Afternoon Session
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Pannenbecker.
DR. OTTO PANNENBECKER (Counsel for Defendant Frick): Mr. President, Gentlemen of the Tribunal:
The American Prosecution, through Dr. Kempner, has charged Defendant Frick with criminal actions according to Article 6, Items a, b, and c of the Charter. I should like first to examine the question as to whether Article 6 of the Charter, with its list of criminal acts, is to be considered as the authoritative expression of material penal law which would lay down, in a manner irrevocably binding on, and not subject to revision by the Tribunal, what actions are to be regarded as punishable; or whether Article 6 of the Charter concerns a rule of procedure defining the competence of this Tribunal for specific subject matters.
THE PRESIDENT [Interposing]: Perhaps it will be for the convenience of the interpreters if I say that we might, as it is now nearly half past 2, sit without a break until 4 o’clock, when we rise.
DR. PANNENBECKER: The latter interpretation was implied in the Prosecution’s presentation of the case by Sir Hartley Shawcross’ remark that although Article 6 of the Charter fills a gap in international penal procedure, the material penal law to be applied to the defendants has already been previously standardized by positive laws. Part II of the Charter, beginning with Article 6, is accordingly entitled: “Jurisdiction and General Principles,” and it may be inferred therefrom that Article 6 is intended to establish a ruling as to the competence of this Tribunal as to procedure in specific groups of crimes.
Sir Hartley Shawcross’ statements were directed against the objection that it is inadmissible and in contradiction with a basic legal principle to punish someone for an act which had not yet been forbidden at the time it was committed; an objection which has as a basis the conception that the Charter has created new material penal law with retroactive effect. It should be examined whether the prohibition of retroaction of penal laws is a legal principle of such importance that it should not be infringed. I need not state to this Court the reasons why this legal principle found general recognition in all civilized countries as a prerequisite and basic precept of justice.
In contrast to this, the Prosecution has in its speech charged the defendants with the fact that they themselves had continuously disregarded law and justice, and inferred from this that the defendants in this Trial could not appeal to such a legal principle. I do not believe, however, that such an argument can be decisive in this Trial. The Prosecution has replied in the negative to the further question of whether it would not have been right to pay back in the same coin and not allow the defendants of this Trial any possibility at all to defend themselves in a proper legal procedure. Such a course of simply exercising the power of the victor over the defendants has purposely not been assumed by the signatory powers for reasons presented in detail by the Prosecution. On the contrary, Sir Hartley Shawcross has appealed to the Tribunal to apply in this procedure—I quote—“the undisputed principles of international custom.”
If, however, it is intended to proceed in such a manner, then an examination must take place in keeping with the same principles of law, to determine the question whether the deeds with which the defendants are charged can be regarded as criminal acts for which punishment is possible according to the recognized principles of international custom. It is not, according to these principles, an argument if the use of a legal principle as fundamental as the prohibition of retroaction in penal law is in actual application to be made dependent on whether or not the defendants concerned themselves with law and justice. The decision of the signatory powers to subject, on the basis of considerations which have been seriously weighed, the conduct of the defendants to a proper trial recognizing all legal principles of international custom, therefore signifies not only the observance of legal procedure with all assurances of fair trial, but such a decision by the signatory powers also signifies adherence to the fundamental principles of a material guarantee of justice, of which the prohibition of retroactive penal laws is one.
In this connection I should like to point out that the decreeing of the retroactive validity of penal laws, when so ordered by the National Socialist Government for certain individual cases, to which Dr. Stahmer has already referred, shocked the entire civilized world. At that time, the violation of such a principle of law was generally condemned as a deplorable retrogression in civilization. I also ask the Tribunal to recall that one of the first measures taken by the occupation powers for deliverance from the National Socialist abuse of the law was to declare void any laws which had a retroactive effect on the material penal legislation.
In view of this situation there exist valid reasons, I believe, why Article 6 of the Charter should, in accordance with its heading, be regarded as a ruling on the jurisdiction of this Tribunal, all the more so as the signatory powers have already and with so much emphasis insisted on a renewed strict and uniform observance of the prohibition against retroactive penal laws.
On the basis of such an interpretation, whereby Article 6 establishes the jurisdiction of this Tribunal, it would be for the Tribunal by its own examination not only to determine whether the charges on which the Indictment is based are proved, but also to rule on the legal question as to whether, for the facts established in each case by the Prosecution, there exists a criminal law which makes punishment possible. To revert in this way to provisions of material criminal law in existence at the time the act was committed does not mean that it would be impossible for this Tribunal to call the accused to account for offenses which are punishable under all circumstances. There are, however, a number of restrictions resulting from this which in the opinion of the Defense it would be better to accept rather than violate a principle so essential to just procedure as is the prohibition of retroaction in criminal laws. I am therefore of the opinion that it is entirely possible, and not incompatible with the necessity for just expiation for war crimes, to interpret Article 6 in accordance with its heading as a ruling on the jurisdiction of this Court, but not as new material criminal law.[[1]] The next remarks concern themselves with the conspiracy, a matter which has been dealt with by Dr. Stahmer to such an extent that I can omit these pages. I continue now on Page 7 with the summary.
The Charter does not impose the interpretation that a defendant is responsible also for such acts of commission as exceed the measure of his participation in the common plan. The wording of the Charter, “in the execution of a common plan,” does not contradict the interpretation that the Charter establishes liability for acts of commission which remained within the scope of the said plan. To that extent the assumption of liability for the actions of others complies with a demand of justice, but beyond that it would violate essential legal principles. The Defense therefore advocates the concept that, as far as the actions of others are concerned, for which a defendant is to be made liable, proof must be required that these actions, in the manner of their execution, corresponded to the intention of the defendant. To give an example:
The participation of a defendant in rearmament against the regulations of the Versailles Treaty does not in itself justify the assumption that that defendant also desired a war of aggression which was later on planned by others in the further plan of restoring military power to the German people.
I should now like to turn to the various categories of crimes of which the Defendant Frick is accused, taking first of all the assertion of the Prosecution that the defendant participated in the planning and preparation of wars of aggression. With regard to the problem as to whether a war of aggression is a criminal offense according to the concepts of law for the period in question, I refer, in order to avoid repetition, to the statements of Professor Jahrreiss, with which, in behalf of the Defendant Frick, I fully concur.
By virtue of these convincing statements, there exists only one possibility of punishing co-operation in a war of aggression as a criminal offense capable of being perpetrated by individual persons, namely, when, contrary to the statement of Sir Hartley Shawcross, the Charter is applied as a standard of material penal law which has for the first time defined, with retroactive effect, a war of aggression as a criminal offense by individual persons. From the point of view of the other interpretation, which regards Article 6 of the Charter as a procedure regulating the jurisdiction of this Court, the Defense holds that the deduction is cogent that the Court is indeed declared competent to judge offenses against peace, but that the criminal guilt of the individual defendants is not proved therewith because one condition for this is lacking, namely, the possibility of establishing that the defendants have offended against a principle of generally valid international custom or a principle of national law which defined the war of aggression at the time it took place and declared it punishable as a crime of which a single individual could be guilty.
As it happens, the statesmen, during the period between the two World Wars, have neglected to establish adequate measures of general validity, by which it would have been made clear that anyone who, after the first wholesale slaughter of peoples, organized a second World War, would go about with a rope around his neck. The statements of the Prosecution, that such rules of international law are necessary, appear to be absolutely convincing, but the fact cannot be overlooked that such rules were nevertheless not created by the statesmen of that period at the right time. A missing rule of law, fashioned to fit a special case, cannot be replaced subsequently by an order of procedure or by the sentence of a Court whose task is to apply the general law, but not to create it for a single special case.
I shall now turn to the actual statements of the Prosecution concerning the participation of the Defendant Frick in the planning and preparation of wars of aggression.
The Prosecution sees such activity already in Frick’s earliest co-operation with the Party, which he continued until the year 1933, in order to bring Hitler to power. The Prosecution appraises in a similar way the subsequent activity of Frick after the taking over of the Government by Hitler, when he helped to consolidate the power of the Party and its leaders through measures of domestic policy, especially by his participation in the legal measures by which armed forces were created, and finally by his collaboration in measures by which direct preparations were made in case of war.
Proceeding from the interpretation that only deliberate participation by the defendant in the preparation of a war of aggression is of penal significance, I shall not take up the question as to whether the Prosecution has proved that Frick was aware that his collaboration in the advancement of the Party and its aims constituted a preparation for war, and intended it as such, and therefore helped to bring the war about.
In this connection the Prosecution has made the assertion that Hitler and his Party from the very beginning openly pursued the aim of bringing about a change in Germany’s situation in foreign politics by means of war. On the basis of this statement the Prosecution has declared that no special proof is necessary that in working for Hitler and his Party each of the defendants also knowingly collaborated in the preparation of a war of aggression.
As proof of the fact that Hitler and his Party had from the beginning planned a war of aggression, the Prosecution refers to the Party Program, which names as one of its aims the abolition of the Treaty of Versailles. No word is said, however, in the Party Program that this aim should be achieved by force of arms. In the Party Program, as the testimony of the Defendant Von Neurath has also shown, among other things, there is nothing to prove an intention existing from the very beginning to wage a war of aggression. Nor is anything different found in the other official publications of the Party from the time previous to Hitler’s assumption of the Government. Because as the Party did not, on the basis of its official publications, reveal any intention of bringing about the revision of the Versailles Treaty by force of arms, it was even before 1933 authorized outside the territory of the Reich, as for example in 1930 in Danzig, when it received the sanction of the then High Commissioner of the League of Nations and of the Polish Resident General.
From the time of his assumption of power on 30 January 1933 Hitler, as responsible head of the Government, adopted a quite unequivocal attitude with regard to the ways and aims of his foreign policy, both in official speeches and discourses as well as in private conversations. Unchangingly, and upon every occasion that presented itself after his assumption of power, he stressed his absolute desire for peace and his abhorrence of war, and he always defended this attitude with convincing reasons. He repeated again and again that he intended to obtain certain revisions of the Versailles Treaty by peaceful means only. I need not repeat the quotations to that effect from Hitler’s speeches, which were read by the Prosecution to prove how Hitler deceived the world, and the people he ruled, by his peace talks. And the world, including the German people, took these speeches which he, as responsible head of the Government, made again and again, quite seriously. In the face of that, warning voices which at an early stage were convinced that Hitler wanted war, remained a hopeless minority throughout the world.
The Prosecution has repeatedly alluded to this world belief which took Hitler’s assertions of peaceful intentions seriously, and the best proof of this delusion about peace even among the foreign statesmen, who also knew the Party Program, would certainly appear to lie in the fact that these statesmen neglected to so vast an extent to arm against Hitler’s war of aggression, in which nobody in Germany and in the world believed seriously except those who were directly initiated into Hitler’s most secret plans. From the Party Program and from isolated wild speeches made before 1933 during the period of parliamentary opposition, it is not possible to prove a continuous preparation for a war of aggression since the twenties, which is alleged to have been discernible to anybody who took a glance at the Party Program.
The Prosecution contends further that even if the warlike intentions were not discernible in a general way at first, the intention of Hitler to prepare a war of aggression must have been clearly visible to the Defendant Frick on account of the duties which he had to fulfill after 30 January 1933 in his capacity as Reich Minister of the Interior. These duties included measures for the strengthening of the internal political power of Hitler and his Party. The Prosecution referred in this connection to the collaboration of Frick in the legal decrees by means of which the opposition against Hitler’s system of government was destroyed in parliament and in the country; further, to the legislative measures which eliminated real self-government in the cities and communities, and to legislative and administrative decrees by which opponents of the National Socialist system were excluded from taking any part in the business of the State and in economic life.
The Prosecution has submitted that without these measures Hitler could not have conducted another war, for the beginning of which the complete destruction of opposition in the country was said to be a necessary prerequisite—particularly the establishment of Hitler’s absolute dictatorship. Yet in all the measures I have enumerated, a direct connection with the preparation for war is lacking. For these measures had equal meaning and significance, unconnected with a subsequent war, merely as projects of a National Socialist domestic policy. It has not been proved that beyond that the Defendant Frick was informed of Hitler’s more far-reaching plans, namely, after consolidating his power at home to pursue the aims of the Party’s foreign policy not by peaceful but by military means.
By establishing retrospectively that the strengthening of Hitler’s inner political authority was a necessary condition for his intentions for war as revealed later, nothing is achieved unless proof is forthcoming that Hitler had from the beginning aimed at power in the domestic sphere only as a first step toward the waging of wars, and that Frick was aware of this when he took part in the measures of domestic policy of which he is accused. Otherwise, as purely domestic measures, they do not come under the jurisdiction of this Tribunal according to the provisions of the Charter.
But there is no such evidence, and it is much rather to be assumed that Frick, as a typical official connected with domestic politics, considered his measures as absolutely independent acts which had nothing whatsoever to do with the solutions by force of questions of foreign policy. Nor can another view of the situation be derived from the measures dealing directly with Germany’s rearmament, that is, the reintroduction of general conscription and the occupation of the demilitarized zone of the Rhineland. In his capacity as Reich Minister of the Interior, Frick issued the orders of the civil administration for the mobilization of men liable for military service, and consequently he himself also signed the Armed Forces Law.
Yet even these measures in themselves were not to be recognized as preparation for a war of aggression. The reintroduction of compulsory military service and the assumption of military sovereignty over the demilitarized Western Zone were explained by Hitler himself, to his collaborators and the world, by arguments whose soundness was then widely accepted, and after the first shock many foreign statesmen still believed in Hitler’s well-founded assurances of peace, and advocated the opinion that there was no reason to fear any belligerent intentions on the part of Hitler.
To be sure, Hitler personally declared to his Commanders-in-Chief on 23 November 1939 that he had created the Armed Forces in order to make war. I refer to Document 789-PS; Exhibit Number USA-23. But Hitler previously cleverly obscured this intention by another argument which at that time still found credence in Germany and abroad, and—as proved by the evidence—even those collaborators in his own Cabinet who had not been initiated into his secret plans believed in it.
Thus it is that several defendants refer to the fact that they approved of the reconstruction of the German Armed Forces in the face of the provisions of the Versailles Treaty, but that they did not want a war and did not consider that by their collaboration they were participating in the planning of a war of aggression. As for the Defendant Frick, the view of the defense is that there is no proof that Hitler had informed him of his plans for war, and therefore his collaboration in the measures concerned with the reconstruction of the German Armed Forces cannot be charged against him as intentional collaboration in the planning of wars of aggression. A similar situation arises with regard to the defendant’s activity in organizing the civil administration in general for the eventuality of war, a task entrusted to the defendant as Plenipotentiary for Administration of the Reich by the second Reich Defense Law dated 4 September 1938.
I beg to point out again that the position of Plenipotentiary for Administration of the Reich was created only by this second Reich Defense Law of 4 September 1938, and thus was not included in the first Reich Defense Law of 21 May 1935.
To be sure, long before, even before 1933, experts from the various ministries held conferences dealing with the subject of Reich defense, meeting at irregular intervals after 1933 as the Reich Defense Committee, as shown in the documents submitted by the Prosecution. These meetings had nothing to do with an agreement to wage a war of aggression. They dealt with general questions of Reich defense, as is customary also in other countries. By the Reich Defense Law of 21 May 1935, the organization for Reich defense was more closely co-ordinated, particularly by the appointment of a Plenipotentiary for War Economy, and at his interrogation the Defendant Schacht explained in detail that the purpose in creating that position was not preparation for a war of aggression (according to the duties and regulations to be found in the first Reich Defense Law) but the organization of the economy for defense in the event of a war of aggression by other states.
The same holds true with regard to the position of Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration as created by the second Reich Defense Law of 4 September 1938, which was conferred on the Defendant Frick by virtue of his position as Reich Minister of the Interior. This position signified the co-ordinated establishment of the entire civil administration for the purpose of Reich defense. Regardless of whether, according to documents which have been submitted to the Tribunal, Hitler already wanted war at the time when he authorized the second Reich Defense Law, it is nevertheless relevant for the defense of the defendant whether Frick at that time was able to recognize the aggressive intentions of Hitler from the law itself and from his preliminary work thereon or from other evidence or information which was communicated to him then. From the law itself it cannot be discerned that Hitler’s intention was to use it in the sphere of civil life as an instrument of preparation for a war of aggression.
The kind of tasks which were given to the Defendant Frick in his capacity as Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration had to do merely with the concentration of domestic administration of Germany in case of a possible war or threat of war, and nothing else can be seen from Document Number 3787-PS (Exhibit Number USA-782), which was submitted subsequently.
The law is so formulated that it always refers only to the defense of the Reich in case of war. It speaks about the “state of defense” and mentions the case of a “surprise threat to the Reich territory,” in the event of which certain measures must be taken. Beyond this the law does not vouchsafe any hint, which would be in keeping with Hitler’s oft-repeated principle not to divulge any more of his plans than the person concerned had to know for his own work—a principle which he strictly adhered to even with his closest collaborators. In view of this principle it should not be assumed, nor has it been at all proved, that when the order for this law was given to the Ministry of the Interior any other information was imparted than the necessity for taking precautionary measures, by concentrating the full strength of the domestic administration of the country, against a surprise threat to Reich territory through a possible attack by other states.
It is not necessary for me to state in detail that such a measure cannot be considered as a premeditated preparation for a war of aggression when it had been explained to the competent authorities of the domestic administration that it was essential for the defense of the Reich against the threatening attack by another state. Hitler knew very well how to hoodwink all those who had no need to know about his secret plans, yet nevertheless should understand the reasons for the armament and the organization of the state ordered by him for the eventuality of war.
I will deal now very briefly with some further documents bearing on the activity of the Defendant Frick as Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration. Frick, in his speech of 7 March 1940, referred to this position—Document Number 2608-PS, Exhibit Number USA-714—and stated that the planned preparation of the administration for the possible event of war had been already effected during peacetime by the appointment of a Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration. This speech therefore merely confirms that which is already revealed by the text of the law. The same applies to Document 2986-PS, Exhibit Number USA-409, an affidavit by the defendant to the same effect. Therefore, according to this law, the position of the Plenipotentiary for Reich Administration, combined with the appointment of a Plenipotentiary for Economy and the post of Chief of the OKW, cannot be described as a “triumvirate” holding governmental authority in Germany. Nothing has ever become known either inside or outside Germany of a government by such a triumvirate, and the witness Lammers has also referred to the strictly subordinate tasks performed by these persons by means of ordinances—tasks which had nothing to do with the preparation of a war of aggression.
Another field of the defendant’s activity is likewise appraised by the Prosecution as participation in preparation for a war of aggression, namely, Frick’s work for the Association for Maintaining Germanism Abroad. I refer to Exhibit Number Frick-14 and Document Number 3258-PS, the latter submitted as Exhibit Number GB-262. Both documents reveal that Frick supported the said association as a union for the fostering of German cultural relations abroad and promoted its cultural efforts. It cannot, however, be gathered from the documents that Frick engaged in any capacity whatsoever for the furtherance of the aims of a so-called “Fifth Column” abroad. Another document from which the Prosecution deduced the approval of the policy of aggressive war by Frick is the affidavit of Messersmith, Document Number 2385-PS, Exhibit Number USA-68. This affidavit has been characterized by several defendants as inaccurate, and the Defendant Schacht in particular showed at his examination that in essential points it cannot be correct at all. The Prosecution was not able to produce the witness for cross-examination. I object on behalf of Frick against any use of the affidavit, all the more so since an additional clarifying interrogation of the witness through a written questionnaire only led to the result that the witness, by using general phrases, avoided giving concrete answers to the questions put to him. The answers to the questionnaire show plainly enough that Messersmith cannot make concrete statements at all and that in his affidavit he obviously was considerably deceived himself as to the extent of his memory.
I do not believe that his affidavit, which has been refuted in essential points, can be made use of for passing legal judgment. As to the question whether the Defendant Frick participated in conscious preparation for a war of aggression, the Prosecution further submitted Document D-44, Exhibit Number USA-428. From this document it is seen that the Reich Ministry of the Interior is supposed in the year 1933 to have issued a directive that official publications were not to be drawn up in a form which might enable people abroad to infer an infraction of the Versailles Treaty from such publications. This document does not reveal whether by these directives actual treaty violations were to be masked or whether it was only a question of avoiding the appearance of treaty violations.
The same problem applies to Document 1850-PS, Exhibit Number USA-742. This contains the minutes of a conference between the Leadership of the SA and the Reich Defense Minister, who proposed to the SA in 1933 that budgetary funds of the Reich should be set aside by the Reich Ministry of the Interior for the military training of the SA. The document does not throw any light upon the attitude of the Reich Ministry of the Interior toward this proposal, and even if it had accepted it, this again would have proved only that the Reich Ministry of the Interior furthered the restoration of the Armed Forces, a fact which anyhow is already proved.
Thus, none of these documents furnishes proof that the Defendant Frick recognized as preparation for a war of aggression the measures ordered by Hitler as necessary for the defense of the Reich.
It is true that during the war, in 1941, a few days before the outbreak of the war with the Soviet Union, a conference took place between the Defendant Rosenberg and representatives of various ministries concerning measures in case of a possible occupation of parts of the Soviet Union. This is shown in Document 1039-PS, Exhibit Number USA-146, Rosenberg’s report concerning these discussions, in which it is stated that negotiations took place with “Reich Minister Frick (State Secretary Stuckart).” This parenthesis means that the Reich Ministry of the Interior was represented in these negotiations by State Secretary Stuckart, therefore that Frick did not personally participate in the negotiations. As the negotiations took place only a few days before the beginning of the war in the East, it is not proved by the document that Frick himself was informed about the negotiation before the beginning of the war which, as it is generally known, was afterward proclaimed by Hitler as a necessary measure of defense against an imminent attack by the Soviet Union. It has been made clear by abundant evidence in this Trial how far Hitler kept his true aggressive intentions secret, and how well he knew how to cover up the true aim of all his political measures for years with thousands of convincing reasons to justify the individual measures of his policy of aggression.
There was a very small circle of collaborators whom Hitler informed about his war plans, but this circle was not selected according to the position of the person concerned in the Cabinet, or according to his position in the Party hierarchy, but exclusively from the point of view of whether it was necessary for the person concerned, with respect to his own tasks in the field of preparations for the war, to know the aggressive character of Hitler’s general policy or even his detailed plans of aggression. Document 386-PS, Exhibit Number USA-25, shows how systematically the principle of secrecy was kept, even as regards the older members of the Party and the administrators of important departments in the Reich Cabinet. Whoever, such as the Minister of the Interior, had merely to carry out measures within the framework of preparations for war which could well be similar to tasks of a purely defensive character was, in accordance with Hitler’s principle, not informed of the latter’s aggressive intentions. For this reason, the presence of the Defendant Frick is not shown in even a single one of these secret conferences in which Hitler informed a circle of selected men about his plans for foreign policy and his war aims. In the Document 386-PS just mentioned, Hitler especially emphasized and gave reasons for the exclusion of the Reich Cabinet as a body to which such plans should be made known.
In another record concerning a similar conference—Document L-79, Exhibit Number USA-27—the additional principle is laid down that no one should be told anything concerning the war plans who does not need to know these plans for his actual work.
Frick’s name is not only missing from the list of those present at Hitler’s conferences on his policy of aggression which took place before the war, but the same applies also to the numerous conferences concerning Hitler’s further war aims and aggressive intentions which were held during the war. The Defendant Frick was no more informed of the later attacks or included in their preparation, as is shown by the list of those present at Hitler’s lectures concerning his plans, which have in part been submitted here.
Frick, purely an expert in domestic administration who was not considered competent for military questions and questions of foreign policy, was deemed good enough to organize the civilian administration for the eventuality of any possible war, but in Hitler’s opinion, his foreign policy and military plans were none of Frick’s business. However, the Prosecution asserts further that after the conquest of foreign territories and their occupation, the Defendant Frick regulated the administrative policy in those territories and that he is responsible for it. The Prosecution considers this activity, of the defendant, according to Article 6, Letter (a) of the Charter, as “participation in the execution of wars of aggression.” According to the submission of the Prosecution, Frick exercised an over-all control of the occupied territories, especially in his capacity as chief of the Central Office for the occupied territories. On the basis of the same function, he is deemed to be responsible for all War Crimes and Crimes against Humanity which were committed in the occupied and incorporated territories before and during the war, up to his dismissal as Reich Minister of the Interior on 20 August 1943.
It is a question of legal interpretation whether the activity in the administration of occupied territories, pursuant to Article 6, Letter (a) of the Charter, is to be considered as the “execution of wars of aggression,” or whether criminality comes into consideration only under the point of view of crimes against the rules of war or against humanity. In deciding this question it appears important to me that it is not one of the tasks of an official of a civil administration to examine, after the conclusion of military operations, whether it is a case of legal or illegal occupation according to the standards of international law. An obligation for such an examination would be an exaggerated demand to make of the department of the civil administration or the administrative chief, whose activity cannot be described as illegal on the grounds that the territory administered by him had been annexed a short or even long time ago in violation of the regulations of international law. There is no obligation for such examination in the practice of civil administration. The Charter moreover does not demand such an interpretation because, when naturally construed, the military operations themselves might be understood to constitute an execution of wars of aggression, but not the later civil administration of conquered territories.
The punishment of crimes which occurred in the administration of the occupied territories would not be made impossible through such an interpretation. In any case these crimes are subject to punishment as Crimes against Humanity or against the rules of war according to the Charter. And now mention must be made of those territories in particular for which the Defendant Frick bears a responsibility.
First of all there are the territories which were incorporated in accordance with constitutional law into the commonwealth of the German Reich, which are therefore called “incorporated territories.” By their constitutional incorporation these territories came under the administration of the Reich, but only to that extent did they come under the authority of the Reich Minister of the Interior, in that the Defendant Frick bears the constitutional responsibility of a minister for the internal administration of these territories up to 20 August 1943. In the East, this mainly concerned the territories of West Prussia, Posen, and Danzig, in other words, the so-called returned Eastern territories which belonged, until the Versailles Treaty, to the commonwealth of the German Reich. In the East, the Memel district received the same constitutional treatment; in the West, the Eupen-Malmedy district; and in the Southeast, the Sudetenland. Furthermore the country of Austria was incorporated into the commonwealth of the German Reich. For all those territories Frick has a share in the laws and administrative measures brought about by the incorporation. He bears the usual responsibility of a Minister of the Interior for the domestic administration of these territories up to the time of his dismissal in August 1943. For the territory of Bohemia and Moravia on the other hand there existed a special Protectorate Government, which was described as autonomous in the decree concerning the establishment of the Protectorate—Document 2119-PS—and was therefore not controlled by the Reich Ministry of the Interior. In a similar way, an administration not dependent on the Reich Ministry of the Interior existed in the Polish territories, which were collectively designated “Government General” and were put under the jurisdiction of a “Governor General.” In contrast to the so-called “incorporated Eastern territories,” the Reich Ministry of the Interior had no right to issue orders or to handle administrative matters in the Government General, as can be seen from Document 3079-PS which contains Hitler’s decree concerning the administration of the occupied Polish territories. The same appears from numerous other documents, among them Document USSR-223, the Frank diary, in which he states that no Reich central offices are authorized to intervene in the government of his territory.
The same applied to all other occupied territories for which a special administration was established under any legal form. These separate administrations were not dependent on the corresponding departmental ministries in the Reich, but were under the jurisdiction of the administrative chief for the corresponding territories, who was himself directly subordinate to Hitler.
This applies to the occupied Soviet Russian territories, the entire administration of which was under the jurisdiction of a Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories. The same applies to Norway, where a Reich Commissioner was appointed. In a similar way, a Reich Commissioner was appointed for the Netherlands, who was also independent of the Reich Ministry of the Interior and was directly subordinate to Hitler. In Luxembourg, Alsace, and Lorraine, there were chiefs of civil administrations who were also not dependent on the Reich Ministry of the Interior, while in Belgium and northern France there was a military administration of which the same was true.
In the same way the administrative chiefs of the territories which were occupied in the Southeast of Europe were completely independent of the Reich Ministry of the Interior. For part of the occupied territories there exists, in the decrees issued at the time concerning the creation of a separate civil administration, a stipulation that the Reich Minister of the Interior was designated the central agency, and from this formulation the Prosecution has deduced a responsibility of the Defendant Frick for the administration of all the territories, as is Stated in the Indictment.
The actual tasks of the central agency can be seen from the order concerning the establishment of a central agency for Norway—Document 3082-PS, or Number 24 in the Frick document book. The witness Dr. Lammers has given a further explanation of the tasks. At that time it was the primary task of the central agency to put personnel at the disposal of the chiefs of the civil administrations in the occupied territories on request. Therefore, if a civil official was needed for any district, the administration of the district concerned applied to the central agency in the Reich Ministry of the Interior, which then put some official from the Reich at the disposal of the chief of the civil administration. The Reich Ministry of the Interior was especially fitted for this, as it had at its disposal numerous officials of the domestic administration in Germany.
But the transfer of an official from his own department to another office, which will alone give orders to that official from that moment on, does not establish responsibility for the further activity of that official in his new department, to whom the Reich Ministry of the Interior could issue no orders whatsoever. To take as an example: If the Minister of Justice transfers one of his officials to the Foreign Minister, naturally only the Foreign Minister is responsible for the further activity of this official. This activity of the central agency therefore does not justify the assumption of responsibility by Frick for the administration of the occupied territories.
The requisitioning of officials for the occupied territories was concentrated in the Reich Ministry of the Interior. That is, as the examination of the witness Lammers indicated—and I quote from the above-mentioned Document 3082-PS—“the unified co-operation adapted to the needs of Norway, of the supreme Reich authorities with one another and with the Reich Commissioner.”
In like manner, the hearing of evidence for the Defendants Rosenberg, Frank, and Seyss-Inquart, who functioned as chiefs of civil administrations in the occupied territories, has on no occasion revealed any co-operation of any kind with the Defendant Frick either in his capacity of Reich Minister of the Interior or Director of the Central Agency in this Ministry.
Now, the Prosecution has referred to several documents in order to prove that the Defendant Frick exercised extensive control over all occupied territories. Actually, however, those documents do not reveal an administrative activity of any greater extent than I have just stated. Document 3304-PS gives proof of an administrative activity for the incorporated Eastern Territories. This coincides with my statement that the incorporated Eastern Territories, in their internal administration, were subject to the Reich Ministry of the Interior by virtue of their constitutional incorporation into the German Reich. The document, however, bears no reference to the administration of the Occupied Eastern Territories, that is, the Government General or to the occupied Soviet Russian territories.
The other document submitted, 1039-PS, Exhibit Number USA-146, proves the transfer of administrative personnel from the department of the Reich Ministry of the Interior to the Reich Minister for the Occupied Eastern Territories, a typical task of the Central Agency which I have already discussed. The Prosecution has submitted further documents which reveal that the Reich Ministry of the Interior had a hand in the bestowal of German citizenship. Even this does not, however, prove any administrative authority of the Defendant Frick for the occupied territories, but merely a typical activity of a Minister of the Interior whose department is competent for the general regulations concerning German citizenship, including cases where persons living outside the Reich territory are involved. This activity of the Minister of the Interior can also furnish no proof of an extensive administrative policy and a general responsibility of the Defendant Frick for the administration of the occupied territories. In particular, in the occupied territories which were not incorporated into the Reich territory, Frick had no authority or competence whatsoever as far as the tasks of the Police were concerned.
Hitler directly commissioned Himmler to carry out police work in the occupied territories—see Document 1997-PS, Exhibit Number USA-319, Hitler’s decree concerning police security measures for the Eastern Territories, for which Himmler was directly responsible. The same is revealed by Document 447-PS, Exhibit Number USA-315, a directive of the OKW dated 13 March 1941, to the effect that the Reichsführer SS in the Occupied Eastern Territories is charged with special duties in the execution of which he will act independently and on his own responsibility. The same applies to the police tasks in the other occupied territories, which were assigned either to the Reichsführer SS Himmler or to the SS and police leaders who took their orders only from Himmler, although in many cases they were ostensibly assigned to the civil administrative chief in question, such as for example the Governor General in Poland (see excerpt from Frank’s diary in the Frick document book under Number 25, also USSR-223). In no case, therefore, were police tasks in the occupied territories under the Defendant Frick’s jurisdiction. Consequently, the Defendant Frick bears no responsibility for crimes against the laws of war and against humanity in the occupied territories, since in these territories he could neither order crimes nor prevent them.
Concerning the territory of the German Reich I must now examine the claim of the Prosecution as to the responsibility of the Defendant Frick for all the police measures, including the Gestapo, as well as for the establishment and administration of concentration camps. May I first refer to the documents submitted by me in evidence, which reveal that the Police, including the political police, was in 1933 still the concern of the individual states within the Reich, such as Prussia, Bavaria, et cetera.
In Prussia, the Secret State Police (Gestapo) and the concentration camps were established and administered by Göring in his capacity as Prussian Minister of the Interior. The tasks of the political police were then transferred by a Prussian law, dated 30 November 1933, to the office of the Prussian Prime Minister, which was also administered by Göring. So when the offices of the Reich and the Prussian Minister of the Interior were merged, in the spring of 1934, Frick did not assume the tasks of the political police which still remained incumbent upon Göring in his capacity as Prime Minister.
A similar regulation prevailed in the other states, where Himmler was gradually given the duties of special deputy for the political police. During this period, the Reich Minister of the Interior had only the right of so-called “Reich supervision” over the states, which Frick made use of for the enactment of general instructions and legal ordinances; and this is the only point where Frick, as Minister of the Reich, could exercise any influence on the affairs of the political police and concentration camps.
Frick made use of this possibility, in accordance with his basic attitude as confirmed by the witness Gisevius, to prevent and repress arbitrary actions by the political police as far as was in his power in the circumstances then prevailing. He endeavored, by the enactment of provisions of law and procedure, to restrict the arbitrary practices of the political police in the states.
I refer to Document 779-PS, submitted by me as Exhibit Number Frick-6. This is a decree dated 12 April 1934, containing restrictive provisions of this sort under a significant preamble—which I quote: “In order to remedy abuses occurring in the infliction of protective custody.” This is followed by directives to the governments of the states forbidding the application of preventive custody in numerous cases where it had previously been improperly ordered by the Gestapo. In this struggle of Frick against arbitrary actions by the political police in the states, the police had, it is true, ultimately come out better because they were under the direction of Göring and Himmler, with whom the “bureaucrat” Frick—as Hitler disdainfully called him—could not compare as regards influence in the Party and State. For that reason the political police in the states in practice frequently disregarded Frick’s ordinances. But Frick did not stand by idly as long as there was reason to hope that through his intervention the unrestrained practices of the political police in the states could be directed into orderly and legally regulated channels. I refer to Document 775-PS, Exhibit Number Frick-9, a memorandum from Frick to Hitler which clearly and unequivocally calls a spade a spade, mentioning legal insecurity, unrest, and embitterment, and severely criticizing individual cases of misuse of the right to order protective custody by the political police of the states. Here I would insert that the same document also proves that in the struggle over the churches, the defendant clearly took their side. This is also proved by Exhibit Number Neurath-1.
In his testimony the witness Gisevius refers to an additional memorandum which he himself drew up for Frick as a further attempt to restrain through severe criticism and by suggestions for legal control the arbitrary practices of the political police in the states. All of these attempts failed because Frick’s political influence was too insignificant and he could not assert himself against Göring and Himmler, and because at the time Frick himself could not yet see that the practices of Göring and Himmler were essentially in harmony with what Hitler actually wanted himself. Thus the documents submitted by the Prosecution, taken in conjunction with the evidence offered by the Defense, show that in the domain of the political police and in ordering protective custody, Frick had a certain competency at a time when the police was still a service administered by the individual states. This evidence also shows that during that time Frick’s jurisdiction was very limited and it further shows that Frick, acting within the bounds of his competency, took action solely in order to intervene against the terror and arbitrary actions of the Gestapo through general instructions and through repeated complaints in individual cases, so that the conclusion is not justified that Frick in any way actively participated in the Gestapo’s measures of terror and violence.
At a later period the legal situation changed. With Hitler’s decree of 17 June 1936—Document 2073-PS, Document Book Frick Number 35—police tasks for the entire Reich were combined and uniformly transferred to Himmler, whose department was formally made a part of the Ministry of the Interior under the title “Reichsführer SS and Chief of the German Police in the Reich Ministry of the Interior.”
The question now is whether this new regulation conferred on Frick, in his capacity as Reich Minister of the Interior, any authority of command or any right to issue instructions which could be enforced with regard to the political police, its offices and its functionaries. When Himmler, in accordance with his own wish, which he could gratify because of his influence on Hitler, was appointed Police Chief for the entire Reich, there did not exist in Germany a police or security ministry, properly speaking.
This is the reason why the uniform direction of the police through Himmler in person was formally attached to the Reich Ministry of the Interior. But Himmler wanted to be more than a department chief in the Ministry of the Interior. Therefore a position entirely novel in German administrative law was created for him and his purposes. The entire sphere of the police was separated from the rest of the activities of the Ministry of the Interior and placed under Himmler’s special jurisdiction under a newly created title of office which, as a government office, contained the words “Reichsführer SS,” thereby making it possible for Himmler to carry out political police tasks under a title of office characterizing him as Reichsführer SS and in that capacity giving him independence from any instructions issued by a minister of state.
In order to accentuate further the independence of his office within the bureaucratic hierarchy as well, Himmler was given the additional right from the very beginning to represent police matters before the Cabinet independently and on his own responsibility, like any Reich minister; this is also shown in the decree concerning his appointment, Document 2073-PS. This decree is a typical example of the overlapping of competencies which Hitler favored to excess in his government system. Himmler became part of the Ministry of the Interior and, as an official of the Ministry of the Interior, was formally bound to abide by instructions of the Minister. However, he was also an independent Chief of Police with the right to represent before the Cabinet on his own responsibility matters pertaining to the Police, thus excluding Frick in that respect. In addition to that, his orders simultaneously carried the authority of the Reichsführer SS, in which Frick had no authority at all to interfere.
In actual effect this involved arrangement also enhanced the tremendous influence of Himmler on Hitler. In keeping with his convictions, and to safeguard a well-ordered state apparatus, Frick repeatedly tried to intervene through general instructions intended to restrain the arbitrary acts of the political police. As late as 25 January 1938 he tried through a decree to curtail the admissibility of protective custody and he forbade it in a number of cases of improper application. I refer to Document 1723-PS, Exhibit Number USA-206, an extract of which under Number 36 appears in the Frick document book. He prohibited protective custody in lieu of, or cumulative to, a legal penalty, forbade its application by police authorities of the intermediate or subordinate levels, and gave orders that the accused should be heard before arrest. He decreed periodical examination of the reasons for the continuance of confinement and on principle forbade the protective custody of foreigners, whom the Police had authority only to expel from the Reich in case of acts endangering the State.
An obvious argument is that the Gestapo in practice disregarded all these instructions of Frick and that Himmler and his subordinates maintained an absolute reign of terror and violence. This is correct and has been confirmed in detail by the witness Gisevius. But something else appears of importance to me in the defense of Frick: To show that Frick himself disapproved of such arbitrary acts and that he tried to do all in his power to prevent them. Finally, however, Hitler forbade even this. He informed him through Lammers—as confirmed by the latter as witness—that he was not to concern himself with police matters, that Himmler could manage that better by himself and that the Police was doing well under Himmler.
Thus Himmler finally got complete control of the Police, and he gave outward expression to this by later dropping, with Hitler’s consent, from his official title, the words “in the Reich Ministry of the Interior,” simply referring to himself as “Reichsführer SS and Chief of the German Police,” which is also shown in the testimony of the witness Lammers.
I believe that, in view of the circumstances, the problem of the Defendant Frick’s criminal responsibility for the political police and their arbitrary measures is not established by the fact that the entire Police was formally incorporated in the Reich Ministry of the Interior after the year 1936, since it has been proved! that Frick himself did not participate in arbitrary acts, but on the contrary tried again and again to intervene against such arbitrary practice with all the power he possessed, which however was no match for the personality of Himmler and his influence with Hitler.
In order to insure fair judgment, I request that the actual situation as to power of command and authority, and not the purely superficial circumstances of a formal incorporation of the tasks involved in the Reich Ministry of the Interior, be taken into account.
I insert the following here: The Prosecution, during their presentation on 3 July 1946, submitted Document D-181, Exhibit GB-528, and stated in connection with that document that it proved that the political police were not only formally incorporated in the Ministry of the Interior, but that Frick was in fact responsible for the measures of the Police. Actually the document shows only that Frick as Minister of the Interior was officially contacted in the matter of the sterilization of those suffering from so-called hereditary diseases. The document has nothing to do with any measures of the Police, least of all with any measures of the political police. Moreover there is no information in it regarding Himmler’s position in the Ministry of the Interior.
Now I will continue with my plea: In this connection, I must briefly deal with the reference of the Prosecution to the fact that Hitler’s decree concerning the appointment of Himmler as Chief of the German Police—Document 2073-PS—had been countersigned by Frick himself.
I believe that the relationship between Frick and Himmler, as well as their divergent relations to Hitler, are sufficiently clear to justify the conclusion that the appointment of Himmler simply amounted to an agreement between Hitler and Himmler, to which Frick would have objected in vain. We are confronted with the same problem which applies to so many defendants, namely, that of the formal countersigning of an order issued by Hitler, which was then signed as a matter of form by the head of a department, although that department head had no influence on the order and could not have prevented it, especially as it would have had full constitutional effect as a Führer decree without the minister’s additional signature.
I now have to deal with several documents which the Prosecution consider to have a bearing on actual activity by the Defendant Frick within the sphere of tasks of the political police. I have already dealt with Document 3304-PS, to which the Prosecution referred in this connection. It concerns an ordinance on the assignment of a Higher Police Leader to the Reichsstatthalter (Reich Governor) in the Eastern territories which were incorporated into the commonwealth of the German Reich, and hence deals with the administrative organization of the Reich Governor’s office in a part of the Reich. This decree therefore falls within the scope of the general competence of the Ministry of the Interior, and accordingly does not furnish proof of any specific police activity. Moreover, this decree has nothing to do with any arbitrary acts of the Gestapo.
On the same lines in the decree of 20 September 1936—Document 2245-PS—concerning the appointment of police experts in the Prussian provincial administrations, which were also subordinate to the Reich Ministry of the Interior as offices of the general internal Reich administration, the assignment of a police expert to the office of general administration in the province is a measure of internal Reich administration. This measure, too, had no connection with arbitrary acts of the Gestapo, and more particularly it does not prove that the defendant issued any instructions to the Gestapo.
The situation is no different with respect to the documents which have been appraised by the Prosecution as demonstrating the participation of the defendant in the establishment and administration of concentration camps, or as a sign of approval of terror methods used by the Gestapo. In their statement of 22 November 1945, the Prosecution referred to Document 2533-PS as proof of the approval of these arrangements by the Defendant Frick. I need not go further into the contents of the document; it represents an article by the Defendant Frank in the journal of the Academy of German Law, of which Frick has erroneously been called the author by the Prosecution.
A further document does not, in the opinion of the Defense, contain sufficient evidentiary value to be utilized in giving legal judgment. I have in mind Document 2513-PS, Exhibit Number 235, which contains an excerpt from a speech which Frick allegedly made in the year 1927. But the excerpt is taken from a provincial Social Democrat newspaper, a small paper opposed to Frick, the reporter thus having no authentic copy of the speech at his disposal—and we all know what mistakes and misunderstandings are apt to be contained in such short reports, the wording of which cannot be checked by the speaker himself. Thus this document, according to which Frick is said to have stated that history is written not only with the ballot, but with blood and iron, is not a reliable source.
The Prosecution refers to dealings concerning the expropriation of land in order to extend the grounds of the Auschwitz Concentration Camp. The general domestic administration is competent for expropriation matters, and for this reason an official from the Ministry of the Interior was called into negotiations, who stated, however—Page 2 of the English translation of the document—that he was not authorized to dispose of the freehold of the land. Thus one cannot from this document either construe any political police activity on the part of the defendant, or an approval of the concentration camp system. Finally, in this connection the Prosecution states that the Defendant Frick personally visited the Oranienburg and Dachau Concentration Camps. The defendant does not deny the visit to Oranienburg in 1938, about which witness Hoess testified. At that time, as witness Hoess himself testified, the outward aspect of the camps was still generally that of a military training area. In any case, an official visitor to a camp at that time could not observe any indication of murder, ill-treatment, or similar crimes, so that such a visit is not a decisive argument for knowledge of crimes in the concentration camps.
On the other hand, Frick never visited the Dachau Concentration Camp, contrary to the testimony of the witness Blaha. I refer to the testimony of Gillhuber in regard to this, who as the constant companion of Frick must have known about such a visit if it had taken place. I take the liberty of pointing out that the two other constant companions of Frick were also named by me as witnesses, but in agreement with the Prosecution were considered by the Tribunal as unnecessary on the grounds that one of the companions would be sufficient as a witness.
Before concluding this chapter, I still have to go into the matter of an allusion made by the Prosecution which described Frick at one time as the Chief of the Reich Security Main Office. I beg to refer to the testimony of the witness Ohlendorf, who stated to the Court that the Reich Security Main Office (RSHA) was a creation of Himmler, who combined in this office his state police tasks and his functions as Reichsführer SS, with which Frick had no connection of any kind, much less any powers of command. The sole chief of this office was thus Himmler himself.
I must go further into the charges which are made against the Defendant Frick with respect to the persecution of members of the Jewish race. Frick did collaborate in legal measures, particularly the Nuremberg Laws, and in administrative measures which he regarded as an expression of a National Socialist racial policy. On the other hand there is no proof that Frick himself shared in or knew of the measures of physical extermination which, on Hitler’s direct orders, were carried out by Himmler and his organizations and kept absolutely secret from those who themselves had no part in these frightful events. Further, in his capacity as Minister of the Interior, the defendant is also accused of collaboration in the killing of the sick and insane. Hitler’s basic order is contained in Document 630-PS, Exhibit Number USA-342. This document shows that Hitler did not give an order for this to any government office but to two separate individuals, namely, Bouhler and Dr. Brandt, so that this was quite outside the ministries’ authority. Moreover, contrary to all rules, Hitler did not sign this order himself in an official capacity as Führer and Reich Chancellor, but used private stationery with the heading “Adolf Hitler.” This shows, a fact that the witness Lammers has confirmed, that Hitler did not give an order for these measures to the Ministry of the Interior or some other government office, but to two of his Party comrades, and the Party emblem is the only sign on this stationery. On the other hand, the documents submitted by the Prosecution prove that complaints were made which also reached the Ministry of the Interior, but they do not prove that, in contradiction to Document 630-PS, Frick personally was contacted on the subject of measures for the killings, or that he could have prevented them.
After his dismissal as Minister of the Interior on 20 August 1943 Frick was appointed Reich Protector of Bohemia and Moravia. Here he was given a task which from the start was definitely limited in its competence.
I refer to Document 3443-PS, which is also included as USSR-60 and under Number 29 in the Frick document book, and to 1366-PS, submitted by me as Exhibit Number Frick-5a. Furthermore, I refer to the testimony of the witness Lammers. The office of the Reich Protector was originally the unified representation of Reich authority in the Protectorate. In actual practice, however, its authority passed more and more to Frank, the Reich Protector’s State Secretary at that time.
With the appointment of Frick in August 1943 through a Führer decree which was not made public, the executive authority was now formally transferred to Frank, who from that date received the official title of “The German Minister of State in Bohemia and Moravia.” From that time on the Reich Protector retained essentially the right of representation and the right of pardon, improper use of which by Frick has been neither maintained nor proved by the Prosecution. On the other hand Frank, as “German Minister of State” according to the above-mentioned Führer decree, derived his executive authority directly from Hitler by whom he had been directly appointed, and from whom he received his instructions without Frick’s interpolation, Frick being in no way competent to exercise any influence thereon. Considering this state of affairs, the Defendant Frick cannot be incriminated by Document 3589-PS, Exhibit Number USA-720.
I now come to the Prosecution’s charge that Frick, by his membership in certain organizations, is responsible for certain criminal actions. The SS was one of these organizations mentioned by the Prosecution, to which, however, Frick never belonged. Thus he was never a general in the SS, as stated by the Prosecution. I would assume this to be merely an error on the part of the Prosecution. In any case, the Prosecution did not submit any form of proof. Frick was likewise never a member of the SA, as shown—probably by mistake—in the chart indicating the defendants’ membership in various organizations. For this too, there is no proof.
The Prosecution has further charged Frick with being the supreme head of the Gestapo, and therefore designated him as a member of this organization, with the argument that since the appointment of Himmler in 1936 as Chief of the German Police the Gestapo has been formally incorporated into the Reich Ministry of the Interior. But the Gestapo had its own chief in the person of Himmler, from whom alone it took orders, and Himmler’s formal subordination to the Minister of the Interior does not make the latter a member of that organization, which was exclusively under Himmler’s orders.
The Defendant Frick is further charged, in his capacity as Reichsleiter, with membership in the Political Leadership Corps. My colleague, charged with the defense of this organization, will in his turn deal with the character of this organization. As to the Defendant Frick, I have only to point out that he held the formal position of a Reichsleiter in his role as chairman of the Reichstag faction of the NSDAP. The Reichstag itself having lost all political importance after 1933, which requires no further explanation, this position of Frick’s was in practice equally unimportant and could not be compared with the position of a Reichsleiter who administered important political departments.
Finally Frick, as Reich Minister, was a member of the Reich Cabinet. With regard to the character and the authority of this organization I also refer first of all to the statements, which are yet to follow, of my colleague who has been appointed defense counsel for this organization.
I refer here only to the testimony of Lammers and Gisevius, and further to the excerpt from the book of this latter witness, which I have submitted as Exhibit Number Frick-13 as evidence of the position and authority which the Reich Cabinet had with respect to the dictatorial practices of Hitler. From all this, the Defendant Frick appears as a person who certainly took action politically to bring Hitler to power, and who temporarily exercised a decisive influence on internal policy after his goal had been achieved. All his measures, however, had inner political aims; they were not intended to have anything to do with the foreign political aims of a war of aggression, much less with Crimes against Peace or against the rules of warfare—and, as also specified by Article 6 of the Charter, only in such cases would this Court have jurisdiction, as stated by the Prosecution itself.
When Frick realized later that the policy was taking a course of which he could no longer approve, he tried to exert all his influence to bring about a change. But he had perforce to find out more and more clearly that Hitler would not listen to his remonstrances and complaints. On the contrary, he was forced to realize that these complaints destroyed Hitler’s confidence in him, and that he preferred to be advised by Himmler and similarly minded persons, so that finally, after the year 1937, Frick was no longer received by Hitler when he wanted to present complaints. Frick then gave up such hopeless attempts to bring about a change in the situation. Things would not have been altered by his resignation either, which the evidence has shown he repeatedly tendered in vain. Thus his tragedy lies in his entanglement in a system, in the first steps of which he had participated enthusiastically and the development of which he had imagined would be quite different. In any case, it appears important to me, in judging his personality and his actions, that even this presentation of evidence, which has gone on for months, has not given any proof of the personal participation of the defendant in any crime.
It is not without reason that John Gunther in his book Inside Europe, which I have presented to the Tribunal as evidence, describes precisely the Defendant Frick as “the only honest Nazi.” At the same place Gunther goes on to call him a “bureaucrat through and through.” Hitler himself kept calling him the “pen pusher” (“Paragraphenschuster”) because Frick—which was typical of him—did not become acquainted with him at some public meeting, but in his office in the police department in Munich in the year 1923.
This man felt enthusiasm for Hitler’s suggestive power, so lacking in himself, a Hitler who with big words appealed to his heart, his honor, and his patriotism. It was Hitler who made him proud of being able to participate in the reconstruction of a German nation which, through powerful armed forces, was to be in a position to play a peaceful yet active role in world politics.
And it was again Hitler who knew how to make his program appear to the bourgeois official Frick as the only way to forestall Bolshevik rule in Germany—this and many more superficial truths, twisted statements, and devices of propaganda which fooled so many people who fell for the suggestive power of Hitler, not realizing in time that they had subordinated themselves to the hypnotic will of a criminal, who was prepared to overthrow the pillars of civilization for his aims and who finally would leave Germany a monstrous spiritual and material field of rubble, for the removal of which I pray that this Trial may also contribute through a sentence in accordance with law and justice.
THE PRESIDENT: Dr. Marx.
DR. HANNS MARX (Counsel for Defendant Streicher): Gentlemen of the Tribunal, Mr. President.
I begin the speech for the defense of Julius Streicher.
When in May of the past year the final battles of the greatest and most horrible war of all time came to an end, the Germans were slow to rise again from the stupor in which they had, for the most part, spent the last months of the war. Like all the peoples of Europe they had suffered unspeakably for years. The last months in particular, with their hail of bombs, had brought so much misery to both the country and the people that it almost surpassed human endurance. This terror was increased by the knowledge that the war was lost, and by the fear of the uncertain fate which the occupation period would bring. And when finally the period of first anxiety had passed, when the German people were slowly beginning to breathe again, paralyzing horror spread once more.
Through the press and radio, through newspapers and motion pictures, knowledge was spread of the atrocities which had taken place in the East, on the steppes and in the concentration camps. Germany learned that people, men of its own blood, had slaughtered millions upon millions of innocent Jewish people. Most people felt instinctively that these deeds would necessarily be the greatest of all the accusations the world had to level against Germany.
The question of whether the German people in its totality had known and approved of these actions was, and is, the truly fateful question. It is the touchstone by which the decision must be made as to whether or not Germany will ever be able to return again as a nation with equal rights into the common cultural and spiritual sphere of the world. As in every case of guilt, there immediately arose here also the question as to who was responsible, and the search for that individual. Who had ordered these atrocities, who had carried them out, and how could such inconceivable things have happened at all, the like of which cannot be found in history even in the earliest days?
During all this asking and guessing, the news arrived that the former Gauleiter of Franconia and publisher of Der Stürmer, the present Defendant Julius Streicher, had fallen into the hands of the American troops. From the echo this news aroused in the press, which was exclusively directed and published by the occupying power, as well as in the radio news, it was to be gathered that the world was of the opinion that in the person of Julius Streicher not only had one of the numerous anti-Semitic propaganda agents of the Third Reich been taken prisoner, but in short Enemy Number One of the Jews.
Throughout the rest of the world the opinion evidently prevailed that in the person of Julius Streicher not only the most active propaganda agent for the persecution and extermination of the Jews had been seized, but that he had also participated to the highest degree in carrying out these acts of extermination. He was said to have been, as one heard, not only the greatest hater of the Jews and the greatest preacher of extermination of the Jews, but also the person to whose direct influence one could trace back the extermination of European Jewry.
It is only from this angle that it can be explained why the Defendant Streicher should sit here in the dock, together with the other defendants, among those chiefly responsible for the National Socialist system. For neither by virtue of his personality nor measured by his offices and positions does he belong to the circle of leaders of the NSDAP or to the Party’s decisive personalities. This view was probably also held in the beginning by the Prosecution, but was abandoned by them at an early stage, for the written Indictment already no longer charged the Defendant Streicher with any personal and direct part in the abominable mass murders. Rather did it state that there was less guilt with which he would be charged than in the case of any of the other defendants; only his propaganda, his activities by the written and spoken word, were made the subject of the accusation against him.
As far as particulars are concerned, the Counts of the Indictment against the Defendant Streicher were summed up as follows:
I.
Support of seizure of power and consolidation of power of the NSDAP after the latter’s entry into the Government.
II.
Preparation of aggressive wars by propaganda aimed at the persecution of the Jews.
III.
Intellectual and spiritual preparation and education to encourage hatred against the Jews,
(a) in the German people,
(b) in the German youth, and
(c) in the active extermination of Jewry.
Without Julius Streicher, no Auschwitz, no Mauthausen, no Maidanek, no Lublin—thus the Indictment may be summed up briefly.
As far as Count One of the Indictment is concerned, the defendant does not deny that as regards the Party’s later seizure of power he supported and promoted it with all his might from its earliest inception. His support went to the extent of placing a whole movement which he had built up personally in Franconia at the disposal of Adolf Hitler’s Party which was small after the first World War, as one can imagine, and limited to southern Bavaria only. Furthermore, after Hitler’s release from the fortress of Landsberg, he immediately joined him again and subsequently championed his ideas and goals with the greatest determination.
THE PRESIDENT: I think this is a good time to break off. The Tribunal will adjourn.
[The Tribunal adjourned until 12 July 1946 at 1000 hours.]
NOTES
[1] Proceeding from this interpretation of the Charter there arises the need for a discussion on how the Indictment is to be construed with respect to the conspiracy charged therein. This construction is based on the legal concept of Anglo-American law which determines the responsibility of a plurality of persons differently and in a more far-reaching way than the German penal code, which contains the principles of law to which the accused were subject at the time when they committed the deed. The German penal code also provides that a person can be held responsible for offenses committed by others provided he participated in a common plan which was later carried out by others. But the German penal code places decisive weight on determining the extent to which the acts committed at a latter date correspond to the common plan. Since in the serious crimes which are being prosecuted before this Court the determination of the form of guilt in the original plan is necessary in order to permit punishment, later acts of commission by others can be charged against a defendant only to the extent to which they corresponded to arrangements to which the defendant deliberately agreed. A defendant who participated in certain plans cannot be held responsible for subsequent plans of a wider scope, or for acts of commission which far exceeded the original plans without his co-operation.
Responsibility for subsequent plans and acts of commission can be established according to German law only if it can be proved that the defendant, without participating in those subsequent plans and actions, at the time of his original participation recognized and approved this manner of development and execution and, in other words, deliberately encouraged it.
To revert to the example of the Prosecution:
He who participates’ in the plan for robbing a bank is responsible if this plan is carried out, even though he does not personally participate in the execution. But a person does not at the same time become guilty of premeditated murder if the active members subsequently and without his participation discuss murdering the guard or in case one of the members should shoot one of the guards without prior agreement, because the latter has caught him in the act.
Nobody can be convicted of premeditated murder if he did not participate in a plan to commit murder, unless it can be proved that when he participated in the plan for robbing the bank such killing of a guard was already contemplated and that in spite of this he approved the plan for the bank robbery. In that case he, too, would have deliberately contributed to the murder. In other words, according to the provisions of German substantive criminal law there does not exist a liability for so-called excesses of the immediate culprits or for an unforeseen development of plans not originally conceived on such a wide scope, so that a more far-reaching interpretation in line with the concept of conspiracy in Anglo-American law, which at the time when the accused committed their deed did not exist, would violate the principle which prohibits retroactive application of penal laws.