PREFACE


In the preparation of the following Work the Author has to acknowledge the assistance which he has received from a Japanese gentleman in Yokohama, whose name, for obvious reasons, it is prudent not to mention.

With his knowledge of the history and institutions of his country, the Author was able to fill up the blanks in short notices of history contained in elementary Japanese books. He was further enabled to go over the red-books of the empire, which enter into the details of the pedigrees of illustrious families, and into the minutiæ of Government offices.

The supposed unalterable character of these institutions induces those who have any pretensions to learning in China and Japan to master and retain by memory the names and duties of the different offices in the various departments of Government; and they are frequently found to be good authorities upon questions upon which there is no published information.

In the history of the intercourse of the Jesuits with Japan, the letters of the fathers have been almost the only authorities relied upon; while in the more recent events contemporary publications have been used.

In taking notes from the conversation of a Japanese who could speak but little English, in too many cases they were written down in what is known in China as “pigeon English”; and the Author has to acknowledge and regret that in many cases the cramped nature of the notes has not been entirely removed, and for such instances he craves the indulgence of the reader.

HISTORY OF JAPAN


CHAPTER I
THE IMPERIAL FAMILY AND COURT

Man, in the earlier periods of his existence, when he was as yet putting forth his juvenile strength to subdue creation, was ever inclined to look upon the great forces of nature as difficulties in his path and obstacles to his progress, which, in his more mature strength, he has come to regard as aids to help him, and to cherish as the very means to the attainment of his ends. Such an object of awe to the earlier mariner was the great ocean, when he had no compass to guide him over its unknown and apparently boundless expanse, and with no knowledge of the winds and no experience of the currents. When he had no means of keeping food or fresh water for any great length of time, he was a bold man who would venture far out of sight of land. Provided with the faithful compass, men became bolder; they enlarged their vessels, making longer voyages, until they ran over the length and breadth of the Eastern seas. Still the China Sea, with its typhoons and its monsoons and currents, down to a comparatively recent period, was looked upon as an obstacle which was to be smoothed down and not to be wrestled with. To beat up the China Sea against the northeastern monsoon was considered a rash struggle and a fool hardy waste of time, and in consequence the trade-voyages to China were confined to vessels going up the sea in summer with the southerly monsoon and returning in winter with the northerly. Obstacles such as these made mariners unwilling to run the risk of pushing up the sea the length of Shanghai or Japan, when the time of their return was a matter of so much doubt.

In the present age, when man is thinking himself of some importance from the little odds and ends of knowledge he has stored up, the ocean, instead of being a barrier of separation between islands and continents, has become what the Mediterranean Sea was to the Old World—a link of connection, a highway of commerce, and steam has become a bridge by which distant shores have been joined together. The world is now finding out that she is one—that the interests of nations are one, and that no one part of the body can say to the other, “I have no need of thee.” If Japan has hitherto felt herself in a position to use such an expression to her fellow-members of the body cosmopolitan, and the feeling has been responded to by their acquiescence, the time and circumstances seem to have arrived when this seclusion is to be ended. The distance at which these islands seemed to lie from the heart of the world’s circulation, Europe, has been almost annihilated, and European nations have through the settlements in India and China crept up alongside of the isles of the East. The difficulties of access have been smoothed away, her sumptuary laws have been abrogated, while the produce of her rich soil is daily increasing to meet the demands which are made upon it, and which she is becoming willing and ready to exchange for that of which she is more in need.

Steam has been the active agent in bringing about these changes, causing the pulses of trade to beat with greater frequency and with increased vigor. But to any one who looks below the surface there may be seen other agents at work, all concurring at this crisis in the world’s existence to produce changes of portentous magnitude. The discoveries of chemistry, whether by the aggressive forces obtained in the manufacture of munitions of war, or by the more widely extended but silent beneficial operations of such an agent as quinine, steam with all its ramifications of wealth, the telegraph with its tenfold power of convertibility, the discovery of gold at the most remote parts of the world, have combined to produce, by the sudden influx of real wealth, by the intermingling of ranks of men, and by the rapid throwing into men’s minds of a quantity of information or of knowledge, a condition of things in the mass which makes that mass kneadable by those who can knead it, and fitted for the reception of any leaven, for good or for evil, which may be mixed with it. The mingling of ranks in the social system, the disturbance of creeds in the religious, the confounding of parties in the political, are preparing the way for some world-wide change, by which old systems are to be done away and new established. It is not working in one nation alone, but in all: it is not confined to Christendom, showing that the time to come is not to be like times past; but that the time is coming when it is possible for one person to aim at one rule over the whole world. This change is coming up like the rising of water. It may overwhelm all existing things like a wave. Some call it Progress, others Democracy, but, whatever it be, it is evident that every existing institution is to get such a shaking that only the things that cannot be shaken will stand.

All national institutions having, or pretending to have, order, will probably have to undergo this trial; and when it comes the whole remains of the feudal system will be tested: monarchies, the peerage, tenures of land, orders in the Church, and, above all, the question of primogeniture, cannot fail to be put on trial. The different sections in the religious and political world seem gradually separating themselves into two large parties, the one standing for the vox Dei, the other holding the vox populi to be the vox Dei—the one believing that power comes from above, the other that power comes from below.

The leaven is working in the minds of men, whether they will it or not; and no nation will feel the effects of this fermentation more than Japan. Above all nations, she to this hour retains her feudal system intact. She must learn, as others have in past times and may have to learn again, at the expense of revolution and blood. The people are already being stirred, and dare to question. The nobles are beginning to quake, they know not why, in the face of changes which are being forced upon them. The very throne of the emperor is being searched and shaken.

In order to understand where the weakness of a building lies, or how it is likely to fall down, it is first necessary to know how it is constructed; and in order to comprehend the changes which events may bring about in Japan, some idea must be formed of the government of the country. Without some knowledge of the framework of the constitution, it is difficult to understand the relative position of men, or to appreciate the operation of external agents upon the system of the empire, whether that operation work by a slow process of leavening from within, or by a violent concussion from without.

The aim of the author in the following pages has been to give some idea of the framework of the constitution of Japan. Having resided for some little time in the country, he was enabled to get what seemed to him a clearer glimpse of the working of the different parts of the machinery of State than was to be gained from any of the able works published on the subject. The time at his command was too short, and his knowledge of the language too limited, to enable him to do more than prepare a sketch which may serve a temporary purpose, before works of greater research and fuller information are produced.

The position of the Emperor (Spiritual Emperor, as he is sometimes erroneously called), as the first in the empire, must be recognized; the office held by the Temporal Emperor, the Shiogoon (or Tycoon, as he has been named), must be correctly and distinctly understood before the nature of the rule in the empire can be comprehended. It is further essential that the student should be acquainted with the rank and position of the nobility or nobilities of the empire (for of these there are two classes)—that of Miako at the court of the Emperor, the Koongays; and that of Yedo at the court of the Shiogoon, the Daimio, and beneath them the Hattamoto. Without some knowledge of these the reader is lost in a maze of unmeaning names and titles; but with a slight acquaintance with the rank, offices, and names of these nobles, he is able not only to follow the thread of history, but to understand the intricacies of current events.

A description of a picture by a native artist, seen by the author of this volume, may give some idea of the relation in which these dignitaries stand the one to the other. The upper half of the picture represents the Shiogoon or Tycoon at the palace in the capital, Miako, making his obeisance and performing homage before his liege lord the Emperor, seated in the great hall, Shi shin den, of the palace. The upper part of the Emperor’s person is concealed behind a screen of thin slips of bamboo hanging from the roof. The throne is three mats, or thin mattresses, placed one above the other upon the floor. There is no chair or support to the back. On each side of the Emperor sit on their knees on the floor the high officers of his court. Before him is seen the late Shiogoon, kneeling and prostrating himself, with his head to the floor. Behind the Shiogoon are his high officers Stotsbashi and the great Daimio Owarri, both in a similar position of prostration; while beneath, in the open court, are military officials of the Imperial Court standing or kneeling. This picture represents accurately a fact, and what appears to be a correct illustration of the ideas of the people of Japan with regard to the relative status of the Emperor and the Shiogoon.

It may almost be a matter of wonder that so little was known of Japan until the advent of the Portuguese. Men were in old times adventurous travelers, and yet, except what is contained in the pages of Marco Polo, written in the thirteenth century, nothing more was known of the existence of the country. The Buddhism of India had permeated China, Corea, and Japan, but it brought nothing back. Mohammedanism, at an early stage, reached China, and gained many converts, and the Arabs carried on an extensive trade with China and the Eastern Isles; but neither by their writings nor by the early native accounts do they seem to have reached the shores of Japan, or, at least, ever to have returned from them. This may perhaps be attributed to the wars of the Crusades, which appear to have lighted up such a fierce feeling between the Christian and the Moslem as to have proved a barrier to the inquisitiveness of the former in his investigations regarding the East. When the Portuguese, in the beginning of the sixteenth century, had pushed their discoveries and trade as far as Malacca, and thence to China, it was to be expected that such adventurous seamen as they then were would, before long, solve the question of a people living under the rising sun. It is fortunate that, among the lawless buccaneers and pirates, as they evidently were, on those seas during this time, one man, Mendez Pinto, should have been found with the zeal to write some account of the doings on the Sea of China, and to lift the veil which, until he wrote, hung over the events which he records. That the latter part of his narrative, relating principally to China, should have been called mendacious, is not to be wondered at. But all that he relates with reference to Japan is not only corroborated by a closer acquaintance with the country and people, but also by the native historians in their accounts of the arrival of foreigners in the country, as well as by the letters of the Jesuits who visited Japan very shortly after it was first discovered by the Portuguese traders.

Subsequently to the period at which Mendez Pinto wrote, the history of foreign relations with the country is kept up by the letters of priests and Jesuits who occupied Japan as a field for the spread of Christianity. In the “Histoire de l’Église du Japon” there is an excellent summary of occurrences connected with the Church, its missions, its successes, its difficulties, its martyrs, and its enemies, together with a glance at events in Japan during the most eventful crisis in the history of the country. After the expulsion of the Jesuits and Roman Catholic doctrines from the empire, there are accounts from time to time published by the officers connected with the establishment kept up by Holland at Nagasaki. Caron, Fischer, Meylan—but, above all, Kæmpfer and Thunberg, and Titsingh and Klaproth—and, in our own times, Siebold—have done much to elucidate the manners and customs and natural history of Japan.

Kæmpfer has given a most interesting and instructive account of what he saw in the country during a long residence, and upon more than one progress to the courts at Miako and Yedo. His delineation of the manners and customs of the people of Japan will remain as a memorial of a state of things seen under circumstances not likely to occur again. But the work was published by another after the death of the author, and, in consequence of this, many of the names of men, places and things are nearly unintelligible. Kæmpfer’s work is well known to the Japanese, having been translated or repeatedly copied in manuscript, and is known as “Su koku rong.” It is an interdicted book, and only recently a man was punished upon being detected in the act of copying the translation. The translation by Klaproth of the “Annales des Empereurs de Japon” is a most valuable work, and contains a wonderful amount of information, being, as it were, the complement of Kæmpfer’s work, drawn entirely from books and not from personal observation.

The natives of Japan appear to have an intense love and reverence for their own country, and every individual in the empire seems to have a deep and thorough appreciation of the natural beauties and delights of the country. To this the genial climate, the rich soil, and the variety of the surface contribute. The islands lie at such a latitude as to make the air in summer warm without being hot, and in winter cold without being raw. The soil, as in all recent lava soils, is of a rich black mould, raising the finest crops of millet, wheat and sugar-cane, and when supplied in unstinted profusion rearing splendid timber, or capable, when nearly entirely withdrawn, of keeping life and vigor and seeding power in a pine tree of two inches in height. The trees have a tendency to break out into excrescences from plethora. The variety of surface arises from the great height to which the mountains rise in an island which at no part presents so great a breadth as England, and yet slopes gradually from the mountain tops to the sea. Some of these ridges appear to rise to the height of Mont Blanc, one of them, Fusiyama, being upward of thirteen thousand feet in height, and it would appear that other ranges are higher. The great beauty of Fusi (pah rh, not two) consists in its rising singly out of a low country with a beautifully curved sweep to a conical apex; and the atmospheric effects changing from hour to hour, as it is seen from thirteen provinces, give such a variety to this single object that it is rightly called by a name to express the feeling that there are not two such in the world. The variations of atmospheric density make it look at one time much higher than at another. It may be seen with its head clear in the blue sky rising out of a thick base of clouds—or the clouds rise and roll in masses about the middle, leaving the gentle curve to be filled up by the mind’s eye from the base to the apex. Again, the whole contour, in a sort of proud, queenly sweep, stands out against a cloudless ether, or with a little vapor drifting to leeward of the summit giving the appearance of a crater—or, after a cool night in September, the eye is arrested by the appearance of the bursting downward of a flattened shell, the pure white snow filling the valleys from the top, the haze of the morning half concealing the hill beneath. Every hour brings a change upon a landscape which consists of a single object which the lover of nature can never weary of admiring, in a climate where seventy miles of atmosphere does not obscure the larger features on the face of the mountain even to the naked eye. How often would such an object be visible in the climate of England?

The first settlement of inhabitants upon an island is always a subject of interesting speculation and inquiry. The insular position gives an idea of a definite time or period at which the peopling of a large island must have taken place. The freedom of possession of boundless wealth presents every inducement to the immigrant to remain, while distance and difficulties repel the idea of return. In Japan this immigration may in all probability have commenced by a gradual spreading from the north of inhabitants of Manchuria through the islands of Saghalien and Jezo to those of the Japanese group.

During the earlier periods of a nation’s existence, the art of writing has been generally kept in the hands of men who have devoted themselves to a life of retirement and seclusion from the strife and temptations of the outer world. These have been found among the priesthood, and it has been their business or their amusement to gather up and commit to writing what had been up to the time current as oral tradition in regard to prehistoric occurrences. Men are forced by reasoning to refer the appearance of their first ancestors to a creation by, or procession from, a Divine Being. At the same time, those who have wielded the power of writing, and thereby reached and influenced a larger circle of their fellowmen, have generally endeavored to clothe the deities from whom they profess to have sprung with virtues which were to be emulated by their descendants, or to inculcate through them, by precept, a purity of moral conduct to be practiced by their followers.

The group of islands generally included under the one name Japan was known in remote times by a variety of names—“Akitsu sima, Toyo aki, Toyo ashiwarra no nakatsa kooni.” “Wo kwo,” the country of peace, is used by the Chinese for Japan. “Ho,” pronounced “Yamato,” and used for one province, is frequently applied in Japan to the whole country.

The name Nippon—Nits pon—“Yutpone” in Cantonese, “Jih pun” in the Mandarin dialect, by which the whole empire is now known—is of Chinese origin, and has probably been conveyed to the country by the first Chinese settlers. Denoting, as the name implies, that it is the country where the sun rises, the idea must have originated with the people to the west. “Hon cho,” another name by which it is known, conveys the same idea, “The beginning or root of the morning.” The name “Yamato,” peaceful, harmonious, was more likely to have originated with the natives. “Akitsu sima” implies that the island resembles a dragonfly in shape, and was at first applied to Kiusiu alone. “Shin koku,” a name by which the Japanese speak of their own empire, means the land of spirits; and a similar idea is conveyed by the name “Kami no kooni.” “Awadsi sima” refers to the supposed origin of the islands from mud or froth, and is still applied to the large island lying between Nippon and Sikok.

Some of these names probably retain the old words used by the original inhabitants of the country translated into Chinese by the new immigrants. To these newcomers it was no doubt a work of pleasure to gather up what stores of tradition were floating among the inhabitants of the country, and, adding thereto much from their own imagination, to compose a mythology suited to the genius of the people. This mythology, which we may suppose to have been composed by some of the Chinese literati about the court, had for its object the elevation of the reigning family, and the assertion for that family of a divine origin and divine ancestry. It is worthy of note that these divine ancestors were known at a very early period by Chinese names, that of the mother and founder of the imperial family being “Ten sho dai jin”—the “great spirit of the celestial splendor of the sun,” four distinct Chinese words.

According to this mythology, the heavens and the earth having formed themselves out of nothing, gave forth a spirit—a “kami”—who was the father of a line of seven generations of spiritual beings who ruled the universe as it then was, during a period extending over millions of years, ending in a male and a female, respectively named Issanaghi and Issanami. These seem equivalents to or representatives of the male and the female principles which, according to the Chinese, pervade all animate creation. They are allegorically represented as producing the islands of Japan, the mountains, seas and other natural objects therein. Subsequently a daughter was brought forth, “Ten sho dai jin,” who is the spirit of the sun; and another, “Tsuki no kami,” the spirit of the moon. These divinities are of no further importance in history than as serving to make a line of ancestry for the reigning family. At the time when, according to tradition, the genealogy merged in mortal men, the country was found to be peopled, and there is no attempt to show whence these people came, though described as hairy, uncivilized, and living in the open air. These myths are generally of a Buddhistic origin, and were probably brought over or invented by some missionary of that religion at an early time, when the influence of India operated strongly in the spread of its doctrines. This influence is shown to this day in the repetition of prayers in an unknown language, and the retention of an Indian alphabet and writing—the Sanskrit or Devanagari—in all the religious works of Japan.

Some of these divinities are so frequently heard of, and representations of them, in pictures and carvings, are so common, that even a slight acquaintance with their names and attributes is useful. The different Buddhas are worshiped; Compera; the five hundred “Rakhan” or “Lohon”; the “Kwanon,” or goddess of mercy; and the “Stchi fuku jing,” or seven gods of riches. These last are generally drawn or carved on a boat, with emblems around them of long life, etc.—the stork, tortoise, a deer, a bag of money, a fir-tree, a bamboo, a crystal ball, a fish. Their names are—Hotay Daikoku, Yaybissu, Benten, Gayho, Bistamong, Fukowo kojiu. But the religion is more or less pantheistic, and there are many other gods and divinities, even down to shapeless stones.

To “Ten sho dai jin” is attributed the origin of the imperial house, as is shown by the words of the Emperor, in a letter recently written on the political position of affairs, “I am grieved, standing as I do between ‘Ten sho dai jin’ and my people.”

In the fifth generation after “Ten sho dai jin,” was born “Zinmu” or “Jin mu” (Chin: Shinwu—i.e., spirit of war). He was the first of the earthly or human rulers. He is said to have been born in Fiuga, a mountainous province on the east side of Kiu siu, on the west coast of the Boo ngo Channel. This part of the islands is well suited for trading purposes, and it is also well adapted for the landing of an invading force, and it is not unlikely that Zinmu either originally came from China, or was the son of some Chinese who had settled there, and who started thence on a design of conquest. At the time when he set out upon his career, the people of the country are said to have been hairy and uncivilized, but under the rule of a headman in each village. The Japanese have to this day a great contempt for the people of Yezo, who may be thus described, and they allege that similar tribes occupied the whole of the islands, and that they were gradually driven back before the armies of Zinmu. It is more likely that they were conquered, and gradually amalgamated with their conquerors by the intermarriage of these with native females, and that in this way, and by the effects of the warm climate of the south, they lost that hirsute appearance which is so characteristic of the people of Yezo.—Aino, the name given to the hairy inhabitants of Yezo by the Japanese, means “between,” and has reference to a contemptuous idea of the origin of these people from a dog.—There are two strongly-marked varieties of feature in Japan, which are always strikingly portrayed in their own pictures. There is the broad flat face of the lower classes, and the high nose and oval face of the higher. The difference is so marked as to be some argument in favor of a previous mixing of two different races; the one of which had extended southward from the Kurile Islands and Siberia, hairy and broad-featured; while the other had originated from the south, with Indian features and smooth skins.

The Japanese themselves do not pretend that there is any native documentary evidence in support of their history at the date of Zinmu, and the best writers allow that no writings prior to the seventh century are authentic. The introduction of Chinese letters into Japan is generally attributed to Onin, a learned man who came from Corea about the year 285 A.D. But prior to the date of Onin, many of the names of offices and officers were Chinese. It is hardly credible that, with the communication which is known to have existed at different times between Japan and China, and also with Corea, there should have continued for so long a time such complete ignorance. More than one embassy had resided at the court of China for months. The Chinese annals speak of an embassy during the reign of the Han dynasty, A.D. 238, when China was divided into “three kingdoms.” The ruler of Woo, one of these three, proposed to invade Japan, but the expedition miscarried. Nearly two centuries before this, in A.D. 57, an embassy was sent from Japan to China by Sei nin, which arrived at the court of Kwang ou, of the Eastern Han dynasty, in the last year of his reign. It is unlikely that, residing as such an embassy must have done for a considerable time at the court of China, they should not have brought away some knowledge of letters or some instructors in reading and writing. This Corean, Onin, may have been brought over to replace or to reteach what had been lost: for in more recent times it is known that, after the long civil wars of the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, so little attention had been given to the instruction of youth that only two men were found in the empire competent to teach the written language.

We may be permitted to believe that much of what became tradition had at one time been committed to writing, and that, corroborated as it is at some points by Chinese history, there is a foundation for much of that part of history subsequent to the time of Zinmu, for the support of which there existed, when writing recommenced, no documentary evidence.