocal towards each other than the laws of each will allow. We express no opinion except in reference to the statute recently passed here for regulating this particular matter—We consider the Legislature to have declared in that Statute their will in what cases fugitives from foreign countries should be surrendered; and we have therefore considered whether the persons in question as they are not charged with murder forgery or larceny could upon the facts before us be convicted of any other offence punishable at hard labour—We apprehend they could not be but that the offence of which they might be convicted would be punishable by fine and imprisonment merely without adding "hard labour" to the sentence. Riot, a Battery of the Sheriff in the execution of his duty, and the rescue of a person legally in his custody but not charged with felony or other crime are the offences with which upon the statements before us they are liable to be charged:—and all these are offences which in the known and ordinary administration of the law in this Province would be punished in no other manner than by fine and mere imprisonment. Instances we doubt not may be brought from distant times, in which one or other of the above offences has been punished in England by Pillory or whipping or by other unusual or disgraceful punishments and we do not say that these cases altho' they may be old are so decidedly void of all authority that a judgment which should now be passed in conformity to them would certainly be held to be erroneous and bad. But we conceive that in England such punishments have long ceased to be assigned to the offences in question; that in this Province they have never been assigned to them and that recent Statutes which have been passed in England tend strongly to show that Parliament did not regard them as punishments which in later times could be properly attached to such offences without express Legislative sanction. We observe that there is evidence of one of the persons charged having pointed a loaded pistol at the Sheriff. If it had been further stated that he had pulled the trigger or otherwise attempted to discharge the pistol the act would have been one which in England is felony, having been first made so by Lord Ellenborough's Act passed in 1803; but that Act does not extend to this Province and was never adopted or in force here and if it were otherwise, still this case upon the facts stated is not within it. Looking upon the act of pointing or presenting the pistol as one for which all the rioters were equally responsible it forms an aggravation of their riot and assault but it does not change the legal character of their crime it would probably lead to a higher fine or a longer imprisonment but not to a punishment of another kind. The riot as it is described was an outrageous one and the battery of the sheriff appears to have been violent and cruel—the direct object and intent however seems to have been the rescue of the Prisoner rather than to take the life of the sheriff; and even supposing the facts would well support a conviction for an assault on the Sheriff with an intent to murder him still by our law such intent would be merely an aggravation of the riot and assault; it would not alter the technical character of the crime or the description of punishment however much it might enhance the fine or lead to increasing the term of Imprisonment.

"'The conclusion therefore which we have come to is that these parties are not charged with any of the offences enumerated in the statute annexed and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor and council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out of the Province. It has not escaped our attention as a peculiar feature in this case that two of the persons whom the Government of this Province is requested to deliver up are persons recognized by the Government of Michigan as slaves and that it appears upon these documents that if they should be delivered up they would by the laws of the United States be exposed to be forced into a state of Slavery from which they had escaped two years ago when they fled from Kentucky to Detroit; that if they should be sent to Michigan and upon trial be convicted of the Riot and punished they would after undergoing their punishment be subject to be taken by their masters and continued in a state of Slavery for life, and that on the other hand if they should never be prosecuted or if they should be tried and acquitted this consequence would equally follow. Among the Documents before us we perceive there are papers which have been delivered to the Government in behalf of the alleged rioters in which this inevitable consequence is urged as a reason against their being sent back to Michigan and in which it is intimated that to place the slaves again within the power of their masters is the principal object and that the Government of Michigan in making application for them is rather influenced by the interest and wishes of the slave owners than by any desire to bring the parties to trial for the alleged riot. No consideration of this kind has had any weight with us, for in the first place as regards the insinuation against the motives of the Government of Michigan if we had any thing to do with them we should consider (as no doubt this Government would consider in any similar case) that courtesy towards the Government of a foreign country requires always to assume that it has no motive or design on these occasions which is not just and fair and in short none but such as is openly avowed. And in the next place as to the consequence spoken of—If it would follow in course from the laws of the United States it is not probable that the Executive Government there would prevent the slave masters from asserting their rights under those laws and it is therefore reasonable to suppose that the consequence may really follow which the parties concerned have represented. Still if in this case the black people whose arrest is applied for had been shown to have fled from a charge for any such offence as would clearly come within our Statute, we do not conceive that we could on that account have advised a course to be pursued in regard to them different from that which should be pursued with respect to free white persons under the same circumstances. When we say this we should desire it to be understood that we are so clearly of opinion on the other hand, that the withdrawing from a state of Slavery in a foreign Country could not here be treated as an offence with reference to our statute already alluded to so that any person could be surrendered up under that statute upon such a ground merely. We beg leave to express to Your Excellency our regret for the delay that has occurred in answering the reference which Your Excellency and the Honorable the Executive Council have thought fit to make to us. Among other causes which have led to it was a doubt at first entertained among us whether we could properly give an opinion upon a matter which under possible circumstances might give rise to a judicial proceeding in which the same question would come before us or some one of us for decision. An examination of this subject has removed this doubt and we now submit our opinion to Your Excellency with such explanations as seemed to us to be material.

"'We have the Honor to be
"'Your Excellency's Most obedient
"and humble Servants

"'(Signed) "'John B. Robinson, C. J.
"'L. P. Sherwood—J.
"'J. B. Macauley—J.'"

"Upon which the council were pleased to make the following Report.

"'To His Excellency, Sir John Colborne, K.C.B., Lieutenant Governor of the Province of Upper Canada and Major General Commanding His Majesty's Forces therein—&c——&c. &c

"'May it please Your Excellency

"'The Council have had under consideration the papers relating to the requisition of the acting Governor of Michigan, together with evidence furnished by His Excellency the Governor of that Territory accompanied by a further requisition for the delivery of the fugitives—they have also had before them the opinions of the three Judges and of the Attorney General with which they concur and have been led to the conclusion that the fugitive Slaves named in the requisitions are not charged with an offence which would have rendered them liable to any of the punishments enumerated in the Provincial Statute and consequently that the Lieutenant Governor and Council are not authorized by its provisions to send them out of the Province.'" (Can. Arch., State J, p. 155.)

8. At an Executive Council for Upper Canada held at Toronto, Saturday, September 9, 1837, under the presidency of the Honourable William Allen, the following proceedings were had:

"Read the Attorney General's Report of the 8th instant on Documents for the surrender of Jesse Happy, a fugitive from Justice in the United States charged with horse stealing—upon which the Council made the following Report

"'The Council have taken into serious consideration the Documents with the Reports of the Attorney General

"'A similar application referred for the Report of the Council on the 7th Instant—In that case as in the present it was suggested that the fugitive was a slave, and that the real object of the application was not so much to bring him to trial for the alleged Felony as to reduce him again to a state of Slavery—In that case however it appeared that the Offence had been recently committed viz: in May last—That an early occasion, probably the first, was taken to have him indicted—that process for his apprehension immediately issued and that shortly after the return of the Sheriff to that process the requisition from His Excellency the Governor of the State of Kentucky was obtained and promptly brought to this Province. Under these circumstances the Council were of opinion that in the exercise of a sound discretion they were called upon to recommend to Your Excellency to comply with the requisition—The facts appearing upon the Official Documents in this case are widely different—The Alleged Offence purports to have been committed more than four years ago. When the Indictment was preferred is not shown (as it was in the former case) but the earliest date which shows its existence is 1st June 1835 when the certificate of the Clerk of the Court is given. No process seems to have been issued in the State of Kentucky nor is any other step shown to have been taken until the middle of last month. There also it is suggested that the fugitive is a slave that the real object of his apprehension is to give him up to his former owners and so to deprive him of that personal liberty which the laws of this country secure him. If this be conceded in the present instance after a lapse of four years, no argument could be consistently urged against the delivery up (on the usual application) of persons who have been still longer resident in this Province.

"'The delivery of a Slave under these circumstances to the authorities claiming him would it is clear subject him to a double penalty, the one of punishment for a crime, the other of a return to a state of Slavery, even if he should be acquitted. The former in strict accordance with our Statute, the other in direct opposition to the genius of our institutions and the spirit of our Laws. For this cause the Council feel great difficulty in the course which they would advise Your Excellency to adopt, were there any law by which, after taking his trial and if convicted undergoing his sentence he would be restored to a state of freedom, the Council would not hesitate to advise his being given up but there is no such provision in the Statute.

"'On the other hand the Council feel that it cannot be permitted that because a man may happen to be a fugitive slave he should escape those consequences of crime committed in a foreign country to which a free man would be amenable. This would be equally contrary to the Law and to the spirit of mutual justice which gave origin to it, in this Province as well as in the United States. Considering however the circumstances of this case and also the difficulty that might arise from it as a precedent the Council respectfully recommend that time should be given to the accused to furnish affidavits of the facts set forth in the Petition presented on his behalf in order to a full understanding of the whole matter.

"'The Council would further respectfully submit to Your Excellency the propriety of drawing the attention of Her Majesty's Government to this question with a view of ascertaining their views upon it as a matter of general policy.'" (Can. Arch., State J, p. 597.)

Footnotes:

[1] For these documents Mr. Justice Riddell is indebted to Mr. William Smith of the Department of Archives, Ottawa, Canada.

ADDITIONAL LETTERS OF NEGRO MIGRANTS OF 1916-1918 [1]

Letters Stating that Wages Received are not Satisfactory

Brookhaven, Miss., April 24, 1917.

Gents: The cane growers of Louisiana have stopped the exodus from New Orleans, claiming shortage of labor which will result in a sugar famine.

Now these laborers thus employed receive only 85 cents a day and the high cost of living makes it a serious question to live.

There is a great many race people around here who desires to come north but have waited rather late to avoid car fare, which they have not got. isnt there some way to get the concerns who wants labor, to send passes here or elsewhere so they can come even if they have to pay out of the first months wages? Please dont publish this letter but do what you can towards helping them to get away. If the R. R. Co. would run a low rate excursion they could leave that way. Please ans.

Jacksonville, Fla., April 4, 1917.

Dear Sir: I have been taking defender for sevel months and I have seen that there is lots good work in that section and I want to say as you are the editor of that paper I wish that you would let me know if there is any wheare up there that I can get in with an intucion that I may get my wife and my silf from down hear and can bring just as miney more as he want we are suffing hear all the work is giveing to poor white peples and we can not get anything to doe at all I will go to pennsylvania or n y state or N J or Ill. or any wheare that I can surport my wife I am past master of son of light in Mass. large Royal arch and is in good standing all so the good Sancer large no. 18. I need helpe my wife cant get any thing to due eather can I so please if you can see any body up there that want hands let me no at once I can get all they need and it will alow me to get my wife away from down hear so please remember and ans. I will apreshate it.

Looking for ans at once. Please let me no some thing thease crackers is birds in south

Nashville, Tenn., April 22, 1917.

Sir: I am in Nashville and I have a job but is not satisfied with the money that I am getting for my work and I ask of you to please give me a good job working any place I am a expirence fire man and all so some expirence in engineer and please answer soon and let me know what you can find for me to do.

Alexandria, La., June 6, 1917.

Dear Sirs: I am writeing to you all asking a favor of you all. I am a girl of seventeen. School has just closed I have been going to school for nine months and I now feel like I aught to go to work. And I would like very very well for you all to please forward me to a good job. but there isnt a thing here for me to do, the wages here is from a dollar and a half a week. What could I earn Nothing. I have a mother and father my father do all he can for me but it is so hard. A child with any respect about her self or his self wouldnt like to see there mother and father work so hard and earn nothing I feel it my duty to help. I would like for you all to get me a good job and as I havent any money to come on please send me a pass and I would work and pay every cent of it back and get me a good quite place to stay. My father have been getting the defender for three or four months but for the last two weeks we have failed to get it. I dont know why. I am tired of down hear in this —— / I am afraid to say. Father seem to care and then again dont seem to but Mother and I am tired tired of all of this I wrote to you all because I believe you will help I need your help hopeing to here from you all very soon.

Atlanta, Ga., April 29, 1917.

Sir: I am a young man 25 years of age. I desire to get in some place where I can earn more for my labor than I do now, which is $1.25 per day. I do not master no trade but I have finished a correspondence course with the practical auto school of New York City and with a little experience I would make a competent automobile man, but I do not ask for your assistance on this line of business only. I am willing to do anything for better wages.

P.S. I would like if you knows if there is an auto school any where where colored men can go to and learn the automobile industry to give me their address.

Jacksonville, Fla., April 30, 1917.

Kind sir: In reading the Chicago Defender I saw where laborers are wanted and of course not knowing whether you would send transportation this far or not I would like a good job in the north where I can earn more for my labor and would like for you to help me out if you would. I am now working at the Clyde Line and they are cutting off help every day of course I dont know about this moulding work but am very quick to learn any thing most any kind of work for a laboring man, dont play on the job. all I ask of you is a trial, willing and ready to go to work any time I hear from you. Please ans soon. willing to Detroit Michigan or any part of the north.

Sirs: I am writing to find out if there is any way that you could find me a job. I would be very glad for you to do so and I will see that you wont loose nothing if I can get the job. work no good here for a black man. And I want to leave this place. But I cannot make the money to leave on and I hope you will do all you can in the way of helping me to secure a job and I hope you will let me here from you in short.

Wilmington, N. C., May 4, 1917.

Dear Sir: Wright a fiew words for work i ask to hand this editor to read we are work mens wont to work but wages is so little we cant get out we wont to leave the south and work. Pleas wright let me know 10 mens able body men will stick to work we well come.

Dallas, Tex., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: I read your advertisement in the Chicago Defender and having been unable to find work here I want a chance of this kind also a friend of mine, we are both willing to work. Tell me how soon you can send and how many you are willing to send for.

Augusta, Ga., 5-28-17.

Gentlemens: In reading the defender the paper of our race the numerous wanted of labor in your state I would like make some of the good pay for God knows we need it in Augusta. Gentlemens I made very effort to come out in Illinois or some other place where I can live deason. I have payed as much as too dollars & that I cant get away from here, we can scarcely live in Augusta not say anything about debt. I wish you gentlemens would asist me in getting away from here not only my self but some friends or send an agent threw here I mean agent not some so call agent—or if you gentlemens see I get a transportation I am real in what I am saying any kind that a living in. I am twenty years exspierince in yellow pine lumber willing to do any thing else that pays gentlemens answer at once. I like to come now to get settled by winter.

Pensacola, Fla., April 23, 1917.

Dear Sir: I saw your advice in the Chicago Defender I thought to wright for farther in fennashion I would be glad to now how I can get ther I am a laborn man want to get where work is plentiful & good wedges i want to get in a Christian nise place i have a good family and car for them I want to come up there to see the place & then latter on send for family can u send for me or describe me to some one who will send for me.

St. Louis, April 28, 1917.

Dear Gentlemens: I have been advise through the columns of the Chicago Defender to get in connection with you as they claim that you are in position to look after colored labor and help I am anxious to get a study position in some small villiage or town near Chicago. I am from Alabama and dont believe in loafing I am now employed at a firm as porter, packer, asst. shipping clerk but I cant live on the pay. I am to go to Detroit next Saturday but if I can hear from you I would rother take your advise. Please let me hear from you. I was intending to go by Chicago and call on you but I thought it wise to write because here in St. Louis they dont like to see a man idle.

Dear sir: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and enjoy it very much. I saw in todays defender where labor was wanter transportation advanced from Chicago. Now I have a good steady position where I have been working for three years with the American Sugar refinery but I would like to make a change I know that I can better my condition where I work it 12 hours. Therefore I would welcome the 8 hours with pleasure. Please send me full information. I would like to get a transportation for my self and son 16 years of age. I will enclose self address envelope for a reply at once.

New Orleans, La., 4/30/17.

Sir: In reading the Chicago paper we find advertisement asking for labor men. I am a man of family and would like very much to come to this kind of job but having a wife and five children to support couldnt very well leave on a railroad pass as I hate to leave my family behind without support for at one dollar and seventy five cents per day I couldnt do very much in a short while. Now will you please inform me of this transportation that is advertised. I am a colored man weighs about 160 pounds and forty nine years old. Please write me full particulars at this address.

Collins, Miss., April 7, 1917.

Dear Sir: I saw where you needed labor and I am a hard working man but I cant make above a living here and hardly that and so if you can assist me your kindness will never be forgotten. I shall look to hear from you by return mail.

Greenville, S. C., April 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: I would like for you to write me and tell me how is time up there and jobs is to get. I would like for you to get me a job and my wife. She is a no. 1 good cook, maid, nurse job I am a fireing boiler, steame fitter and experiences mechencs helpe and will do laboring work if you can not get me one off those jobs above that i can do. I have work in a foundry as a molder helper and has lots of experense at that. I am 27 yrs of age. If you can get me job I would like for you to do so please and let me no and will pay for trouble. looking to hear from you wright away please if you new off any firm that needs a man give them my address please I wont to get out of the south where I can demand something for my work. I will close.

Lutcher, La., May 13, 1917.

Dear Sir: I have been reading the Chicago defender and seeing so many advertisements about the work in the north I thought to write you concerning my condition. I am working hard in the south and can hardly earn a living. I have a wife and one child and can hardly feed them. I thought to write and ask you for some information concerning how to get a pass for myself and family. I dont want to leave my family behind as I cant hardly make a living for them right here with them and I know they would fare hard if I would leave them. If there are any agents in the south there havent been any of them to Lutcher if they would come here they would get at least fifty men. Please sir let me hear from you as quick as possible. Now this is all. Please dont publish my letter, I was out in town today talking to some of the men and they say if they could get passes that 30 or 40 of them would come. But they havent got the money and they dont know how to come. But they are good strong and able working men. If you will instruct me I will instruct the other men how to come as they all want to work. Please dont publish this because we have to whisper this around among our selves because the white folks are angry now because the negroes are going north.

Winston, N. C., May 17, 1917.

Dear Friend: a little information i am asking concerning work i am a stranger to you and you is one to me but i saw your optunity to the colorred people of the south as i am a reader of the Defender and all so the new York age to i seen Sunday that you is wanting labers i wants to come up there i am working eavery day but wedges is cheap don her i am a firman and cannot make a living hardly and am married man too. if you can secure me a job and send me past for me and a nother friend he is married no children i would like to lern how to do molding as the colorred man is bared of from that kind of work in the south.

Jacksonville, Fla., May 18, 1917.

Sir: this is John ——. will you please get me a job as I have had bad luck an it left me in pour shape I am a molder and machinists but I will work as helpe a while jest I an wife sen transpertation for two I an wife.

Jacksonville, Fla., May 5, 1917.

Dear Sir: Kindly inform me by return mail are there any factories or concerns employing colored laborers, skilled or unskilled, the south is ringing with news from Chicago telling of the wonderful openings for colored people, and I am asking you to find the correct information whether I could get employment there or not. Please find postage enclosed for immediate reply.

Charleston, S. C., April 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender where you wanted laborers and I taught that this would be a grand oppotunity for me to better my present conditions so I taught I would write you and ask you would you be kind enough as to give me a job dear sir. I am a single man and would be willing to do any kind of work, dear sir would you be kind enough as to forward me a transportation and I would come write away so please do the best you can for me. There is but little down here to be gotten dear sir will you kindly grant me that favor. Hopeing to receive a favorable answer.

Greenwood, S. C., May 8, 1917.

Dear Friend: I saw in the Chicago Defender where you waned labor. pleas send pass for as many men as you can are let me know what I must do to get one by return mail because I wont to leave the south and go north where you get a better chance. So please answer at once.

Sumter, S. C., May 12, 1917.

Dear Sir: Could you get me a job in the —— Tin Plate Factory at ——, Pa. a job for (3) three also a pass from here for (3) I am a comon laborer and the other are the same. If you could we will be ever so much ablige and will comply with your advertisement. If you cant get a job just where we wish to go we will thank you for a good job any where in the state of Pa. or Ohio. I am in my 50 the others are my sons just in the bloom of life and I would wish that you could find a place where we can make a living and I also wish that you could find a place where we all three can be together. If you will send us a pass we will come just as soon as I receive it. If you find a place that you can send us please let us hear what the job will pay. Nothing more. I am yours respectfully.

Carrier, Miss., May, 1917.

Please sir will you please send me transportation for me and my wife I am willing to work anywhere you put me at the rate I am going it would take me from now until Cristmas to feed myself and get money enough to come with. Wages is so low and grocery is so high untill all I can do is to live. Please answer soon to.

Newbern, Ala., 5-21-1917.

My dear Sir: Your letter of the 11th inst. to hand and contents noted. In reply I wish to thank you for the kind offer relative to the laides. We shall leave for New York on or before June 20th; I desire to know if it be possible to secure our transportation fare from the parties to whom they shall work? Owing to conditions (here) in the south one is hardly able to eke out an existence on the paltry salaries allowed by our white friends; therefore we need help. If you can comply with our request, we shall be very grateful to you; & I wish to say in advance that you will not have cause to regret for whatever the charges may be we shall pay them willingly. I shall furnish the best references as to character.

Now, if it be possible for us to secure our transportation, we could leave here on or before the 5th of June. We prefer coming by water as it is cheaper. I trust that I have made myself plain and that you will see your way clear to serve us.

Newbern, Ala., 4/7/1917.

Dear Sir: I am in receipt of a letter from —— of ——, ——, in regards to placing two young women of our community in positions in the North or West, as he was unable to give the above assistance he enclosed your address. We desire to know if you are in a position to put us in touch with any reliable firm or private family that desire to employ two young women; one is a teacher in the public school of this county, and has been for the past six years having duties of a mother and sister to care for she is forced to seek employment else where as labor is very cheap here. The other is a high school pupil, is capable of during the work of a private family with much credit.

Doubtless you have learned of the great exodus of our people to the north and west from this and other southern states. I wish to say that we are forced to go when one things of a grown man wages is only fifty to seventy five cents per day for all grades of work. He is compelled to go where there is better wages and sociable conditions, believe me. When I say that many places here in this state the only thing that the black man gets is a peck of meal and from three to four lbs. of bacon per week, and he is treated as a slave. As leaders we are powerless for we dare not resent such or to show even the slightest disapproval. Only a few days ago more than 1000 people left here for the north and west. They cannot stay here. The white man is saying that you must not go but they are not doing anything by way of assisting the black man to stay. As a minister of the Methodist Episcopal Church (north) I am on the verge of starvation simply because of the above conditions. I shall be glad to know if there is any possible way by which I could be of real service to you as director of your society. Thanking you in advance for an early reply, and for any suggestions that you may be able to offer.

With best wishes for your success, I remain,
very sincerely yours.

Brewster, Ala., Jan. 6, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am writing you enregards if work in the north I would like to came in turch with some of the leading men that wants colerd laborer and what about transportation there is a good deal of peple here wanting jobs.

Troy, Ala., 3-24-17.

Dear Sir: I received you of Feb. 17 and was very delighted to hear from you in regards of the matter in which I writen you about. I am very anxious to get to Chicago and realy believe that if I was there I would very soom be working on the position in which I writen you about. Now you can just imagine how it is with the colored man in the south. I am more than anxious to go to Chicago but have not got the necessary fund in which to pay my way and these southern white peoples are not paying a man enough for his work down here to save up enough money to leave here with. Now I am asking you for a helping hand in which to assist me in getting to Chicago. I know you can do so if you only will.

Hoping to hear from you at an early date and looking for a helping hand and also any information you choose to inform me of,

I remain as ever yours truly.

Columbia, S. C., Dec. 1, 1917.

Dear Ser: I am out of work and was inform to write you all about work in the north I am a labor and is willing to work any where. I am in need of work very bad let me here from you at once.

Charleston, S. C., April 27, 1917.

Dear Sir: i was told by Mr. —— —— to rite you for one of cards as he say you got a lot of work to do in a brick yard and i am a hard working man i want to work and will work at any thing that pays so i rite to you for one of your blank so i can fill it out i dont care how soon i can get there and go to work there is no work here that pays a man to stay here so please send blank as soon as you can. Hoping to here from you soon.

Savannah, Ga., April 29, 1917.

Dear sir: I receive your letter and glad to hear from you, the reason why i wanted to come up there is for more wages, i am a man with family and works hard, but dont get sufficient wages to support my family. i does any kind of ordinary hard work such as farming or teamster or most anything, i would like to no what kind of work you got up there to do as i fell satisfied that i could please you, and also state your price that you pay, and if this application is satisfactory why ans and i am willing to come right way.

Dear Sir: After reading a very interesting letter of Miss—, it affords me great interest to ask you for some information in regards to employment in Connecticut and to eliminate some writing and get the right understanding. I will ask you to please furnish me with an application form and in the mean time I may receive all information that you may give. Also please if you cannot get me employment in Connecticut, write me if there are any openings in New Jersey or New York. I am very anxious to leave the south as there are no chances of jobs here worth while. I have a recommendation as machine helper which I can send if required.

Hoping to have an interview as early as possible.

Savannah, Ga., May 1, 1917.

Dear Sir: In seeing your advertisement in reference to securing a position for those desiring, I decided to take advantage of this opportunity as I desire better wages to meet the present high cost of living.

Hoping to hear from you at once in reference to the above request.

Fort Gaines, Ga., Oct. 9, 1916.

Dear Sir: Replying to your letter dates Oct. 6th the situation here is this: Heavy rains and Boll weavel has caused a loss of about 9,000 bales of cotton which together with seed at the prevailing high prices would have brought $900,000.00 the average crop here being 11,000 bales, but this years' crop was exceptionally fine and abundant and promised good yeald until the two calamities hit us.

Now the farmer is going to see that his personal losses are minimised as far as possible and this has left the average farm laborer with nothing to start out with to make a crop for next year, nobody wants to carry him till next fall, he might make peanuts and might not, so taking it alround, he wants to migrate to where he can see a chance to get work.

I have carpenters, one brick mason, blacksmith, etc., wanting to leave here, can send you their names if definate proposition is held out.

Houston, Tex., 2-25-17.

Dear Sir: Would you please to be so kind to advise us on what condition to get in tuch with some club on micration movement we have 1000 of idle people here and good working people would be trully glad to except of that good oppertunity of coming north and work. Now please give us the full detales of the movingment so we can get to gether now please advise right away of the main headquarters of the club for we are ready for business just as soon as we can get a understanding from the main club for we have lots of people in Tex. want to no direct about it and want to go. We take your paper in this citey and your paper was all we had to go by so we are depending on you for farther advise. Dear editor you muss excuse our bad letter for we rote it in a hurry.

Keatchie, La., 12/8/16.

Dear Sir: I have been reading in the Union-Review and other papers about the work of your department and I am writing to you for some information. I would like to know about general conditions, as to wages, cost of living, living conditions etc.

Also as to persons of color adopting themselves to the northern climate, having been reared in the south. This information would be much appreciated and would be also of much interest to not only the writer of this letter but to many more. Many books would be written dealing with conditions here in regard to the Negro. Compared with other things to which we have almost become resigned, the high cost of living coupled with unreasonably low wages is of greatest concern. We have learned to combat with more or less success other conditions, but thousands of us can bearly keep body and soul together with wages 60, 75 and $1.00 and meat at 19, flour $10 and $12 per bbl and everything else according.

Live Oak, Fla., Feb. 12, 1917.

Dare Sire: Replying to youse some times ago were reseav an was glad to here from you so please let me no how is bisness up nourth and cod I get a job as I wont to go nourth as we dont get half pay for our wourk down here so please let me here from you an can I get a persistion in youre city.

Savannah, Ga., May 1, 1917.

Dear Sir: I write you to let you know that I am out of employment as jobs are very hard to find down here and I would like to have a job in your firm in N.Y. as I have relatives there I can pack tobacco and I would like very much to work in your firm in N.Y. or Conn. and I would like for you to send me a ticket as soon as possible.

Little Rock, Ark., 5/2/17.

Der Sir: It affordes me much pleasure to write to you a few lines in regardes of a posision sir i were reared in the state of ill. your home state, but have been here for eight years working as a helper in a blacksmith shop and have been taking the Defender regular for a long time so i have decided to come back to my home state once more where i can get better pay so o will ask you to please help me in getting a good job. i wont to learn the molders trade or some good trade that i can make more than i am making here. i am a Christian and have been for 20 years. am a member of the first Baptist Church here an a member of the United Brethren of Odd Fellows and is in good standing. now please assist me just as soon as possible i am ready to come up just as soon as i get a hearing from you. Please look after it for me at once if you can not get me a job in your town, I will go anny place you send me.

Jackson, Miss., April 20, 1917.

Sir: i wants to know do yo want somme famlis to move up their if you do rite and let me no at once and i will get yo some at once to come up their to work for you if you do rite an let me no at once and i will get them. now write an let me no at once send me work an i will try to bill your wont if you will aide me to get them up their i can get all that yo wont here to come up their and will come if they had any way to comt i wont to come but the times is so harde that i cant make the money to come on i want to move up their at once if i hade some way to come i wod come at once.

Charleston, S.C., April 29, 1917.

dear sir: I found your address by Mr. —— —— kindness. I wrote him a letter concerning of a just a half of chance and any kind of a job will do just so I am out of this part of the country. Now here is my lines of work. I am a first class clothes cleaner and presser, can operate any kind of clothes pressing machine. I have got reference to show that I am good in that line from Mr. ——, a member of our city. I am a waiter european or american, alicout or short order, and I am bell hop and knows the rules of a hotel. I am lawfully married and has no children. My wife and myself are both from Augusta, Ga. but I am working down here but I dont like it, I am just barely making a living and thats all. Now my wife can work too. She can cook, nurse and do house work, I simply make a distintion about my home being in Augusta Ga for this reason, some Charlestonians speaks such bad language. Now please do the best you can for me and let me hear from you as soon, as possible and let me know your terms. I am ready. Good-by.

Hawkinsville, Ga., Apr. 16, 1917.

My dear friends: I writen you some time ago and never received any answer at all. I just was thinking why that I have not. I writen you for employ on a farm or any kind of work that you can give me to do I am willing to do most any thing that you want me to so dear friends if you just pleas send ticket for me I will come up thear just as soon as I receives it I want to come to the north so bad tell I really dont no what to do. I am a good worker a young boy age of 23. The reason why I want to come north is why that the people dont pay enough for the labor that a man can do down here so please let me no what can you do for me just as soon as you can I will pay you for the ticket and all so enything on your money that you put in the ticket for me, and send any kind of contrak that you send me.

Houston, Tex., 4-29-17.

Dear Sir: I am a constant reader of the "Chicago Defender" and in your last issue I saw a want ad that appealed to me. I am a Negro, age 37, and am an all round foundry man. I am a cone maker by trade having had about 10 years experience at the buisness, and hold good references from several shops, in which I have been employed. I have worked at various shops and I have always been able to make good. It is hard for a black man to hold a job here, as prejudice is very strong. I have never been discharged on account of dissatisfaction with my work, but I have been "let out" on account of my color. I am a good brassmelter but i prefer core making as it is my trade. I have a family and am anxious to leave here, but have not the means, and as wages are not much here, it is very hard to save enough to get away with. If you know of any firms that are in need of a core maker and whom you think would send me transportation, I would be pleased to be put in touch with them and I assure you that effort would be appreciated. I am a core maker but I am willing to do any honest work. All I want is to get away from here. I am writing you and I believe you can and will help me. If any one will send transportation, I will arrange or agree to have it taken out of my salary untill full amount of fare is paid. I also know of several good fdry. men here who would leave in a minute, if there only was a way arranged for them to leave, and they are men whom I know personally to be experienced men. I hope that you will give this your immediate attention as I am anxious to get busy and be on my way. I am ready to start at any time, and would be pleased to hear something favorable.

Charleston, S. C., April 29, 1917.

Kind Sir: Read your adv. in the Chicago Defender. I would like very much to have you take me in consideration. I am strong and ambitious. Would work under any conditions to get away from this place for I am working and throwing away my valuable time for nothing. Kindly let me hear from you at your earliest.

New Orleans, La., June 10, 1917.

Kind Sir: I read and hear daly of the great chance that a colored parson has in Chicago of making a living with all the priveleg that the whites have and it mak me the most ankious to want to go where I may be able to make a liveing for my self. When you read this you will think it bery strange that being only my self to support that it is so hard, but it is so. everything is gone up but the poor colerd peple wages. I have made sevle afford to leave and come to Chicago where I hear that times is good for us but owing to femail wekness has made it a perfect failure. I am a widow for 9 years. I have very pore learning altho it would not make much diffrent if I would be throughly edacated for I could not get any better work to do, such as house work, washing and ironing and all such work that are injering to a woman with femail wekness and they pay so little for so hard work that it is just enough to pay room rent and a little some thing to eat. I have found a very good remady that I really feeling to belive would cure me if I only could make enough money to keep up my madison and I dont think that I will ever be able to do that down hear for the time is getting worse evry day. I am going to ask if you peple hear could aid me in geting over her in Chicago and seeking out a position of some kind. I can also do plain sewing. Please good peple dont refuse to help me out in my trouble for I am in gret need of help God will bless you. I am going to do my very best after I get over here if God spair me to get work I will pay the expance back. Do try to do the best you can for me, with many thanks for so doing I will remain as ever,

Yours truly.

Mccoy, La., April 16, 1917.

Dear Editor: I have been takeing your wonderful paper and I have saved from the first I have received and my heart is upset night and day. I am praying every day to see some one that I may get a pass for me, my child and husband I have a daughter 17 who can work well and myself. please sir direct me to the place where I may be able to see the parties that I and my family whom have read the defender so much until they are anxious to come dear editor we are working people but we cant hardly live here I would say more but we are back in the jungles and we have to lie low but please sir answer and I pray you give me a homeward consilation as we havent money enough to pay our fairs.

Hernando, Miss., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: I have heard so much about the demand for negro labor and the high price paid for it in the northern part of this country (the U. S.). I've decided to investigate the rumor from the most reliable source. And as it generally known that newspaper men are the best informed, therefore have thought to request of you for the particulars of the matter. Will you furnish me the desired information or point out such party, or parties that can and will do so. (Personal.)

Pensacola, Fla., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: Please send me at once a transportation at once I will sure come if I live send it as soon as possible because these white people are getting so they put every one in prison who are not working I can not get any I can do any kind of common labor. I am a brick layer also a painter I want to go to Cleveland and I have good health and will do my best to improve. They are two family my mother want to come she is a good cook house clean, so all she want is information. I am not going to bring my family when I come I am gong to send back for it. Dont fail to send my Fla. transportation by return mail if you want I can get them as many as you want.

Jacksonville, Fla., April 29, 1917.

Dear sir: reading the Chicago Defender seeing thair are still plenty work in the north I am an automobile repaire and wishes position at once as I am out of employmen and are a man of family and a working man indeed. Hoping to receive ticket by Return Mail or anser

Fullerton, La., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: I was looking over a news paper and seen your address and has been wanting to go some where in you country where i can get better wedges and i would like to come up there of corse i dont know anything about that work but i can learn it in a short while. and if you can give me a job i would like to know and i want to know weather you will send me a pass or not i has a wife an i would like to know will you send me a pass for i and my wife if you will i want you to write me and let me know as soon as you can and tell we what you can do about the matter so this all

Houston, Tex., April 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: I thought I would write you a few lines of importance I ask you to help me that much the lord will help you I am a christians I try to make a honest living a man ought to help another when he try to help his self. this is only one I will do any kind of work if any company pass in up their I can pay half of my fare. I am motherless and fatherless I dont care when I go I am gone trust in the lord if you yill help me the Lord will pay you I am with donfident I am not a loafer If my fare is advance up their it a written contract that I will work it out.

May God bless you. Answer soon

New Orleans, La., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: I write you a few lines asking you if there is a chance please let me know I can do most any kind of work labor or helper packer willing to learn a trade I see where they sends transportation well I would be willing if one of the firms would send me a pass then when I start to work for them they could take it out of my wages every week untill it was paid for. All I ask is give me a chance and I will make good. Hopeing that my letter will meet with your Apporval and if there is a firm that is willing to send me a pass to come to work up there Please show them my letter and they can deduck out of my wages for the pass. Hopeing that you will hear of one of the firms that wants laborers and Helpers and that they will let me know when writing adress is to

G—— A——, —— —— Ave. New Orleans, La.

Please write and let me know if theres a chance. I remain yours

Pensacola, Fla., 4/29/17.

Dear Sir: in reading the Chicago Defender I saw yore wants add for foundry ware house and yard men I do truly ask you to pleas give me some instruction How I can get there I am a working man I am not sport or a gamble or class with them if I kno it But I am study evry day working man of family wife and one child 9 years old but this is hard time in the south now and I have not the means to come. But if you can get me up there I will give you good service in yore ware house and yard work. My daily work has been in a ware house for the past 6 years and i kno one more good man that want to come too with family and would be glad to get up there as soon as I can. I will garntee you good and reglar service from Both of us.

Hopeing to here from you soon

Pensacola, Fla., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: Im a reader of the Defender, and I saw in this weeks issue where you stated that three cities were in need of moulders and helpers. And as I have once worked in a foundry, as a helper I have some experience of the work and would like very much to know under what conditions could you put me in touch with a firm in a small size town, where it would send me a transportation.

I would leave tomorrow, if I had such opportunity. I am married, have a wife and two small children, and cant support them in this place properly.

Hoping to receive some kind of reply.

Savannah, Ga., April 29, 1918.

Dear Sir: I were reading your advertisement in the Chicago Defender where you were in need for men at the —— ——. I am a hard working man in the south and get nothing for it I would like to recive a hearing from you in return mail in rgard of seeking a transportation for me and my nephew if you will send for me and my nephew I will come at once and I garantee you that you wont regret it. We are hard workers of the south please oblige.

Answer at once return mail I will be at your call.

Mobile, Ala., April 30, 1917

Dear Sir: I was reading in the Chicago defender where They wanted so many men to work. I am very anxious to work. I can do most any kind of work I have been out of a job ever since January. will you please try and get me in Chicago, so that I can be able to get one of those jobs. please get me a job. I have a wife and we can hardly live in this place. I am a machinist by trade. I am a Schauffer also. I can repair an auto to. please send for me at once, as I am in need of work.

My age is 25 years and my wife is 21 years. My name is ——

Savannah, Ga., April 24, 1917.

Gentlemen: As I my self intend to go north or some place where I can get good wages so as to better my condition and aim to go in a few days if I can get off right. I would have been gone before now but I could not save enough money out of small wages and high cost of living to get away, since I saw a piece in the Chicago Defender about you I am eager to get in touch with you at once as I understand you are in the employment business if so please let me hear from you by return mail as I must leave in a few days if can get away the right way. So if you have some good jobs open in some small towns or cities that will pay good wages please let me hear from you this week if can do so. Write me the kind of work and wages paid and where at so I can choose the kind I like, also let me know if I can get a ticket sent me to come on with a garntee to pay for it out of my first wages a part each pay day until paid. Please let me hear from you at once.

Atlanta, Ga., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sir: In reading the Chicago Defender I find that there are many jobs open for workmen, I wish that you would or can secure me a position in some of the northern cities; as a workman and not as a loafer. One who is willing to do any kind of hard in side or public work, have had broad experience in machinery and other work of the kind. A some what alround man can also cook, well trained devuloped man; have travel extensively through the western and southern states; A good strong morial religious man no habits. I will accept transportation on advance and deducted from my wages later. It does not matter where, that is; as to city, country, town or state since you secure the positions. I am quite sure you will be delighted in securing a position for a man of this description. I'll assure you will not regret of so doing. Hoping to hear from you soon.

Shreveport, La., April 26-17.

Dear Sirs: I am writing you as to how and where I can go to obtain better freedom and better pay for the balence of my life as being a contance reader of the Chicago defender the add in front cover first colum refered me to you. If you can put me in touch of some one that I ma communicate with as to the position I will be verry grateful to you. I am a cook & barber also thorughly acquainted with steam works hoping to hear from you will full particular

I am yours for better success.

P S I has a fair education.

New Orleans, La., May 7, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am earnestly in need of work and would be very glad if you could recomend me to some of the firms that you are securing labor for. I saw your add in the Defender.

Crichton, Mobile, Ala., April 30, 1917.

Sirs and Gentelmen: I am poor man and honest working man and I am here in the south this hard country seeking for labor that I can make an onest living I can do most any kind of commond work and I will do so please put me next. Give me an early reply years to please

Pensacola, Fla., May 7, 1917.

Gentelmen: I wants to ask you to look out for a job for me in that section as I am a good tailors helper good sewer and as cleaning presing and dyeing I have had nine years experance in that line but I will do other work if I can get it as factory work in or out of the city will do I am man of a family and have no time to piack work. Thanks

Jacksonville, Fla., May 9, 1917.

My dear Sir: In looking over the Chicago Defender why I come across your name in connections with —— —— of Chicago and thinking that you could do me a lots of good why I thought that I would write you asking of you to locate me with transportation with some one who are looking for a hard working honest and sober colored man.

Will do any kind of work. Am a farmer, saw mill man, a good cook. Also I have worked for quite awhile for express company here.

I am unable to pay my way to your city at present and any help extended me along that line will be more than appreciated by me. Am married, and my wife is a first class cook and house woman.

Now if I am not taking too much of your time why please let me hear from you at once as I would like very much to get out of the south as quick as possible for there is nothing here for a colored man, any more.

Please give my name to some one that needs a good man, who is willing to send transportation for me and wife, or my self. I probably can make some arrangements to get there in a few days.

Hoping to hear from you in a few days and thanking you for same before hand.

Letters about Better Educational Facilities

Anniston, Ala., April 23, 1917.

Dear sir: Please gave me some infamation about coming north i can do any kind of work from a truck gardin to farming i would like to leave here and i cant make no money to leave I ust make enought to live one please let me here from you at once i want to get where i can put my children in schol.

West Palm Beach, Fla., April 25, 1917.

My dear Sir: While reading the Chicago Defender of april 21st I saw that you was the man to write to four a job as say the paper I have some children I lost my wife just a year ago and I would like to get a place where I could proply educate them I am a bober by trade I been in the work for 20 years study, I dont drink al all any thing like whiskey I am a church man and all the children belong to the church too your trully

Pittsburg, Pa., April 26, 1917.

dear sir: your letter was all write this one leaves me all write i means what is write this is a matter of buisness and no folishness and joaking in this Please dont think i set down and write something just because i seen it in your paper for i am a working man i work for my living dont i am saying just to get a jobe i no i am south rais man i want some places to send my children to school my means is that i am to old to old.

Dear Sir: I saw your add in the Chicago Defender for laborers. I am a young man and want to finish school. I want you to look out for me a job on the place working morning and evening. I would like to get a job in some private family so I could continue taking my piano lesson I can do anything around the house but drive and can even learn that. Send me the name of the best High school in Chicago. How is the Wendell Phillips College. I have finish the grammer school. I cannot come before the middle of June.

New Orleans, La., 5/5x17

My dear sir: I have you reply stating all the information to me. I thank you very much for same I must say I think you are a real friend. now the best classes of colored men in the south are still here but are making preparation to come north and are not particular about coming to Chicago. All we want is to know just what youve told me here in this letter. I have been living here in New Orleans only seven years. I formerly live in the country but owing to bad conditions of schools for my children I sold my property and moved here. I didnt think there was any justice in my paying school taxes and had no fit school to send by children to. I have been employed here as night eatchman for the last four years and are still working at it but my wajes are so small the high cost of living leaves very little for traveling expenses but never the less I have a boy sixteen years old as soon as school closes I will take him north with me hoping to find work for him and I during vacation. You will see me soon. Thanking you kindly.

Grabow, Louisiana, 5/9/17

My dear Sir: your letter to me togeather with information was recieved and noted carefully from the same I find that work in and about Chicago is not plentiful as agents are makeing out as I know for myself that I have been talked to hard to leave at once for Chicago. I am a carpenter by trade tho I have 10 years experience in the shop. I were under the empression that one would have to join the carpenter's union or machinist union on order to obtain work. Tho I know joining a union would put a stress om me as my straight life policy exemps me from such. Your letter being wrote in paragraphs I Parag 5) you are advising men who knows the molders trade or wanting to learn the machinist trade which are those 4 or 5 cities? Should chances in the same better I would not get as far as Chicago. I am a man of family and contemplated that with my Hudson could drive to Chicago by land in 8 days, but as you advise leaving my family I consider you knows best, tho at present I dont see any enducements at all. $3.00 per day is carpenter wedge in this part of Louisiana for 10 hours and $4.00 machinest. But our chances are so slim. Causes me to be disgusted at the south. Our poll tax paid, state and parish taxes yet with donations we cannot get schools. What do you think of conditions here? Thanking you for your past and in advance for your future information I am verry truly yours.

New Orleans, La., May 17, 1917.

Dear Sir: I received your letter and was indeed glad to hear from you I am expecting to arrive in Chicago abou the 14th of June as I want to get my wife and children place until I can send for them. I am going to place them with my father over in Pass Christian Miss and my expense will be very cheap. Of course I am very anxious to get work because I have been working and supporting my family for the last 15 years and my wife never had to work out yet and I keep my children in school all the time. I will wire you just before I arrive so you will expect me in the office. I will be very glad for any service are information that you will be able to give me as I am coming. I think I would like to work in Detroit Mich. I am not so much on Chicago on account of my children. I am glad you can help me and place me in a job right away.

Alexandria, La., 4/23/11.

Gentlemens: Just a word of information I am planning to leave this place on about May 11th for Chicago and wants ask you assistence in getting a job. My job for the past 8 years has been in the Armour Packing Co. of this place and I cand do anything to be done in a branch house and are now doing the smoking here I am 36 years old have a wife and 2 children. I has been here all my life but would be glad to go wher I can educate my children where they can be of service to themselves, and this will never be here.

Now if you can get a job with eny of the packers I will just as soon as I arrive in your city come to your pace and pay you for your troubel. And if I cant get on with packers I will try enything that you have to effer.

Crescent, Okla., April 30, 1917.

Sir: I am looking for a place to locate this fall as a farmer. Do you think you could place me on a farm to work on shares. I am a poor farmer and have not the money to buy but would be glad to work a mans farm for him. I am desirous of leaving here because of the school accommodations for children as I have five and want to educate them the best I can. Prehaps you can find me a position of some kind if so kindly let me know I will be ready to leave here this fall after the harvest is layed by. I am planting cotton.

Granville, Miss., May 16, 1917.

Dear Sir: This letter is a letter of information of which you will find stamp envelop for reply. I want to come north some time soon but I do not want to leve here looking for a job wher I would be in dorse all winter. Now the work I am doing here is running a gauge edger in a saw mill. I know all about the grading of lumber. I have abeen working in lumber about 25 or 27 years My wedges here is $3.00 a day 11 hours a day. I want to come north where I can educate my 3 little children also my wife. Now if you cannot fit me up at what I am doing down here I can learn anything any one els can. also there is a great deal of good women cooks here would leave any time all they want is to know where to go and some way to go. please write me at once just how I can get my people where they can get something for their work. there are women here cookeing for $1.50 and $2.00 a week. I would like to live in Chicago or Ohio or Philadelphia. Tell Mr Abbott that our pepel are tole that they can not get anything to do up there and they are being snatched off the trains here in Greenville and a rested but in spite of all this, they are leaving every day and every night 100 or more is expecting to leave this week. Let me here from you at once.

Pelahatchee, Miss., April 27, 1917.

Dear Sirs: I see through the Chicago Defender that you have a reputation of furnishing employment to men. Kindly give me the particulars. What class of work do you get men? I am writing you to know that I may obtain an; employment through you. I want a good paying job that I may be able to educate my children. Kindly let me hear from you.

Deo Volente, Miss., April 30, 1917.

Dear Sirs: I am expecting to come with my family to your town, or some smaller town near you, in the near future. Would like to farm near Chicago or some small town near Chicago where my children can have good educational advantages. Seeing the Chicago Defender that your organization was in position to give me the proper infermation therefore I write asking you to please give me the above infermation. By so doing you will greatly oblige me.

—————————— (colored)

Starkville, Miss., May 28, 1917.

Sir: Your name have bin given me as a Relibal furm putting people in toutch with good locations for education there children Now I am a man of 40 years old by traid I am a barber of 20 years experence I am now in the business for white but I can barber for either white or colord I have a wife and seven children 5 girls and 2 boys allso I am a preacher I dont care for the large city life I rather live in a town of 15 or 20 thousand I want to raise by family nice and I would like for my children to have the advantage of good schools and churches Now if you are in a persison to help me a long this line I would be glad to here from you.

Greenville, S. C., 5/2/1917.

Sir: I have been impressed to the extent of writing you by having noted an article in the Chicago Defender regarding the good work your organization is accomplishing.

I am a Negro mechanic, having served the paint trade since 1896, 30 years years of age, married, no booster, a graduate of N. Y. trade school, first honor, class of 1906, wish to change location for better educational advantages for my children consequently will be glad to have you endeavor to place me. Hoping to hear from you at earliest convenience. Willing to accept position in any good north western city, with white or colored firm.

Atlanta, Ga., April 22, 1917.

Dear Sir: I now rite to inquier of the works in the north as I saw your ad in the Chicago Defender I wants to come north if thair is any work up their I wants to get in a good place whear I can educate my children I am a natif of Charleston West Va but come off down here in this hard luck countary and married & raised a fanily and wants to get in a good location to raise them sence you are in the busness I wants some information I would like to hear from you pearsonaly if I can I am not pertickley about Chicago just since I get a good place in the north whear I can educate my children how is groceries in the countary let me hear from you at & early date.

Augusta, Ga., April 27, 1917.

Sir: Being a constant reader of your paper, I thought of no one better than you to write for information.

I'm desirous of leaving the south but before so doing I want to be sure of a job before pulling out. I'm a member of the race, a normal and colloege school graduate, a man of a family and can give reference. Confidentially this communication between you and me is to be kept a secret.

My children I wished to be educated in a different community than here. Where the school facilities are better and less prejudice shown and in fact where advantages are better for our people in all respect. At present I have a good position but I desire to leave the south. A good position even tho' its a laborer's job paying $4.50 or $5.00 a day will suit me till I can do better. Let it be a job there or any where else in the country, just is it is east or west. I'm quite sure you can put me in touch with some one. I'm a letter carrier now and am also a druggist by profession. Perhaps I may through your influence get a transfer to some eastern or western city.

Nevada or California as western states, I prefer, and I must say that I have nothing against Detroit, Mich.

I shall expect an early reply. Remember keep this a secret please until I can perfect some arrangements.

Glebdon, Ala., April 22, 1917.

Gentlemen: I seen it in the Chicago Defender that if any one dezire to locate in a small town where they can get fairly good wages and educate there children address you who neads men and stop paying men 50 cts & $1.00 for Job well i wont to come there where i can get work & fairly good wages & educate my children & i am not able to bear my expences i have a wife & 7 chrildren & if you can make any preparation for me to come & bring them let me here from you i have too boys big enough to work one 12 years old the other 10 and i have been trying to get away from here for some time & i cant get ot without your aid i seen it on a small paper a littler strip where Mr. —— —— at the state of Neb at omaha he advise any one that wont to go north or west rite him & send a too sent stamp withen your letter that i may not be slighte and then when her and your he send a blank with the letter to be fill an send him $1.50 one dollar an half which he say it is all is required no more money i will hafter pay i wrote hem for a pass & that what he told me to do & when i arrive i would have a job all ready now when i seem what the Chicago defender says about men get money that way it cause me to stop & study would it a safe plan of me to go out on such terms an so i ask you Gentlemen for all infermation that you can give me in the regards of leaving the south let me here from you at once we colored people havin a hard time down here now i have paper here but I aint sind it yet

Letters about the Treatment of Negroes in the South

Macon, Ga., April 1, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am writing you for information I want to come north east but I have not sufficient funds and I am writing you to see if there is any way that you can help me by giving me the names of some of the firms that will send me a transportation as we are down here where we have to be shot down here like rabbits for every little orfence as I seen an orcurince hapen down here this after noon when three depties from the shrief office an one Negro spotter come out and found some of our raice mens in a crap game and it makes me want to leave the south worse than I ever did when such things hapen right at my door, hopeing to have a reply soon and will in close a stamp from the same.

Savannah, Ga., May 5, 1917.

Dear sir: I rite you these few lines seeking information how could I get up north and if you could do me any good I an five more men would like to come but we have no money we would come to any reasonable terms that you makes, and if you cannot do the five no good please sir try and do some thing for me. I rite you this mostly for my self I am in a bad shape. I am willing to do most any kind of work labaring excuiseing hotel. You was recomended to me by Bro — — —— of Savannah Tribune, now in plain words plese send for me or get some of the contractors to send and I will willingly come to terms. I am willing await you ans. In short.

Sparta, Ga., Jan. 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: Information reaches me that you can give information as to places that colored men can get employment in the north and east as quite a number of we colored men in this vicinity contemplates leaving the south providing we can get employment at reasonable wages. I would like to know where to locate, what kind of work and what wages paid skilled and unskilled laborer, & whether transportation can be furnished. Hoing to hear from you by return mail.

Charleston, S.C., 4/4/17.

Dear Sir: I have heard about you as being an employment beura so I would like very mutch for you to get me a job, and if you will please send ticket by rail because we are not allowed to leave by boat any mour. so I will take a job as porter—butler—hosler bellman can furnish reference an 27 years old married. Please notify right away.

Sanford, Fla., 5/12/17.

Dear Sir: The winter is about over and I still have a desire to seek for myself a section of this country where I can poserably better my condishion in as much as beaing asshured some protection as a good citizen under the Stars and Stripes so kind sir I am here asking you agin if you know directly or indirectly of any opening that you could direct me to where I can make a reasonable livelyhood kindly inform me. Why I write you agin is because it appears to me from your headings that your concern ar making some opening for the (col) from the south and agin I do not cear to live here in a simple way if poserable I would like to be shure of an imployment before I leave Kindley do what ever good you can for me.

Pensacola, Fla., April 30, 1917.

Gentlemen: I perchanced to run across your address. The which I am proud of. I like my fellow southerner am looking northward. But before leaving the South Id like to know just wher I am goin and what Im to do if posible. I see from your card that you can help me and I believe you will. I want to say that I dont hope to travil north to loaf. I will be seeking better employment and better wa es mainly. I might state just here what Im best fitted for. 1st Im a christain man a man of sober habits. Ive had several years experience in business for 20 years Ive been a salesman & collector or business mgr thirteen years of said time I were engaged in the industrial insurance work. worked from a green agent to dist mgr ship at present am engaged as a salesman and collector. But would accept position as jarnitor of general utility man ordainary cook the which I ve served in a short order house for whites only. And also in a house run for both races. In fact will serve in any honest capacity That I'm capeble of that pays well. Please excuse these persional reference but Im striveing to make the acquaintance, can furnish reference as to integrity and ability any information given me in my efort will be gratefully received. Thanking you in advance.

Troy, Ala., Oct. 17, 1916.

Dear Sirs I am enclosing a clipping of a lynching again which speaks for itself. I do wish there could be sufficient presure brought about to have federal investigation of such work. I wrote you a few days ago if you could furnish me with the addresses of some firms or co-opporations that needed common labor. So many of our people here are almost starving. The government is feeding quite a number here would go any where to better their conditions. If you can do any thing for us write me as early as posible.

Bham, Ala., May 13, 1917.

Sir: the edeater of the paper i am in the darkness of the south and i am trying my best to get out do you no where about i can get a job in new york. i wood be so glad if cood get a good job hear in this beautifull city o please help me to get out of this low down county i am counted no more thin a dog help me please help me o how glad i wood be if some company wood send me a ticket to come and work for them no joking i mean business i work if i can get a good job.

Anne Mantl, Ala., April 24, 1917.

Gentlemen: I read in the Chicago Defender of last week that you were in the employment buisness now sire we want to leave the south and settle in some small town in Illinoise or any other good northern state where we can get fairely good wagges and be protected we are disgusted with the south since we hear that we can do better we want to get up a club to get north. Please tell us how to go about it all of us dont have a lot of money but we are able and willing to work and just want a chance. Thanking you in advance for any thing you may do for us we are

Bryan, Tex., Sept. 13, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am writing you as I would like to no if you no of any R. R. Co and Mfg. that are in need for colored labors. I want to bring a bunch of race men out of the south we want work some whear north will come if we can git passe any whear across the Mason & Dickson. please let me hear from you at once if you can git passes for 10 or 12 men. send at once. I beg to remain.

Oakdale, La., April 21, 1917.

Dear Sir: I saw in the Defender something concerning the employment up there. I would like mighty well to come if I could get a job I would be ready to come about the 15th of May. I will take a job in town or out of town either one. There are 3 or 4 more business men that are interested and would come, write me at once and let me know about the situation. Some hasn't the fund to come with and if the employer would furnish them transportation they would readily come at once.

So far as me I couldn't come until I could arrange to sell out as I am in business for God knows I want to leave the South land. Let me hear from you at once.

Savannah, Ga., 4/21/17.

Dear Sir: Through the Chicago Definder I am writing your company to get in touch with you. as I am seeking employment in the north part of the country for the betterment of my condition. & friends wishes to follow after me. if there is any advice or assistant you can give to us please let me know at once, we are not choice about locating in the city as we will be satisfied with a small town as well as any part of the north.

New Orleans, La., May 17, 1917.

Gentlemen: I am a race man and aire inquireing Dear Sir from some one that I know is in position to give me the proper information truthfully enclosed please find stamps for return mail. Dear sir I have a wife & a son also that has a wofe and one child we desire to come north to live if we could only get a pass to that end. The passes that are being issued in New Orleans to members of the race are verry limited and it is a little dificult for me to get a pass out I am no railroad man but I can work also my son if my son and I could get a pass to Illinois we would come at once and leave our wives at home untill we could work and send for them ourselves. Dear sirs if you know of any firm that desires any one of the race that wants to come north with their families please inform them and me as I would like verry much to come north but have not the money to pay my fare with please answer by return mail. Please help me as I wants to get from the south so bad. Thanking you in advance I am yours in the Lord. I am 40 years old. Please help me to get away from the south. Please keep this letter and not put it in public print. Dear sir I further ask that the firm or firms in which I am offered employment desire a recommendation as a work or laborer I can furnish them with same for honesty and etc. Please answer. Please answer as there are others of the race that wants to come north in great numbers and would like to be informed how to come north.

New Orleans, La., 5/20/17.

Dear Sirs: My silfe and a friend is after hearing from you contemplating the idea of coming north we have been told that yours is the business of informing those who are coming there of what is the very best way and about work, etc. Wish to say we need your information and are very anxious of being advised by you. We will want work as soon as were there and we are not perticular about Chiago. Anywhere north will do us and I suppose the worst place there is better than the best place here. Please inform us by return mail where we can get work and how in doing so you will be helping us wonderfully and we will more than appreciate your efforts, wishing you much success and hoping to hear from you this week, I am, Yours with best wishes.

Palestine, Tex., ½/17.

Dear Sir: I hereby enclose you a few lines to find out some few things if you will be so kind to word them to me. I am a southerner lad and has never ben in the north no further than Texas and I has heard so much talk about the north and how much better the colard people are treated up there than they are down here and I has ben striveing so hard in my coming up and now I see that I cannot get up there without the ade of some one and I wants to ask you Dear Sir to please direct me in your best manner the stept that I shall take to get there and if there are any way that you can help me to get there I am kindly asking you for your ade. And if you will ade me please notify me by return mail because I am sure ancious to make it in the north because these southern white people are so mean and they seems to be getting worse and I wants to get away and they wont pay enough for work for a man to save up enough to get away and live to. If you will not ade me in getting up there please give me some information how I can get there I would like to get there in the early spring, if I can get there if posible. Our southern white people are so cruel we collord people are almost afraid to walke the streets after night. So please let me hear from you by return mail. I will not say very much in this letter I will tell you more about it when I hear from you please ans. soon to Yours truly.

Savannah, Ga., May 16, 1917.

Dear Sir: I written you a special letter on last week containing stamped envelope for early reply asking a favor of you, as I am in the south and are trying all that I can to get away as I told you in my letter that I have been here all my life, which is about 40 years and trying with all of my might all of that time to make an honest living and all of it seems to be a failure and now as I heard of better wages and better treatment you can receive acording to character and behavior. I am seeking to get there by the help of the good Lord and if it is any possible way of you securing work I and 2 daughters I will gladly try all I can to repay you for your trouble. I wont say any thing of my children as they are very honorable to me they have never slept one night from under my roof. Now dear friend I write you this as I have heard that you all are a friend to the needy and if there is any hope for me please let me know by return mail.

Atlanta, Ga., April 29, 1917.

Kind friend: While reading the Chicago Definder i saw and advertisement for laborers wanted i am down in the south with my familey and wishes to become a northern citysin i have onley worked for two firms in my life and i am 35 years old. Worked in Augusta Ga for more than 20 years and only made 10 dolars a week fore years ago i moved to Atlanta went to weark for the —— Cleaning Co of Atlanta, only making 10 a weak the wages is so small i cant harly feed by familey and i cant save enough money to get away i would like to get to Cleavland ohio i have some friends thear saying that the wages is good if it is eney way you can help me get up thear i will assure you i will be a wearthy citysin wishing to hear from you soon. i am a man that wants to weark and by gods help i beleive i will concur some old day.

Atlanta, Ga., April 22, 1917.

Gentlemen: I am an experienced packer having been regularly employed for quite a number of years for such work and I am now employed by one of Atlanta's largest firms as a packer. I desire to leave the south and would like for you to secure me a position or put me in touch with some firm that needs a colored packer, kindly advise me what your terms are for such work. I am not particular about living in Chicago. Thanking you in advance.

Mobile, Ala., Jan. 8, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am writing you to see if you can furnish me with any information in regards to colored men securing employment. I would like to know if you could put me in touch with some manufacturing company either some corporation that is employing or in of colored men. My reason is there are a number of young men in this city of good moral and can furnish good reference—that is anxious to leave this section of the country and go where conditions are better. I taken this matter up with Mr. —— of Boston and he referred me to you. I myself is anxious to leave this part of the country and be where a negro man can appreshate beaing a man at the present time I am working as office man for a large corporation which position I have had for the past 11 years, having a very smart boy in his studies I wish to locate where he could recive a good education. I could at a few days notice place 200 good able bodied young men that is anxious to leave this city, these men I refer to is men of good morals and would prove a credit to the community. If you can furnish me with the desired information it will be gladly received, it makes little or no difference as to what state they can go to just so they cross the Mason and Dixie line, trusting you will furnish me with any information you have at hand at an early date, I await your reply.

Houston, Tex., April 3, 1917.

Dear Sir: I have read the Defender and I have put my mine on it and I wood lik to know mor abot it and if yo pleas send me a letter abot the noth I will thenk uo becaus we have so miney members of the race wont to come and live up thear and all they is waitin on is a chanch and that is all and they will say fair wel to this old world and thay all will come, some is rail road some is shop and anny thang thay can gets to do. With hold the name.

Houston, Tex., May 16, 1917.

Sir: I sincerely ask of you this very important favor I and my family consists of 4—husband, wife boy 14 years boy of 4 months also three others male of healthy and ambitious character also dependable to our race asking at any time, are you able to communicate with any firm or person needing such as are stated thereon. I sincerely ask you to refer such to said adress as we are only here asking the Lord to aid us out of this terrible state we are now in. We do any kind of work for an honest liveing.

Jacksonville, Fla., July 1, 1917.

Kind Sir: in reading your paper I see where you could get me and my family a job so if can I would be verry glad as it is my wish to leave the south, any kind of a job all rite with me. I will remane, Yours truly.

Pensacola, Fla., 5-19-17.

Dear Editor: Would you please let me no what is the price of boarding and rooming of Chicago and where is the best place to get a job before the draft will work. I would rather join the army 1000 times up there than to join it once down here.

Warrington, Fla., 4-24-17.

Sir: i red the Chgo Deffedeer and i seen where yo was in the need of good men that wanted worke Sir I would like very much to leave the South and come north if I could get a imployment my trade is carpenter or seament finisher and I am willan to do any kind of worke that come before me I can do which I am not working at my trade now I am working in a store now and I can bring yo some good men all so bring my recommendashon with me Hopin yo will rite me at wonce and let me here from yo. My addres.

Jacksonville, Fla., May 11, 1917.

Dear Sir: given me. Although i am badly disapointed because i realy want to be among the northern folk and i have got the means to leave here with and by the way you have explain matter to me it would pay me best to have a transportation so I can be sure of having a job when I gets there.

Pensacola, Fla., 5-18-17.

Dear Sir: Just a few lines to ask your ade en getting a job as waiter. I am a waiter of 10 or 12 years exsperience in the city of New Orleans, 4 years here in this city also. I can cook and serve as butler, I am verry anxious to get up there becaus I have a family and I desire a study job en a more better city than this. If you know of any one will send a transportation for a good man please send for me. I am willing to pay my transportation back in monthly payments. I will appreciate any favor you can do for me along these lines as I am in need of a good job just now. Can furnish best of refrience.

Mobile, Ala., May 3, 1917.

Dear Sir: Alowe me to congralate you on your wonderful paper it is a help to a lot of the people of our race it shows us the difference between north and south. We are doing fine in our way but would like to do better a lots of us would like to come up there but are not able and dare not ask some one to help us to go for the law will have us. I like your paper and would like to see more of Mobile news in it. Who is your agent in Mobile. There is lots of idle men in Mobile lots have trades but they are not supplied with work and can't get anything to go off with. Several men were arrested on being labor agents. Would like to correspond with you if you could help our pepel eny. You may let me no threw your paper.

New Bern, N.C., May 5, 1917.

Dear sire: I seen you ade in the Chicago Defender for different occpatisions and I in close you for and transportation for ten men as I has them menny reddy now and wood be glad to leave at the earliest date and I can get as menny as you wont and all so I wont a job for my self because we ar in a bad condition in this country and wish to in press a pon your mind the condition of we poor colored people how we are geting a long in the south and I want to show you how we ar treated by the white of the south by sending you this strip to read for you self so I will close I wish to here from you in the return mail at wonce. Please

Alexandria, La., May 5, 1917.

Dear Sir: I read your ad in the Chicago Defender paper where are in need of 20 bench molder witch mean machinery men who under stand the manufacture work and I am one who will be willing to learn the trade at small wage about $2.25 a day and I also have five more here who will come with me if you only send me six of your transportation soon as can and I also wish that you will not turn me down. I am looking for your letter promptly and will be deeply glad to get it as I trust in the Lord that you will send me six of your transportation as I am willing to come in work. we will come at once when you send them to me send me a special delivery letters with them in it and I will pay you when we are there.

Atlanta, Ga., May 2, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and is verry proud of it and by reading the Chicago Defender I saw your adv. and I want to consult with about a position in a Chicago firm. I would like verry much to get a position there or eny where above the Mason Dixon line. I am a competet chauffer or butler. I am married no children. My wife is a cook nearse or maid, and if you cannot supply me with some position within about 10 days will you please put me in tutch with some other employment and if you can supply me with eather of those posetins please write me. I am also a first class laundry man. I hold reference as good shirt ironer, coller ironer or extractor man in the wash room. Please let me here from you. the peoples is leaving here by the thousands.

New Orleans, La., May 1, 1917.

Sur: in reding the defender i saw they advurtise that you sen transportation at advanced from Chicago now dear sur please let me know i am a maride man an hav a famly off 5 now if you cant sen for all send 2 one for me and my brother he live with me he is 18 yers old then i can arang for the rest after i get out there now pleas tri and do sumthing for me i am working her for nothing i will bee to glad to get a way from here so pleas sen me a pas for me an my brother and we will sen for the res of the famly after i get there ancer this letter soon as you get it try to get us work in the ware house or yard work i am a cook an utly man have to cook serv drink and short ordes an work al nite.

Memphis, Tenn., April 29, 1917.

Sir: Seeing the wonderful opportunity that is being offered the colored man of the south by the northern industries and the aid in which your organization is giveing them it aroused within me the ambition that prompts every man to long for liberty. What I want to say is I am coming north and seeing your call for me thought I would write you and list a few things I can do and see if you can find a place for me any where north of the Mason and Dixon line and I will present myself in person at your office as soon as I hear from you. I am now employed in the R. R. shop in Memphis. I am a engine watchman, hostler, red cup man, pipe fitter, oil house man, shipping clerk, telephone lineman, freight caller, an expert soaking vat man that is one who make dope for packing hot boxes on engines. I am a capable of giving satisfaction in either of the above name positions. I bought a Chicago Defender and after reading it and seeing the golden opportunity I have decided to leave this place at once.

New Orleans, La., April 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am writeing you the third time because i am anxious to leave the south and come north but up to this writeing i have fail to hear from you i notice in the defender that you are still calling for men i am engineer and all round machine man i am and would be very glad if you could locate me a position in the Molders Manufacturing or any thing pertaining to machine work. I am not in a position to pay my way out there and would like to get transportation for my self wife and nephew he all so can do machine work. So please let me hear from you.

Monroe, La., April 30, 1918.

Dear Sirs: I was reading in the Defender one of your recent advertising about laborers wanted for foundry warehouse and yard work. I would like to respond to the advertising but I aint fiancel able also my brother we are both very poor boys and would like to get where we would be able to have a chanse in the world and get out from among all of the prejudice of the southern white man. please send me and my brother transportation tickets so we can come right away. I belong to church but my brother does not but you would not tell the difference by his actions. Please send tickets by the 15th of May. I am now working at public work I owe a few debts I want to act honest I want to pay all of my responsible debts so I can face my debtors anywhere in the world.

Little Rock, Ark., May 7, 1917.

Sir: I am a reader of the Defender and i found in it on last Saturday April 28th why that you could place mens in iny job or trade they follows. I am riten you this letter an in it i am leting you know my condition so that if you ever did help a man in this way pleas help me the help is this. help me to get a job in yor city as blacksmith helper bareler maker helper or molder helper. i kin furnish references for those jobs. i has a wife and a 11 yr old girl who are now in the 7 grade and i wants to bringe them with me when I come i am now employed as black smith helper my pay is 26½ per hour but the white comes so hard onus in these departments so that we are frade to speak what is right becase they dont want us in those departments they has been trying to put us out for 4 years. before they begen to work a ginst ys we had all colord help but now they has 75 per cent white help and it is hard for this 25 per sent colord to stay hear and i found in the Defender just what i has ben looking for is a little help and if you will only do as i has said God will bless you. now remember i dont ask you to send me a transportation to come on if you will just get me a job for me i will be please at that and i will pay you charges when i come i will be ther in 4 or 5 days from the date i reseave yor ancer so pleas ancer as soon as you kin.

New Orleans, La., May 23, 1917.

Dear Sir: As a constant reader of your most valuable paper the Defender and after viewing from time to time the services that you are rendering not only to the race of which you are one of its honored leaders but one who are doing services to the sacred cause of humanity, and your admireable editorials has impressed me so much until I feal that I know you personaly. now sire I note with pleasure that you are manifesting a very great interest in our people from the south and as I am a man of family and are always willing and ready to grasp any opertunity that will tent to better my condition I raise my head and I am now looking to the North of this benighted land for hope there I feal that if once there that I may be granted the opertunities of peacefully working out my mission on earth. without fear of molestation. Now sir I am a painter by trade. I am also a first class creol cook and as I above said that you seams very much interested in your newcomers well fare to the extent of trying to place them in some lucrative position. I ask you one favor and that is this will you please advise me as to if I come up there will you try and get me work.

New Orleans, La., May 21, 1917.

Dear Sir: As it is my desire to leave the south for some portion of the north to make my future home I desided to write to you as one who is able to furnish proper information for such a move. I am a cook of plain meals and I have knowledge of industrial training. I recieved such training at Tuskegee Inst. some years ago and I have a letter from Mrs. Booker T. Washington bearing out such statement and letters from other responsible corporations and individuals and since I know that I can come up to such recommendations, I want to come north where it is said such individuals are wanted. Therefore will you please furnish me with names and addresses of railroad officials to whom I might write for such employment as it is my desire to work only for railroads, if possible. I have reference to officials who are over extra gangs, bridge gangs, paint gangs and pile drivers over any boarding department which takes in plain meals. I have 25 years experience in this line of work and understand the method of saving the company money.

You will please dig into this in every way that is necessary and whatever charges you want for your trouble make your bill to me, and I will mail same to you.

Wishing you much success in your papers throughout the country, especially in the south as it is the greatest help to the southern negro that has ever been read.

New Orleans, La., 5-20-17.

Dear Sir: I am sure your time is precious, for being as you an editor of a newspaper such as the race has never owned and for which it must proudly bost of as being the peer in the pereoidical world. am confident that yours is a force of busy men. I also feel sure that you will spare a small amount of your time to give some needed information to one who wishes to relieve himselfe of the burden of the south. I indeed wish very much to come north anywhere in Ill. will do since I am away from the Lynchman's noose and torchman's fire. Myself and a friend wish to come but not without information regarding work and general suroundings. Now hon sir if for any reason you are not in position to furnish us with the information desired. please do the act of kindness of placing us in tuch with the organization who's business it is I am told to furnish said information, we are firemen machinist helpers practical painters and general laborers. And most of all, ministers of the gospel who are not afraid of labor for it put us where we are. Please let me hear from you.

New Orleans, La., May 1, 1917.

Dear Sir: I am a reader of the Chicago Defender and while reading I seen where you are aiding those in search of work and I thought that I would drop you a few lines though I am far away but if there is any way that you could get a pass please try and do that much for us as we are a party of four good working men the southern white are trying very hard to keep us from the north but still they wont give us no work to do they dont pay us any thing and still dont want us to go. now please answer at your very earliest I am

Dapne, Ala., 4/20/17.

Sir: I am writing you to let you know that there is 15 or 20 familys wants to come up there at once but cant come on account of money to come with and we cant phone you here we will be killed they dont want us to leave here & say if we dont go to war and fight for our country they are going to kill us and wants to get away if we can if you send 20 passes there is no doubt that every one of us will com at once, we are not doing any thing here we cant get a living out of what we do now some of these people are farmers and som are cooks barbers and black smiths but the greater part are farmers & good worker & honest people & up to date the trash pile dont want to go no where. These are nice people and respectable find a place like that & send passes & we all will come at once we all wants to leave here out of this hard luck place if you cant use us find some place that does need this kind of people we are called Negroes here. I am a reader of the Defender and am delighted to know how times are there & was to glad to, know if we could get some one to pass us away from here to a better land. We work but cant get scarcely any thing for it & they dont want us to go away & there is not much of anything here to do & nothing for it. Please find some one that need this kind of a people & send at once for us. We dont want anything but our wareing and bed clothes & have not got no money to get away from here with & beging to get away before we are killed and hope to here from you at once. We cant talk to you over the phone here we are afraid to they dont want to hear one say that he or she wants to leave here if we do we are apt to be killed. They say if we dont go to war they are not going to let us stay here with their folks and it is not any thing that we have done to them. We are law abiding people want to treat every bordy right, these people wants to leave here but we cant we are here and have nothing to go with if you will send us some way to get away from here we will work till we pay it all if it takes that for us to go or get away. Now get busy for the south race. The conditions are horrible here with us. they wont give us anyhing to do & say that we wont need anything but something to eat & wont give us anything for what we do & wants us to stay here. Write me at once that you will do for us we want & opertunity that all we wants is to show you what we can do and will do if we can find some place, we wants to leave here for a north drive somewhere. We see starvation ahead of us here. We want to imigrate to the farmers who need our labor. We have not had no chance to have anything here thats why we plead to you for help to leave here to the North. We are humane but we are not treated such we are treated like brute by our whites here we dont have no privilige no where in the south. We must take anything they put on us. Its hard if its fair. We have not got no cotegous diseases here. We are looking to here from you soon.

Greenville, Miss., May 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: this letter is from one of the defenders greatest frends. You will find stamp envelope for reply. Will you put me in tuch with some good firm so I can get a good job in your city or in Cleveland, Ohio or in Philadelphia, Pa. or in Detroyet, Michian in any of the above name states I would be glad to live in. I want to get my famely out of this cursed south land down here a negro man is not good as a white man's dog. I can learn anything any other man can. Not only I want to get out of the south but there are numbers of good hard working men here and do not know where they are going and what they are going to. Also I could get a good deal of men from here if I could get in tuch with some firms that would furnish me the money as passes. Now in conlution, I want to know what is the trouble? I cannot get anything more through the Defender. I have written to the Defender some 3 or 4 times and eather articel was never published. I recieves a free copy of the Defender every week and the people here are all ways after me to write some doings to the Defender and if I write anything it is never published.

Greenville, Miss., 5-20-17.

Dear Sir: I write you asking you some information as I am a reader of your paper I have been buying a paper every Sunday for 5 months I want to come to your city to live and every thing is so hard down here everything is so high and wages is low until we just can live I want to know what will it cost from St. Louis to Chicago. I can get from Greenville to St. Louis cheap by boat. I want to come up there the last of June. I ask you to assist me in getting a job I can do most any kind of hard work and have a common education. If you will look me up a good job it will be highly appreciated and your kindness will never be forgotten.

Selma, Ala., 4-15-17.

Dear Sir: If you no of any firm or corporation who need a good reliable man please notify me I want get out of the south. I cant live on the salary I am getting I am not so bent on coming to Chicago. But anywhere up that way where there is an opening for labor please attend to this matter at once. I can do any kind of common labor please let me hear from you at your earliest convenience. I take the Defender every week I see where southern people are being put on jobs when they reach the North please look for me a job or hand this to some one that will be inturested in it.

Moss Point, Miss., April 29, 1917.

Dear Sir: I read your advt in the Chicago Defender wanting laborers for foundry, ware house, and yard work with transportation paid. I'll come at once and lots of others here would also come if you will transport us there for we are anxs to get of southen soil.

Laurel, Miss., May 10, 1917.

Dear sir: i rite you i seen in Chicago paper that you aftiese for laborer ninety miles from Chicago and i am a experienced molder and i do truly hope you will give me a job for i am sick of the south and please send me a transportation i have a family and wife and three children my oldes child is 8 years old and i wont to bring my famiely with me so please send me a transportation at once for i am redy to come at once me and my family i will pay you for your trubel with all pleasure if i can get up there please send after us at once for i am redy to come at once and i have not got money to pay our train fair and if you will send after us i will sure pay you your money back so i will close from your truly ansure soon

Letters from South to Friends North and from North to Friends South

Macon, Ga., May 27, 1917.

Dear Mary:—I just got in from B. Y. P. U. eat a little bite and got my writing together. Now May dear you mus pardon me for not answering promp I no you will when I tell you the cause We had a souls stiring revival this year I mis you so much We baptised 14 and after the Revival had closed up come George B—— confesing Christ so we baptized the first sunday in May and the third Sunday in May George were baptise May I cant tell you how I feel I wrote Ella J—— A—— Ella said she cried as far as she is from here so she no I cut up but I diden I am just as quite as I can be Sam H—— joined to. B os Jones Hattie J—— boy Geo L—— Mr. B—— two boys Walice P—— I dont know the others. Dear May I got a card from Mrs. Addie S—— yesterday she is well and say Washington D.C. is a pretty place but wages is not good say it better forther on Cliford B—— an his wife is back an give the North a bad name Old lady C—— is in Cleavon an wonte to come home mighty bad so Cliford say. I got a hering from Vick C—— tell me to come on she living better than she ever did in her life Charlie J—— is in Detroit he got there last weak Hattie J—— lef Friday Oh I can call all has left here Leala J—— is speaking of leaving soon There were more people left last week then ever 2 hundred left at once the whites an colored people had a meeting Thursday an Friday telling the people if they stay here they will treat them better an pay better. Huney they are hurted but the haven stop yet. The colored people say they are too late now George B—— is on his head to go to Detroit Mrs. Anna W—— is just like you left her she is urgin everybody to go on an she not getting ready May you dont no how I mis you I hate to pass your house Everybody is well as far as I no Will J—— is on the gang for that same thing hapen about the eggs on Houston road. His wife tried to get him to leave here but he woulden Isiah j—— is going to send for Hattie. In short Charles S—— wife quit him last week he aint doin no better May it is lonesome her it fills my heart with sadiness to write to my friends that gone we dont no weather we will ever see one or nother any more or not May if I dont come to Chgo I will go to Detroit I dont think we will be so far apart an we will get chance to see each other agin I got a heap to tell you but I feal so sad in hart my definder diden come yesterday I dont no why it company to me to read it May I received the paper you sent me an I see there or pleanty of work I can do I will let you no in my next lettr what I am going to do but I cant get my mind settle to save my life. Love to Mr. A——. May now is the time to leave here. The weather is getting better I wont to live out from town I would not like to live rite in town My health woulden be good 75 blocks burned in Atlanta. they had fire department from Macon, Augusta, in Savanah—well all of the largest cities in Georgia to help put out that fire the whites believe the Gurmons drop that fire down Now may I hope we will meet again so we can talk face to face just lik I once have. I will write to Mrs. V—— soon we hurd Mr. L—— is there I didn't tell the nabors, I was writing to you M. W—— will write next weak to you

Now we no that we or to pray for each other by by.

From

Mary B——————

P. S. I will tell you this Ida gone out to about a farm and wants me to take one but I feal like I make more up there than I will fooling with a farm May if I stay here I will go crazy I am told there is no meeting up there like we have here now May tell me about the houses you can write me on a pos card of some of the building. May tell me about the place. Lilian D—— come here last night an tore my mind al to peaces I got your paper an note so I will keep up corespond with you.

Nashville, Tenn., Aug. 14, 1917.

Dear Mrs. T——.: I received your card and was glad to hear from you pleas excsue me for not writing before now I have been sick and have got a tubl headacke write back to me and let me know how times is—I know you are getting fat of good boes—I wish it was here—T—— sent love to you and said to get her a boe. You ought to send me a apron or waist one—J—— said hody and write to him and tell him about the browns up there and tell R—— I said hody. I see T—— down to Mrs. S—— G—— and to tell Mrs. N—— I said hody—how is the weigh up there—we can get all the beerret we want—You think of me in your prays and I will think of you in my prays

By By
From your
Friend.

Atlanta, Ga., July 4, '17.

Hello Mr. M——: How are you at this time—I arrived here safe and all O. K. and I am well and hope you are the same. Mrs. M—— told me that she reecived the money you sent to her and everybody sends love to you. I found my baby very sick when I come home but he is better now and I am going to try to come back up there in short time. How are times there now since my leaving there. I stopped in Cincinnati Ohio for 4 days then I left for G. but I will be with you some days I hope. Ask J—— W—— did he get my letter I wrote to him. Plenty work here but no money to it $1.50 to $2.00 a day that all I am telling you truly. Have you seen anything of W—— W—— he is there in Chicago If you do tell him to send me his address. I want to here from him I learn he is making $23.00 a week he lives on Federal St., in the 40 block some where. If I were there I would locate him.

Tell all the boys Hello. Tell them to write to me and tell me all the news.

Good Bye
Your Friend.

Nashville, Tenn., Oct. 25th, 1917.

Mrs. L—— t——: my dear friend I receuve your card and was truly glad to hear from you—it found me not so well at this time present and when these few lines come to you I hope they will find you all well and doing well—I want you to write to me and tell me what ar you doing and what ar you making and where is your son w—— and how do you think it would soot me up there. All of your friends said howdy and they would be glad to see you—I would love to see you and Mrs. B—— I miss you so much.

Say T—— do you think that I could get a job up there if I would come up there where you are—if so write me word and let me no are you keeping house now to your self—if so write to me and let me no—write soon tu me

Yours truley.

Chicago, Illinois.

My dear Sister: I was agreeably surprised to hear from you and to hear from home. I am well and thankful to say I am doing well. The weather and everything else was a surprise to me when I came. I got here in time to attend one of the greatest revivals in the history of my life—over 500 people joined the church. We had a Holy Ghost shower. You know I like to have run wild. It was snowing some nights and if you didn't hurry you could not get standing room. Please remember me kindly to any who ask of me. The people are rushing here by the thousands and I know if you come and rent a big house you can get all the roomers you want. You write me exactly when you are coming. I am not keeping house yet I am living with my brother and his wife. My sone is in California but will be home soon. He spends his winter in California. I can get a nice place for you to stop until you can look around and see what you want. I am quite busy. I work in Swifts packing Co. in the sausage department. My daughter and I work for the same company—We get $1.50 a day and we pack so many sausages we dont have much time to play but it is a matter of a dollar with me and I feel that God made the path and I am walking therein.

Tell your husband work is plentiful here and he wont have to loaf if he want to work. I know unless old man A—— changed it was awful with his sould and G—— also.

Well I am always glad to hear from my friends and if I can do anything to assist any of them to better their condition, please remember me to Mr. C—— and his family I will write them all as soon as I can. Well I guess I have said about enough. I will be delighted to look into your face once more in life. Pray for me for I am heaven bound. I have made too many rounds to slip now. I know you will pray for prayer is the life of any sensible man or woman. Well goodbye from your sister in Christ

P. S. My brother moved the week after I came. When you fully decide to come write me and let me know what day you expect to leave and over what road and if I dont meet you I will have some one ther to meet you and look after you. I will send you a paper as soon as one come along they send out extras two and three times a day.

Chicago, Ill.

Dear Partner: You received a few days ago and I was indeed glad to hear from you and know that you was well. How is the old burg and all of the boys. Say partner is it true that T—— M—— was shot by a Negro Mon. It is all over the city among the people of H'burg if so let know at once so I tell the boys it true. Well so much for that. I wish you could have been here to have been here to those games. I saw them and beleve me they was worth the money I pay to see them. T. S. and I went out to see Sunday game witch was 7 to 2 White Sox and I saw Satday game 2 to 1 White Sox. Please tell J—— write that he will never see nothing as long as he stay down there behind the sun there some thing to see up here all the time, (tell old E—— B—— to go to (H——) Tell B—— he dont hafter answer my cards. How is friend Wilson Wrote him a letter in August. Tell him that all right I will see him in the funny paper. Well Partner I guess you hear a meny funey thing about Chicago. Half you hear is not true. I know B—— C—— hav tole a meny lie Whenever you here see them Pardie tell them to write to this a dress Say Pardie old H—— is moping up in his Barber shop. Guess I will come to you Boy Xmas. I must go to bed. Just in from a hard days work.

Your life long friend.

Dixon, Ill., Sept.-25-17.

Dear Sir: Time affords of writting you people now as we have raised to wages to three dollars a day for ten hours—eleven hrs. a day $3.19 We work two wks day and two wks night—for night work $3.90 This is steady work a year round We have been running ten years without stopping only for ten days repair. I wish you would write me at once.

Chicago, Illinois, 11/13/17.

Mr. H——
Hattiesburg, Miss.

Dear M——: Yours received sometime ago and found all well and doing well, hope you and family are well.

I got my things alright the other day and they were in good condition. I am all fixed now and living well. I certainly appreciate what you done for us and I will remember you in the near future.

M——, old boy, I was promoted on the first of the month I was made first assistant to the head carpenter when he is out of the place I take everything in charge and was raised to $95. a month. You know I know my stuff.

Whats the news generally around H'burg? I should have been here 20 years ago. I just begin to feel like a man. It's a great deal of pleasure in knowing that you have got some privilege My children are going to the same school with the whites and I dont have to umble to no one. I have registered—Will vote the next election and there isnt any 'yes sir' and 'no sir'—its all yes and no and Sam and Bill.

Florine says hello and would like very much to see you.

All joins me in sending love to you and family. How is times there now? Answer soon, from your friend and bro.

Pittsburg, Pa., May 11, 1917.

My dear Pastor and wife: It affords me great pleasure to write you this leave me well & O. K. I hope you & sis Hayes are well & no you think I have forgotten you all but I never will how is ever body & how is the church getting along well I am in this great city & you no it cool here right now the trees are just peeping out. fruit trees are now in full bloom but its cool yet we set by big fire over night. I like the money O. K. but I like the South betterm for my Pleasure this city is too fast for me they give you big money for what you do but they charge you big things for what you get and the people are coming by cal Loads every day its just pack out the people are Begging for some whears to sta If you have a family of children & come here you can buy a house easier than you cant rent one if you rent one you have to sign up for 6 months or 12 month so you see if you dont like it you have to stay you no they pass that law becaus the People move about so much I am at a real nice place and stay right in the house of a Rve.—— and family his wife is a state worker I mean a missionary she is some class own a plenty rel estate & personal Property they has a 4 story home on the mountain, Piano in the parlor, organ in the sewing room, 1 daughter and 2 sons but you no I have to pay $2.00 per week just to sleep and pay it in advance & get meals whear I work so I think I shall get me a place whear I work next week the lady said she would rather we stay in the house with them & give me a room up stairs than to pay so much for sleeping so she pays me eight Dols per week to feed now she says she will room me so if I dont take that offer I cant save very much I go to church some time plenty churches in this plase all kinds they have some real colored churches I have been on the Allegany Mts twice seem like I was on Baal Tower. Lisen Hayes I am here & I am going to stay ontell fall if I dont get sick its largest city I ever saw 45 miles long & equal in breath & a smoky city so many mines of all kind some places look like torment or how they say it look & some places look like Paradise in this great city my sister in law goes too far I stop here I will visit her this summer if I get a pass I cant spend no more money going further from Home I am 26 miles from my son Be sweet Excuse me for writeing on both sides I have so much to say I want to save ever line with a word and that aint the half but I have told you real facts what I have said I keps well so far & I am praying to contenure & I hope you & your dear sweet wife will pray for me & all of my sisters & Bros & give Mrs. C. my love & sis Jennie & all the rest & except a barrel ful for you and Hayes Pleas send me a letter of recommendation tell Dr., to sign & Mr. Oliver. I remain your friend.

Cleveland, Ohio, Aug. 28, 1917.

hollow Dr. my old friend how are you to day i am well and is doing fine plenty to eat and drink and is making good money in fact i am not in the best of health i have not had good health sence i ben here, i thought once i would hefter be operrated on But i dont no. i were indeed glad to recieve that paper from Union Springs, i saw in this a peas swhare I wrote to ellesfore a 2 horse farm, i have seval nochants of coming back, yet i am doing well no trouble what ever except i can not raise my children here like they should be this is one of the worst places in principle you ever look on in your life but it is a fine place to make money all nattions is here, and let me tell you this place is crowded with the lowest negroes you ever meet, when i first come here i cold hardly ever see a Negro but no this is as meny here is they is thir all kinds of loffers. gamblers pockit pickers you are not safe here to walk on the streets at night you are libble to get kill at eny time thir have ben men kill her jest because he want allow stragglers in his family, yet i have not had no trouble no way. and we are making good money here, i have made as hight at 7.50 per day and my wife $4 Sundays my sun 7.50 and my 2 oldes girls 1.25 but my regler wegers is 3.60 fore 8 hours work. me and my family makes one hundred three darlers and 60 cents every ten days. it don cost no more to live here than it do thir, except house rent i pay 12 a month fore rent sence i have rote you everything look closely and tell me what you think is best. i am able to farm without asking any man fore enything on a credit i can not in joy this place let me tell you this is a large place Say Jef thornton, and William Penn taken dinner with us last Sunday and we taken a car ride over the city in the evening we taken the town in and all so the great Jake era. they left Sunday night for Akron. Allso Juf griear spent the day with me few days ago give my love to all the Surounding friends

By By

Philadelphia, Pa., Oct. 7, 1917.

Dear Sir: I take this method of thanking you for yours early responding and the glorious effect of the treatment. Oh. I do feel so fine. Dr. the treatment reach me almost ready to move I am now housekeeping again I like it so much better than rooming. Well Dr. with the aid of God I am making very good I make $75 per month. I am carrying enough insurance to pay me $20 per week if I am not able to be on duty. I don't have to work hard, dont have to mister every little white boy comes along I havent heard a white man call a colored a nigger you no now—since I been in the state of Pa. I can ride in the electric street and steam cars any where I get a seat. I dont care to mix with white what I mean I am not crazy about being with white folks, but if I have to pay the same fare I have learn to want the same acomidation. and if you are first in a place here shoping you dont have to wait until the white folks get thro tradeing yet amid all this I shall ever love the good old South and I am praying that God may give every well wisher a chance to be a man regardless of his color, and if my going to the front would bring about such conditions I am ready any day—well Dr. I dont want to worry you but read between lines; and maybe you can see a little sense in my weak statement the kids are in school every day I have only two and I guess that all. Dr. when you find time I would be delighted to have a word from the good old home state. Wife join me in sending love you and yours.

I am your friend and patient.

Dayton, Ohio, 7/22/17.

My dear pastor and wife: I reed your letter was Glad to hear from you I am do find hope the same for you I am send you some money for my back salary I will send you some more the 5 of Sept next month Give love to all of the member of church I will be home on a visit in Oct are early so pray for me write to me I would have wrote to you but I didnot no just what to say all of the people leaves Go to place up East that I did not no weather are not you care to hear from me are not so I am glad you think of me. Mr. O—— write me was going to take out life insurance with him but he would not send me the paper so I just let it Go as I guess he did not class me with himself I am mak $70 month at this hotel and then not work hard.

Paris, Ill., 11/7/17.

Rev. ——,
Union Springs, Ala.

My dear old friend: Yours of a few days ago has been received and in reply I can only say that I was only too glad to hear from you and to know that you are having such great success in your farming as well as church work since I dont farm I know that my Kmza joys will be made from a box fresh from your farm.

We are still well and happy glad to say and doing about as well as can be expected. We have had some heavy snows this fall, but the last four days have been like summer.

How is the conscription, high cost of living and now high cost of postage serving you? It is giving me more trouble than I want. One hundred of my men are gone to Texas and we feel that if Uncle Sam doesn't come down they will have to go to France and from the battle fields to the grave yards as the Germans are still on the job and playing havoc.

I am to preach the Thanksgiving Sermon for the Union Services this year. At this service all of the churches of the city come together, both white and colored. I also recd. a notice of being elected to preach the Annual Sermon for the Dist. Grand Lodge K of P. in May of next year. Son pray for me for these are no small gatherings, no little honors. How would you like for me to play off and get you to fill my place? speak out, son.

The madam joins me in asking to be remembered to dear sister Hayes and extending you all an invitation to come to see you soon.

Holden, W. Va.

Dr. ——,
Union Springs, Ala.

How are you Dr. I am OK and family I make $80 to $90 per mo. with ease and wish you all much success Hello to all the people of my old home Town. I am saving my money and spending some of it. Have Joined the K. P. Lodge up here in the mountain. Sen me 5 galls of country syrup will pay you your price.

Yours in F. C. & B.

Chicago, Ind., July 15, 1917.

Dr. ——,
Union Springs, Ala.

My dear Pastor: I find it my Duty to write you my whereabouts also family, I am glad to say Family and myself are enjoying fine health, wish the same of you and your dear wife. Well I can say the people in my section are very much torn up about East St. Louis. Representive col men of Chicago was in conference with Governor he promise them that he would begin investigation at once tell Sister Hayes my wife Says She will write her in a few days. Dear Pastor I shall send my church some money in a few days. I am trying to influence our members here to do the same. I recd. notice printed in a R.R. car (Get straight with God) O I had nothing so striking to me as the above mottoe. Let me know how is our church I am to anxious to no. My wife always talking about her seat in the church want to know who accupying it.

Yours in Christ.

Dayton, Ohio, Oct. 17, 1917.

Dear Pastor: I have join the church up here and I authorize the church to write for my letter of dismission but they say they have not heard enything from the church at all. Sister —— —— wrote to you she ask for my letter so I can join here in full and if the church hold me for enything on why say to them I will know what to do. I have never herd eny thing from my credental from old man Bonnett. I sent him a letter and also credencil for him to sign and sent stamps for him send them and he fail to let me here fum him at all, so I thought you would here fum him befour know & got him to tend to it for me so dear pastor let me here from you and be shure to send me my letter of dismission By Return mail my famil send they regaurd to you and wife they planning to send some on they salary love to who may ask about me.

East Chicago, Ind., June 10, 1917.

Dr. ——,
Union Springs, Ala.

Dear Old Friend: These moments I thought I would write you a few true facts of the present condition of the north. Certainly I am trying to take a close observation—now it is tru the (col) men are making good. Never pay less than $3.00 per day or (10) hours—this is not promise. I do not see how they pay such wages the way they work labors. they do not hurry or drive you. Remember this is the very lowest wages. Piece work men can make from $6 to $8 per day. They receive their pay every two weeks. this city I am living in, the population 30,000 (20) miles from Big Chicago, Ill. Doctor I am some what impress. My family also. They are doing nicely. I have no right to complain what ever. I rec. the papers you mail me some few days ago and you no I enjoyed them reading about the news down in Dixie. I often think of so much of the conversation we engage in concerning this part of the worl. I wish many time that you could see our People up hese as they are entirely in a different light. I witness Decoration Day on May 30th, the line of march was 4 miles. (8) brass band. All business houses was close. I tell you the people here are patriotic. I enclose you the cut of the white press. the chief of police drop dead Friday. Burried him today. The procession about (3) miles long. Over (400) auto in the parade—five dpt—police Force, Mayor and alderman and secret societies; we are having some cold weather—we are still wearing over coats—Let me know what is my little city doing. People are coming here every day and are finding employment. Nothing here but money and it is not hard to get. Remember me to your dear Family. Oh, I have children in school every day with the white children. I will write you more next time. how is the lodge.

Yours friend,

Akron, Ohio, May 21, 1917.

Dear Friend: I am well and hop you are well. I am getting along fine I have not been sick since I left home I have not lost but 2½ day I work like a man. I am making good. I never liked a place like I do here except home. Their is no place like home How is the church getting along. You cant hardly get a house to live in I am wide awake on my financial plans. I have rent me a place for boarders I have 15 sleprs I began one week ago and be shure to send me my letter of dismission By Return mail. I am going into some kind of business here by the first of Sept. Are you farming. Rasion is mighty high up here. the people are coming from the south every week the colored people are making good they are the best workers. I have made a great many white friends. The Baptist Church is over crowded with Baptist from Ala & Ga. 10 and 12 join every Sunday. He is planning to build a fine brick church. He takes up 50 and 60 dollars each Sunday he is a wel to do preacher. I am going to send you a check for my salary in a few weeks. It cose me $100 to buy furniture. Write me.

Footnotes:

[1] These letters were collected under the direction of Mr. Emmett J. Scott.

BOOK REVIEWS

The American Negro in the World War. By Emmett J. Scott, Special Assistant to the Secretary of War. The Negro Historical Publishing Company, Washington, D.C., 1919.

Mr. Scott's account of the Negro in the World War is one of a number of works presenting the achievements of the Negroes during the great upheaval. Kelly Miller, W. Allison Sweeney and others have preceded him in publishing volumes in this same field. The account written by Kelly Miller is apparently of dubious authorship. It is but a common-place popular sketch of the war supplemented by one or two essays bearing the stamp of controversial writing peculiar to Kelly Miller. W. Allison Sweeney's work undertakes to make a more continuous historical sketch of the achievements from year to year while at the same time guided by the topical plan. At times the author is lofty in his treatment and equally as often trivial. To say that Miller's and Sweeney's works are not scientific does not exactly cover the ground. They do not well measure up to the standard of the average popular history.

Mr. Scott's history is far from being a definitive one, as the purpose of the author was rather to popularize the achievements of the Negro soldiers. In addition to giving the current historical comment accessible in newspapers and magazines, Mr. Scott has incorporated into his work a large number of official documents accessible only to some one, who like himself, was connected with the War Department during the conflict. It has another value, moreover, in that it well sets forth the reaction of an intelligent federal official of color on the thousands of events daily transpiring around him.

The author undertakes to connect the Negro with the fundamental cause of the war in that race prejudice was its source. He shows how fortunate it was to have Negro troops as the first of the national guard to be adequately equipped for immediate service and to occupy the post of honor in guarding the White House and the national capital, by order of the President of the United States. His own appointment and his work as the Special Assistant to the Secretary of War as an official recognition of the Negroes' interest in the war are made the nucleus around which the facts of the work are organized. How the Negroes figured in the national army, how Negro soldiers and officers were trained, and how they were treated in the camps all bring to light information for which the public has long been waiting. After giving passing mention to the black soldiers in the armies of the European nations the author directs his attention to the Negro regiments overseas. Special chapters are devoted to the achievements of the 367th, 368th, 370th, 371st and 372d regiments. The behavior of the Negroes in battle is sketched in the chapter entitled the Negro as a Fighter.

While dealing primarily with actual war, the author has been careful to give adequate space to agencies which helped to make the war possible. The valuable service rendered by the Negroes in the Service of Supply constitutes one of the most interesting chapters of the book. Whereas these Negroes were actually conscripted to labor in spite of the declaration of the War Department to the contrary, they accepted their lot with the spirit of loyalty and performed one of the great tasks of the war in getting supplies to Europe and furnishing the army with them in France. Negro labor in war times, Negro women in war work, the loyalty of the Negro civilians, and the social welfare agencies are also treated. Finally the author takes up an important question: Did the Negro get a square deal? In a position to know the many problems confronting the Negroes drawn into the army, Mr. Scott has brought forward in this final chapter adequate evidence to prove that the Negro did not get a square deal.

The Heart of a Woman. By Georgia Douglas Johnson, with an introduction by William Stanley Braithwaite. The Cornhill Co., Boston, 1918. Pp. 62.

In these days of vers libre and the deliberate straining for poetic effect these lyrics of Mrs. Johnson bring with them a certain sense of relief and freshness. Also the utter absence of the material theme makes an appeal. We are all weary of the war note and are glad to return to the softer pipings of old time themes—love, friendship, longing, despair—all of which are set forth in The Heart of a Woman.

The book has artistry, but it is its sincerity which gives it its value. Here are the little sharp experiences of life mirrored poignantly, sometimes feverishly, always truly. Each lyric is an instantaneous photograph of one of the many moments in existence which affect one briefly perhaps, but indelibly. Mr. Braithwaite says in his introduction that this author engages "life at its most reserved sources whether the form or substance through which it articulates be nature, or the seasons, touch of hands or lips, love, desire or any of the emotional abstractions which sweep like fire or wind or cooling water through the blood." The ability to give a faithful and recognizable portrayal of these sources, is Mrs. Johnson's distinction.

In this work, Mrs. Johnson, although a woman of color, is dealing with life as it is regardless of the part that she may play in the great drama. Here she is a woman of that imagination that characterizes any literary person choosing this field as a means of directing the thought of the world. Several of her poems bearing on the Negro race have appeared in the Crisis. In these efforts she manifests the radical tendencies characteristic of every thinking Negro of a developed mind and sings beautifully not in the tone of the lamentations of the prophets of old but, while portraying the trials and tribulations besetting a despised and rejected people, she sings the song of hope. In reading her works the inevitable impression is that it does not yet appear what she will be. Adhering to her task with the devotion hitherto manifested, there is no reason why she should not in the near future take rank among the best writers of the world.

J. R. Fauset

A History of Suffrage in the United States. By Kirk and Porter, Ph.D. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, Ill. Pp. 265. Price $1.25.

Knowing that few citizens realize the restrictions on suffrage during the early years of the republic and the difficulty with which the right of franchise has been extended during the last half century, the author has undertaken a scientific study in this field. How the franchise was at first limited to persons owning considerable property, and how some of the most popular statesmen of that day endeavored to keep it thus restricted, and how this aristocratic test gradually ceased, constitute the interesting portion of the book. The author's aim, however, is to "present a panoramic picture of the whole United States and to carry the reader rapidly on from decade to decade without getting lost in the detailed history."

The author himself raises the question as to whether he has placed undue stress on the Civil War and the Reconstruction periods; "but the intention," says he, "was to pick out of Civil War history the events and circumstances that had to do directly with suffrage and to lay them before the reader who is not necessarily familiar with that history. This decision to emphasize these two periods was determined to some extent by the fact that the study of suffrage during the colonial period has been covered by C. F. Bishop's History of Elections in the American Colonies and A. V. McKinley's Suffrage Franchise in the Colonies. One of the aims of the book is to clear up the problems of suffrage so far as the Negro is concerned.

Taking up the question of the extension of suffrage to Negroes upon the passing of the property qualifications, the author gives some valuable information, showing the restriction of Negro suffrage culminating with their disfranchisement in Pennsylvania but falls into the attitude of a biased writer in making such remarks as "New York was not a State that suffered greatly from the presence of the Negro" to account for its action on the question. Again on page 87 he says: "Up to about this time the Negroes had not been a serious problem." No large group of Negroes have ever made a State suffer, but communities living up to the expensive requirements of race prejudice have paid high costs for which the Negroes have not been responsible. Because of this bias the writer betrays throughout his treatment his feeling that Negro suffrage was justly restricted, when white persons not better qualified were permitted to vote.

After briefly discussing the extension of the franchise to aliens and the beginnings of woman suffrage the author directs his attention to the question as it developed during the Civil War and the Reconstruction. Into this he brings so many impertinent matters concerning reconstruction that he almost wanders afield. In the discussion, however, he makes clear his position that Congress in its plan for reconstruction had no right to require the seceded States to make provision for Negro suffrage. As these States, moreover, were not qualified for representation in Congress they could not be for ratification of an amendment. It is not surprising then that the author blamed the Negro for his own recent disfranchisement. He says: "The Negro must have failed to make himself an intelligent dominant political factor in the South or such constitutions as have been renewed here would be utterly impossible." The author has evidently ignored the forces making history.

A Social History of the American Family. By Arthur W. Calhoun, Ph.D. Volumes II and III. The Arthur A. Clark Company, Cleveland, Ohio.

This work, the first volume of which with these two completes the treatise, appeared in 1917 when it was reviewed in this publication. The second volume covers the period from our independence through the Civil War. Carrying forward this treatment the author considers marriage and fecundity in the new nation, the unsettling of foundations, the emancipation of childhood, the social subordination of woman, the emergence of woman, the family and the home, sex morals in the opening continent, the struggle for the west, the new industrial order, the reign of self indulgence, Negro sex and family relations in the ante-bellum South, racial associations in the old South, the white family in the old South, and the effects of the Civil War.

Discussing Negro sex the author says (II, 243): "If the blacks were gross and bestial, so would our race be under a like bondage; so it is now when driven by capitalism to the lower levels of misery. The allegedly superior morality of the master race or class is not an inherent trait but merely a function of economic ease and ethical tradition." He then discusses slave breeding, which was so degrading as to force sexual relations between healthy Negroes and even that of orphan white girls with Negroes to produce desirable looking offspring for purposes of concubinage. Such a case happened in Virginia near the end of the eighteenth century. After long litigation she and her children were declared free. Under these conditions sexual relations among Negroes became loose. The attachment of husband to wife was not strong and ties of blood were often ignored in sexual relations. There appears, on the other hand, much evidence that a high sense of morality obtained among the Negroes. Women of color would not yield to the lust of their masters, and the forced separation by sale of the wife from the husband caused heartaches and sometimes suicide.

Racial associations of the slaves with their masters' children, the author contends, was generally harmful in that white children learned from the most degraded class of the population. Yet the fact that the whites often admitted the blacks to great intimacy indicates that there must have been many whites who did not believe it. Slaves thus associated soon learned the ways of their master's family, but white children remaining and even sleeping promiscuously among slaves early formed the habit of fornication. The extent to which this custom prevailed is well established by numerous instances of the concubinage of white men with women of color, the offspring of which served for the same purpose as an article of commerce for similar use throughout the South. In this respect the author has not brought out anything new.

Continuing the discussion further he says (II, 305): "Southerners maintained heatedly that at all events the virtue of the southern woman was unspotted." "Doubtless," says he, "their contention was largely warranted but it could not be maintained absolutely." To prove the assertion he quotes Neilson, who during the six years he spent in the United States prior to 1830 found in Virginia a case of a Negro with whom a planter's daughter had not only fallen in love but had actually seduced him. In North Carolina a white woman drank some of her Negro's blood that she might swear that she had Negro blood in her and marry him. They reared a family. The author quotes also from Reverend Mr. Rankin, who "could refer you to several instances of slaves actually seducing the daughters of their masters! Such seductions sometimes happened even in the most respectable slaveholding families." The author agrees with Pickett, however, that most white women in the South were pure, and questions Bennett's remark that perhaps ladies are not immaculate, as may be inferred from the occasional quadroon aspect of their progeny. He gives some weight, however, to this remark of a southerner (II, 305-306): "It is impossible that we should not always have a class of free colored people, because of the fundamental law partris sequitur ventrum. There must always be women among the lower class of whites, so poor that their favors can be purchased by slaves. "The Richmond Enquirer of 1855," says the author, "contains the news of a woman's winning freedom for herself and five children by proving that her mother was a white woman." While Lyell found scarcely any instances of mulattoes born of a black father and a white mother, Olmsted, another traveler who observed that white men sometimes married rich colored girls, heard of a case of a colored man who married a white girl.

In the third and last volume, covering the period since 1865, the author treats the white family in the new South, miscegenation, the Negro family since emancipation, the new basis of American life, the revolution in the woman's world, the woman in the modern American family, the career of the child, the passing of patriarchism and familiarism, the precarious hour, the trend as to marriage, race sterility and race suicide, divorce, the attitude of the church, the family, and the social revolution. The author finds that during the past half century the American family possesses unity, due to the fact that the period itself is marked by intrinsic oneness as the expression of an economic epoch, the transition to urban industrialism. If any exception to this statement be made it would insist on a subdivision with the line falling within the decade of the eighties when the country was passing beyond the direct influences of the war and modern industrialism was well under way.

Taking up the Negro family since the Civil War, the author shows how difficult it was to uproot the immorality implanted by slavery but notes the steady progress of the mores of the freedmen despite their poverty. Colored women continued the prey of white men and it was difficult to raise a higher standard. There appeared few cases of the miscegenation of the white women with black men but here and there it would recur. "Stephen Powers, who passed through the South shortly after the War, tells of applying for lodging at a lordly mansion in South Carolina and being repelled by the mistress. At the next house he learned the cause of her irritation—her only daughter had just given birth to a Negro babe. After making diligent inquiry he failed to find another such instance in high life, but in South Carolina districts where the black population was densest and the poor whites most degraded 'these unnatural unions were more frequent than anywhere else' (III, 29). In every case, however, he says it was a woman of the lowest class, generally a sand-hiller, who, deprived of her support by the war, took up with a likely 'nigger' in order to save her children from famine." "He found six such marriages in South Carolina," says Calhoun, "but never more than one in any other State." The author has not exhausted this phase of the family, for the reviewer might add that he knew of four cases of concubinage of white women and black men in Buckingham County, Virginia, during the eighties.

On the whole progress toward the elimination of miscegenation by interracial respect and good will to furnish a barrier is seen as in the cases of Oberlin and Berea, where coeducation of the races did not lead to intermarriage. The author refers to the efforts of some States outside of the South attempting to check miscegenation by statute, but shows the folly of such legislation in proving that in general where intermarriage of the races is still permitted very little occurs. Referring to the statutes of the States prohibiting marriage between the whites and the blacks (III, 38), he says: "The necessity for such legislation calls in question the supposed antipathy between the races, unless the intention is merely to guard against the aberrancy of atypical individuals." "The laws," says he, "are of dubious justice and clearly work hardships in certain cases."

The work on the whole is interesting and valuable although the author sometimes goes astray in paying too much attention to biased writers like W. H. Thomas and H. W. Odum who have taken it upon themselves to vilify and slander the Negro race.

NOTES

To facilitate the study of Negro history in clubs and schools, Dr. C. G. Woodson has prepared an illustrated text-book entitled The Negro in our History. It has been sent to the publishers and is expected from the press the first of the year. The book has a topical arrangement but the matter is so organized as to show the evolution of the Negro in America from the introduction of slavery in 1619 to the present day. The topics are: The Negro in Africa, The Enslavement of the Negro, Slavery in its Mild Form, The Negro and the Rights of Man, The Reaction, Economic Slavery, The Free Negro, Abolition, Colonization, Slavery and the Constitution, The Negro in the Civil War, The Reconstruction, Finding a way of Escape, Achievements in Freedom, The Negro in the World War, and The Negro and Social Justice.

The aim of the author is to meet the long felt need of a book of fundamental facts with references and suggestions for more intensive study. While it is adapted for use in the senior high school and freshman college classes, it will serve as a guide for persons prosecuting the study more seriously.

Just as soon as this book has come from the press the Association will send to all Negro schools of secondary and college grade a field agent to interest them in the effort to inculcate in the mind of the youth of African blood an appreciation of what their race has thought and felt and done. The cooperation of all persons taking seriously the effort to publish the records of the Negro that the race may not become a negligible factor in the thought of the world, is earnestly solicited. Any suggestions as to how this work may be more successfully prosecuted and as to extending it into inviting fields, will be appreciated.

Dr. W. E. B. DuBois and his coworkers are preparing a History of the Negro in the World War to be published about October.

PROCEEDINGS OF THE SECOND BIENNIAL MEETING OF THE ASSOCIATION FOR THE STUDY OF NEGRO LIFE AND HISTORY

The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History held its second biennial meeting in Washington, D. C., on the 17th and 18th of June. An effort was made to bring together for a conference all persons interested in the study of Negro life and history and especially to reach those who are giving instruction in these fields. Accordingly there were present persons from all walks of life, some coming even from distant points. The Association was honored by the presence of Dr. J. Stanley Durkee and Dr. H. B. Learned.

In the absence of Dr. Robert E. Park, President of the Association, Dr. J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer, presided. The first session was an interesting one. Mr. C. H. Tobias delivered an instructive address on "Negro Welfare Work during the World War." The address covered in outline the efforts and achievements of all such agencies as the Knights of Columbus, Red Cross, Young Women's Christian Association, Young Men's Christian Association, and the Salvation Army, with reference to their special bearing on the comfort of the Negroes during the war. The speaker undertook to give the merits and demerits in each case to enlighten the public as to what was done for and what against the Negro soldiers by these social welfare agencies.

Mr. Monroe N. Work then read an interesting and valuable paper on the "Negro and Public Opinion in the South since the Civil War." The purpose of the paper was to set forth the varying attitude of the whites toward the Negro as evidenced by the thought of the community expressed in the records from decade to decade. Exactly why these changes in public opinion were brought about constituted the most interesting part of this address, for it treated not necessarily of present day conditions but undertook to account for them in the past.

Dr. H. B. Learned, a member of the Board of Education of the District of Columbia, was then introduced to the Association. He confined his remarks to a discussion of the thoughts of the preceding speakers impressing him most and especially to that of illiteracy. He gave some valuable information as to the intellectual development of soldiers drafted during the recent war and said much to throw light on the conditions of those sections from which they came. He made an appeal for an increasing interest in the illiterates of both races and emphasized how difficult it is for men to live for the greatest good of themselves and their fellows without adequate enlightenment in things fundamental. His address was scholarly and timely and deeply impressed his hearers.

The meeting of the Executive Council of the Association was held at two o'clock of the same day. Matters of much importance were considered. Among these may be mentioned the decision to employ a field agent for the extension of the work, the change of the meeting from biennial to annual, and the plans for increasing the income of the Association. It was decided to recommend Mr. William G. Willcox and Mr. Emmett J. Scott for membership in the Executive Council.

The evening session of the first day was held at the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. A large and respectable audience was present. The speakers of the occasion were Mr. Archibald H. Grimke and Emmett J. Scott. Mr. Grimke delivered an address on "The Negro and Social Justice," Beginning with the Declaration of Independence, Mr. Grimke founded the rights of the Negro in the doctrines advanced by the statesmen and philosophers of that time and then supported these claims by the liberal provisions in the Constitution and its amendments. How the United States Government has failed to live up to the standard of the real democracy, although professing to promote the cause of the same, was the main feature of this address. It was on the whole an interesting discourse and it was well received.

Mr. Emmett J. Scott, the second speaker of the evening, undertook to answer the question: "Did the Negro get a Square Deal?" In this discussion he briefly reviewed the working of the War Department and other branches of the government having to do with the war, bringing out in each case exactly what the attitude of the respective branch of the government was toward the Negro as evidenced by the disposition of complaints of discrimination set before the heads of those departments. The address brought out the two important points: that Mr. Scott, as Special Assistant to the Secretary of War, had been untiring in his efforts to secure for the Negro the proper recognition of his rights, but because of rampant race prejudice these rights were generally disregarded by the public functionaries with exception of the War Department, where the Secretary did do so much to eliminate such discrimination that they were decidedly reduced in that department. It showed also that after all and in spite of the various explanations made for delay and grievances which were not redressed that the Negro soldiers did not get a square deal.

Dr. C. V. Roman, Field Secretary attached to the surgeon general's office to lecture in the cantonments on social hygiene, discussed full American citizenship as an ultimate goal of the Negro. To explain his attitude he made his remarks strictly historical, contrasting the discouraging aspect of things in 1857 with the much more encouraging situation eight years later in 1865 when the Negro emerged as a free man. He too brought forth facts to show that while the attitude of the majority of the people of this country toward the Negro has been unfavorable, it has on the whole been hopeful in that the condition of the Negro has grown better rather than worse.

The morning session of Wednesday, the second day of the meeting, was to be opened by an address by Mr. Charles H. Wesley, but owing to the unavoidable absence of Dr. Thomas Jesse Jones, it was decided to have Mr. Wesley address the evening session at the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. Dr. J. E. Moorland then spoke of "What the Negro Got out of the War." He did not take the attitude of those desiring to criticize the government because of its shortcomings nor did he express disappointment over the fact that the Negro's participation in the war was not considered sufficient to remove all discrimination on their return home. He referred rather to the lessons of thrift, economy, coöperation, and social uplift, which given renewed impetus by our experiences during this war, will set to work among the Negro people forces which augur for success.

The Association was then addressed by Mr. Ezra Roberts, head of the academic department of Tuskegee Institute, Dr. James H. Dillard and Dr. J. Stanley Durkee. Mr. Roberts spoke briefly of his systematic effort to teach Negro history at Tuskegee, discussing the plans, purposes and means to the end. He referred to the dearth of text-book material adequately to cover the field and gave the books which he used for source material. His address was very illuminating and tended to open to the seeker of truth a neglected field. He was followed by Mr. James H. Dillard, who discussed the same subject, emphasizing the necessity to study Africa also as a background. Mr. Dillard spoke of his interest in the work of the Association and pledged his support of the effort to extend the work. Dr. J. Stanley Durkee, President of Harvard University, mentioned also the need for a study of the Negro in antiquity to bring to light the beautiful romances of African history which does so much credit to the Negro race. He believed also that more attention should be given to the study of social problems and an equipment of the youth for social service and spoke briefly of his plans to take up such work in the reconstruction of Howard University.

At the close of the morning session the business meeting set for two o'clock was immediately held to avoid the intensive heat which the members would have to endure to return at that hour of the day. The new business coming before the Association was presented. After hearing the reports the following new officers were reëlected:

Dr. R. E. Park, President,
Dr. J. E. Moorland, Secretary-Treasurer,
Dr. C. G. Woodson, Director.

The following were chosen members of the Executive Council:

Robert E. Park,	William G. Willcox,
Jesse E. Moorland,	L. Hollingsworth Wood,
Carter G. Woodson,	Irving Metcalf,
Julius Rosenwald,	Thomas J. Jones,
George Foster Peabody,	A. L. Jackson,
James H. Dillard,	Moorfield Storey,
John R. Hawkins,	R. E. Jones.
Emmett J. Scott,

Dr. R. E. Park, Dr. J. E. Moorland and Dr. C. G. Woodson were chosen as trustees of the Association. Dr. John R. Hawkins, Dr. J. E. Moorland and Mr. L. Hollingsworth Wood were appointed members of the Business Committee.

The reports of the Director and Secretary-Treasurer follow.

The Report of the Director

The period covered by the last two years has been the most successful in the history of the Association. It has not yet solved all of its difficult problems and is far from being above want, but the progress it has made during the last two years indicates that the ultimate accomplishment of its purposes is assured. The edition of the Journal of Negro History has reached 4,000. The current circulation, however, is a little less, but the numbers remaining on hand are gradually absorbed by the book trade. Our subscription list shows 1648 subscribers. About 600 copies are sold at news stands and 500 are brought out at the end of the year in bound form. Because of the value of the Journal Of Negro History in this form as a source book, the demand has recently been so great that it is necessary to reprint all numbers hitherto published.

The achievements of the Association have been various. There has been among the people an increasing interest in the study of Negro life and history as a result of the extension of the circulation of the Journal of Negro History and the Negro reading public has been considerably enlarged. This publication is now read by serious thinkers throughout the world and research students find it a valuable aid. The people as a whole are now ready to hear the facts in the case of the Negro. They desire to know exactly what the race has done to be entitled to the consideration given other elements of our population.

To supply this need the Director has supplemented the work of the Journal Of Negro History by reprinting and circulating a number of valuable dissertations and by publishing several books among which are Slavery in Kentucky, The Royal Adventurers into Africa, and A Century of Negro Migration. In the near future the Association will publish for Mr. Justice Riddell, of the Ontario Supreme Court, a monograph on The Slave in Upper Canada. The Director has written an illustrated text-book on Negro History which will be published within a few months. These efforts indicate that the Association will soon develop into a nucleus of workers known throughout the world as publishers of authoritative and scientific books bearing on Negro life and history.

It is highly gratifying that it is becoming less difficult to find funds to support the work of the Association. A number of persons who made contributions from the very beginning have recently increased their donations. Among these are Mr. Moorfield Storey and the Phelps Stokes Fund. From other sources there have been obtained several substantial contributions such as $100 from Mr. Frank Trumbull, $100 from Mr. William G. Willcox, $200 from Mr. Morton D. Hull, $250 from Mr. Jams J. Storrow, and $400 from Mr. Cleveland H. Dodge, the amount which Mr. Julius Rosenwald has from the beginning annually contributed.

The Director has endeavored so to increase these contributions as to secure an endowment making the Association a foundation for a serious scientific study of Negro life and history. Unfortunately, however, philanthropists have not seemed disposed to invest large sums in such an enterprise. The reply to such an appeal is, that while this work is of great value, they have no assurance that should the present promoters find it necessary to retire therefrom, that the work would go on in the way it has been established and maintained. These philanthropists have in mind the dearth of scholarship in this field. When our colleges and universities, therefore, will have developed a serious student body primarily interested in applying science to the solution of the race problem, these gentlemen will consider this appeal more sympathetically.

Financial Statement of the Secretary-treasurer

Washington, D. C., June 16, 1919.

The Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Incorporated.

Gentlemen: I hereby submit to you a report of the amount of money received and expended by the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History, Incorporated, from June 30, 1917, to June 16, 1919, inclusive:

Receipts Expenditures

Subscriptions $1,532.14 Printing and stationery $5,283.65

Memberships 483.17 Petty cash expenses 955.18

Contributions 4,989.29 Rent and light 314.03

News agents 357.94 Stenographic services 844.49

Advertisement 202.66 Refunds 12.20

Books 22.40 Advertising 128.00

------------ Bond 10.00

Total receipts June, 1917, to ------------

June, 1919 $7,587.60 Total expenditures $7,547.55

Balance, June 30, 1917 58.40 Balance, June 16, 1919 98.45

------------ ------------

$7,646.00 $7,646.00

Respectfully submitted,

(Signed) J. E. Moorland,
Secretary-Treasurer.

Washington, D. C., June 16, 1919.

Dr. C. G. Woodson, Director, Association for the study of Negro Life and History, 1216 You Street, N.W., City.

Dear Sir:

In accordance with your request, I have audited the books of the Secretary-Treasurer of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History and find them correct for the period from July 6, 1917, to June 16, 1919.

Respectfully,

(Signed) C. E. Lucas,
Auditor.

Receipts		Expenditures
Subscriptions	$1,532.14	Printing and stationery	$5,283.65
Memberships	483.17	Petty cash expenses	955.18
Contributions	4,989.29	Rent and light	314.03
News agents	357.94	Stenographic services	844.49
Advertisement	202.66	Refunds	12.20
Books	22.40	Advertising	128.00
	------------	Bond	10.00
Total receipts June, 1917, to			------------
June, 1919	$7,587.60	Total expenditures	$7,547.55
Balance, June 30, 1917	58.40	Balance, June 16, 1919	98.45
	------------		------------
	$7,646.00		$7,646.00

The constitution as amended at the business session follows.

Constitution of the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History

I. The name of this body shall be the Association for the Study of Negro Life and History.

II. Its object shall be the collection of sociological and historical documents and the promotion of studies bearing on the Negro.

III. Any person approved by the Executive Council may become a member by paying $1.00 and after the first year may continue a member by paying an annual fee of one dollar. Persons paying $2.00 annually become both members of the Association and subscribers to the Journal of Negro History. On the payment of $30.00 any person may become a life member, exempt from assessments. Persons not resident in the United States may be elected honorary members and shall be exempt from any payment of assessments. Members organized as clubs for the study of the Negro shall gratuitously receive from the Director such instruction in this field as may be given by mail.

IV. The Officers of this Association shall be a President, a Secretary-Treasurer, a Director of Research and Editor, and an Executive Council, consisting of the free foregoing officers and twelve other members elected by the Association. The Association shall elect three members of the Executive Council as trustees. It shall also appoint a business committee to certify bills and to advise the Director in matters of administrative nature. These officers shall be elected by ballot through the mail or at each annual meeting of the Association.

V. The President and Secretary-Treasurer shall perform the duties usually devolving on such officers. The Director of Research and Editor shall devise plans for the collection of documents, direct the studies of members and determine what matter shall be published in the Journal of Negro History. The Executive Council shall have charge of the general interests of the Association; including the election of members, the calling of meetings, the collection, and disposition of funds.

VI. This Constitution may be amended at any biennial meeting, notice of such amendment having been given at the previous biennial meeting or the proposed amendment having received the approval of the Executive Council.

The last session of the Association was held Wednesday evening at the Fifteenth Street Presbyterian Church. In the absence of Dr. J. E. Moorland, Professor John R. Hawkins presided. The first address was delivered by Mr. Charles H. Wesley on "The Negro Soldier in the Confederate Army." Mr. Wesley's address was scholarly and illuminating. He showed that he had made extensive research in this field in that he was well acquainted with his subject and he had it well outlined. It was presented in topical form and made so clear that it was almost impossible not to understand the extent to which the Negro figured as a soldier in the Confederate Army. He took occasion to show the difference between the Negro's loyalty to his country and that to the master class and explained how an attachment to the soil on which one lives is inevitable. The whole address tended to bring forth the thought that the Negro is so closely connected with all the great movements of this country that it is impossible to treat him as an alien.

Dr. George E. Haynes, the next speaker, discussed "Some Economic Problems of the Negro." As the Director of the Bureau of Negro Economics in the Department of Labor, Dr. Haynes has done considerable investigation which enables him to speak with authority in this field. His discussion was largely statistical, treating the Negro laborer as compared with the white laborer with respect to absenteeism, turn-over and general efficiency. On some points his investigation had not gone sufficiently far to reach definite conclusions. In most cases, however, he had facts to warrant conclusions as to the main deficiency from which the Negro laborer suffers and the respects in which he excels the white laborer.

Mr. John W. Davis, Executive Secretary of the local Young Men's Christian Association, undertook to explain "How to Promote the Study of Negro Life and History." In the first place, he answered the questions whether or not the Negro had any history, whether this history is worth saving, and how the movement should be promoted. Basing his remarks on the achievements of Africa to show that the Negro has a history worth while, Mr. Davis supported the contention that the race has a tradition which should be passed on to generations unborn. He then endeavored to show briefly exactly how there can be constructed the machinery adequate to interesting every individual having pride in the achievements of this large fraction of the population of the country.

Transcriber's Notes:

Every effort has been made to replicate this text as faithfully as possible, including obsolete and variant spellings and other inconsistencies. The transcriber made the following changes to the text to correct obvious errors:

1. p. 15, No footnote marker for footnote #18 in original text.
2. p. 15, No footnote marker for footnote #19 in original text.
3. p. 15, Footnote #19, "Attiude" --> "Attitude"
4. p. 18, "thereupon he suffered" --> "thereupon be suffered"
5. p. 30, Footnote #12, "skteches" --> "sketches"
6. p. 61, "intellignce" --> "intelligence"
7. p. 69, "about what time" --> "About what time"
8. p. 103, "depneded" --> "depended"
9. p. 109, "Ilinois" --> "Illinois"
10. p. 115, "expeience" --> "experience"
11. p. 273, No footnote text for footnote #58.
12. p. 288, "daugther" --> "daughter"
13. p. 291, "Apirl" --> "April"
14. p. 306, "Apri" --> "April"
15. p. 380, Footnote #16, "salvery" --> "slavery"
16. p. 410, "uusal" --> "usual"
17. p. 421, "supoprt" --> "support"
18. p. 429, "Apirl" --> "April"

Also, many occurrences of mismatched single and double quotes remain as published.