B
Bachgoti.—A sept of Râjputs. Their story is thus told:—“After the defeat of Prithivi Râj by Shahâbuddîn Ghori, some Chauhâns, under Baryâr Sinh and Kâns Râê, descendants of Chahir Deo, brother of Prithivi Râj, fled from Sambhalgarh, and wandering eastward, about 1248 A.D., settled at Jamwâwan, in the Sultânpur District. Even here, however, they felt themselves unsafe while they continued to bear the name of their proscribed race, so they deemed it prudent to adopt another, to which they were equally entitled, and which they might own with equal pride. If they belonged to the stock of their four-handed predecessor, they also belonged to the gotra of their creative saint. They accordingly adopted the device of concealing their lineal beneath their spiritual descent.” There has been some dispute as to whether they took their new name from Vatsa, who was the author of one of the hymns of the Rig Veda, and who was perhaps the same as the sage Vatsa, who, according to Manu,[1] “when attacked, as the son of a servile mother, by the fire which pervades the world, burned not a hair by reason of his perfect veracity,” or from the more celebrated Vasistha, who is the centre of a large cycle of Vedic and post-Vedic legend. The first theory is, however, the more probable of the two. A second version of this story is that Râna Sangat Deo, great-grandson of Chahir Deo, had twenty-one sons. Of these the youngest succeeded his father, when he married a bride of the Tomar sept, and of the house of Jila Patan. The other sons sought their fortunes in other parts. Baryâr Sinh and Kâns Râê went to Mainpuri, and there joined the army of Ala-ud-dîn Ghori then starting from that place on an expedition against the Bhars, and thus found their way into Oudh. Both these accounts concur in attributing the advent of the Bachgotis into Oudh to Muhammadan influence; but the one declares that they were driven before the invaders, and the other that they were led by them. It is in favour of the first that it leaves a space of fifty-five years between Prithivi Râja and Baryâr Sinh, and thus accords with the common belief that the latter was a descendant of a brother of the former; it also [[94]]affords a possible explanation of the assumption of the name Bachgoti.
2. On the other hand there are grounds for casting doubt on the tale of Baryâr Sinh’s flight from Musalmân persecution. In the first place, there is a suspicious silence about the doings of Baryâr Sinh’s ancestors during the fifty-five years interval. Again, the independent legend of the Palwârs asserts that they settled in the Faizâbâd District in 1248 A.D., the very year that Baryâr Sinh is said to have come to Oudh, and yet there is no pretence that they rendered themselves particularly obnoxious to the Musalmâns. Nor were the Palwârs the only settlers contemporary with the Bachgoti; the twelfth century, if clan traditions be believed, witnessed numerous Kshatriya emigrations into Oudh, and it is impossible to conceive that they sought refuge from Muhammadan tyranny, for governors of that creed had been established in the Province since very soon after Prithivi Râja’s overthrow. Least of all, moreover, was the spot selected by Baryâr Sinh calculated to secure that end, for Jamwâwan lay within a mile or two of Kathot, which is said to have been made the head-quarters of a Musalmân officer simultaneously with the reduction of Sultânpur. On the whole it seems more probable that Baryâr Sinh was the friend of the Musalmâns rather than their foe. Shortly after his arrival at Jamwâwan he chanced one day to be leaving the village accompanied by his servant, a Kahâr, when the latter perceived a serpent on the ground with a wag-tail (Khanjarît) perched upon its hood, and, unfortunately for himself, drew his master’s attention to the fact. For the learned in such matters have pronounced this to be an infallible omen that the beholder will sooner or later wear a crown. And Baryâr Sinh, indignant that a menial should be thus exalted, killed the Kahâr, and informed his brother, Kâns Râê, who left him in disgust, and then Baryâr Sinh entered the service of Râm Deo, chief of the Bilkhariya Dikhits of Kot Bilkhâr, near Partâbgarh, and marrying his daughter, and killing his son, Dalpat Sâh, gained his dominions.[2]
3. According to Sir C. Elliott,[3] the Bachgotis were, up to the time of Tilok Chand, the premier Râjas of Oudh, and had been vested with the right of affirming the title of each new Râja by affixing [[95]]the sacred mark (tilak) to his brow. The two most conspicuous chiefs of the tribe are the Râja of Kûrwar and the Dîwân of Hasanpur Bandhua. “The latter, notwithstanding his being a Musalmân, and hence called Khân-Zada, invests all the Râjas of Banaudha with the tilak. The Somabansi chief of Araur, the Bisen of Râmpur, the Kânhpuriya of Tiloi, and Bandhalgoti of Amethi, would not be considered entitled to the privileges exercised by their ancestors without receiving it from his hands.”[4]
4. In Sultânpur they are said to take brides from the Bilkhariya, Tashaiya, Chandauriya, Kath Bais, Bhâlê Sultân, Raghubansi, Gargbansi; and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Mainpuri Chauhâns, Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli and Bandhalgoti. Their gotra is said to be Vatsa. In Jaunpur they take girls from the Raghubansi, Bais, Chaupat Khambh, Nikhumb, Dhanmast, Gautam, Gaharwâr, Panwâr, Chandel, Saunak, Drigbansi; and give them to the Kalhans, Sirnet, Gautam, Sûrajbansi, Rajwâr, Bisen, Kânhpuriya, Gaharwâr, Baghel, and Bais. In Azamgarh they take girls from the Chandel, Karmwâr, Kâkan, Birwâr, Râthaur, and Udmatiya, and give them to the Bais, Kausik, and Gautam.
Distribution of the Bachgoti Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 1 |
| Meerut | 1 |
| Agra | 1 |
| Bareilly | 2 |
| Budâun | 75 |
| Morâdâbâd | 6 |
| Pilibhît | 1 |
| Cawnpur | 3 |
| Bânda | 41 |
| Allahâbâd | 1,893 |
| Lalitpur | 1 |
| Benares | 141 |
| Mirzapur | 911 |
| Jaunpur | 2,969 |
| Ghâzipur | 968 |
| Ballia | 7 |
| Gorakhpur | 390 |
| Basti | 695 |
| Azamgarh | 1,048 |
| Lucknow | 81[[96]] |
| Unâo | 31 |
| Râê Bareli | 797 |
| Hardoi | 1 |
| Faizâbâd | 1,949 |
| Gonda | 129 |
| Bahrâich | 20 |
| Sultânpur | 15,186 |
| Partâbgarh | 8,644 |
| Total | 35,992 |
Bâchhil; Bâchhal.—A sept of Râjputs who are by one account said to derive their name from the Hindi bâchhna, “to distribute.” According to General Cunningham[5] they claim descent from Râja Vena, whose son was Virât, the reputed founder of Baribhâr or Virâtkhera, and whom he believes to be the same as Vîra Varma of the inscriptions. By another extraordinary feat of folk etymology they are said to have been a branch of the Pâsis, and to have derived their name from taking refuge in a garden (bâgh). According to a writer in the Oudh Gazetteer[6] “they are a possible link from the hoariest traditions of Indian antiquity to a middle-age period, which has been fairly chronicled, and, lastly, to the complete annals of modern times. It is the more desirable to follow out the annals of this clan, first, because it is one of the very few in Oudh which does rightfully claim an antiquity equal to that of English noble families which came in with the Conqueror; and, second, because its surviving members, though respectable, are too poor to purchase false genealogies, and so humble in the social scale as to render a fictitious pedigree of no value. Consequently they now relate only the real traditions of their ancestors.” … “In 992 A.D. a local chief, named Lâla, governed at Garh Gajana, or Ilahabâs, near Dewal. This place is 16 miles south-east of Pilibhît, on the banks of the Katni rivulet. In fact, all the capitals of the Bâchhil clan—Barkhar, Nigohi, Garh Gajana, Kâmp, on the Sârda—are within a few miles of each other: two in Shâhjahânpur, west of the Gûmti, and two in Kheri, east of the old river. We know nothing of Lâla or his race, except from the inscription which he caused to [[97]]be cut, and the coins which are still to be found. The Bâchhils were an enterprising race in those days; they were Hindus in faith; they worshipped Vishnu under the boar avatâra; they had a coinage, both in silver and gold, many specimens of which have been found near their old capitals on the Katni. It seems, too, that their dynasty was of sufficient intelligence and energy to construct no less than two canals, about a hundred miles in length: one of them is still navigable, the other has somewhat silted up.”
2. General Cunningham says:—“It is admitted by every one that the Katehriyas succeeded the Bâchhils; but the Katehriyas themselves state that they did not settle in Katehar till A.D. 1174. Up to this date, therefore, the Bâchhil Râjas may be supposed to have possessed the dominant power in Eastern Rohilkhand, beyond the Râmganga; while Western Rohilkhand was held by the Bhidar, Guâla, and other tribes, from whom the Katehriyas profess to have wrested it. Gradually the Bâchhils must have retired before the Katehriyas, until they had lost all their territory west of the Deoha or Pilibhît river. Here they made a successful stand, and though frequently afterwards harried by the Muhammadans, they still managed to hold their small territory between the Deoha river and the primeval forests of Pilibhît. When hard pressed they escaped to the jungle, which still skirts their ancient possessions of Garh Ganjana, and Garh Khera. But their resistance was not always successful, as their descendants confess that some 300 or 400 years ago, when their capital, Nigohi, was taken by the King of Delhi, the twelve sons of Râja Udarana, or Aorana, were all put to death. The twelve cenotaphs of these princes are still shown at Nigohi. Shortly after this catastrophe, Chhavi Râna, the grandson of one of the murdered princes, fled to the Lakhi jungle, where he supported himself by plundering. But when orders were given to exterminate his band, he presented himself before the King of Delhi, and obtained the district of Nigohi as jâgîr. The gotrâchârya of the Bâchhil Râjputs declares them to be Chandravansis, and their high social position is attested by their daughters being taken in marriage by Chauhâns, Râthaurs, and Kachhwâhas. The race is even more widely spread than the Gangetic Bâchhils are aware of, as Abul Fazl records that the port of Arâmrâj, in the peninsula of Gujarât, is a very strong place, inhabited by the tribe of Bâchhil. Of the origin of the name nothing is known, but it is probably connected with bâchhna ‘to select or choose.’ The title [[98]]of Chhindu, which is given in the inscription, is also utterly unknown to the people, and I can only guess that it may be the name of one of the early ancestors of the race.”
3. At the same time the traditions of some members of the sept do not bear out their claim to noble lineage. Thus, in Azamgarh,[7] they assert that they are the descendants of a Râjbhar. In Shâhjahânpur[8] they fix their emigration at the time of Jaychand, of Kanauj, and they possibly settled prior to all other Thâkur clans, except the Kâsib. In Bijnor they claim to be of Sombansi origin, and to have replaced the Gûjars. In Mathura, the Sisodiyas of impure origin, who are called Gaurua, are designated Bâchhal from the Bachhban at Sehi, where their Guru always resides. They say that they emigrated from Chithor 700 or 800 years ago, but more probably after Alâuddin’s famous siege in 1303 A.D.[9]
4. In Sîtapur the Bâchhals give brides to the Gaur and Tomar septs, and take girls from the Janwârs. In Kheri they marry their sons to girls of the Gaur, Nikumbh, Janwâr, Ahban, Pramâr, and Kâsib septs: and their daughters marry with the Râthaur, Bhadauriya, and Kachhwâha.
Distribution of the Bâchhal Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Sahâranpur | … | 10 | 10 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 13 | … | 13 |
| Meerut | 125 | … | 125 |
| Bulandshahr | 1,680 | 102 | 1,782 |
| Aligarh | 402 | … | 402 |
| Mathura | 1,701 | 215 | 1,916 |
| Agra | 197 | 1 | 198 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 643 | … | 643 |
| Mainpuri | 904 | … | 904 |
| Etâwah | 111 | … | 111[[99]] |
| Etah | 252 | … | 252 |
| Bareilly | 431 | … | 431 |
| Bijnor | 74 | … | 74 |
| Budâun | 2,341 | … | 2,341 |
| Morâdâbâd | 185 | … | 185 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 7,794 | 119 | 7,913 |
| Pilibhît | 298 | … | 298 |
| Cawnpur | 28 | … | 28 |
| Fatehpur | 31 | … | 31 |
| Allahâbâd | 5 | 1 | 6 |
| Jâlaun | 8 | … | 8 |
| Benares | 1 | … | 1 |
| Jaunpur | … | 90 | 90 |
| Tarâi | 6 | … | 6 |
| Gorakhpur | … | 70 | 70 |
| Lucknow | 205 | … | 205 |
| Unâo | 390 | … | 390 |
| Râê Bareli | 749 | 109 | 858 |
| Sîtapur | 2,285 | 267 | 2,552 |
| Hardoi | 1,287 | 30 | 1,317 |
| Kheri | 1,496 | … | 1,496 |
| Faizâbâd | … | 264 | 264 |
| Gonda | 1 | … | 1 |
| Bahrâich | 382 | 22 | 404 |
| Sultânpur | 129 | 1 | 130 |
| Partâbgarh | 657 | 1 | 658 |
| Bârabanki | 611 | 62 | 673 |
| Total | 25,422 | 1,364 | 26,786 |
[[100]]
Badhak; Badhik.—(Sans. Vadhaka, a murderer.)—A vagrant criminal tribe of whom the last census shows only a small number in Mathura and Pilibhît. But there can be little doubt that these returns are incorrect, or the present Badhiks have been classed in some other way. They appear to be closely allied to the Bâwariyas and Baheliyas. According to the earliest account of them by Mr. Shakespeare[10] they were originally outcastes of Musalmân as well as Hindu tribes, the majority, however, being Râjputs.
The Gorakhpur Colony. 2. Of the Gorakhpur colony Mr. D. T. Roberts writes in a note prepared for the recent Police Commission:—“The notorious dakaits known as Badhiks were suppressed like the Thags by the capture and imprisonment of all their leaders. This done, a colony of them was settled on waste land belonging to Government in the Gorakhpur District in 1844. They evinced for a long time the greatest repugnance to honest work, and even now a good portion of the lands held by them are sublet at higher rates to other castes. The larger proportion of their holdings are let at very low rates, but some land is taken up by them at the current rates of the neighbourhood. The net profits of the estate on which they are located are paid over to the family of the original dakait leader. Surveillance, which at one time may have been very strict, has been much relaxed of late years, but there is a constable or two posted over them; a register is kept, and they require permission from the Magistrate before they can leave the District. Dakaiti has long been given up by them, or rather was never resumed at the colony. In 1871 the Deputy Inspector-General of Police visited them, and found the colony in a very backward state. In consequence of his representations the District authorities began to take more interest in them, and they have been fairly well looked after since. The number then was 209, and the Deputy Inspector-General remarked:—“There is little doubt the tribe carries on thieving, but no cases for some time past have been brought home to them.” Twenty years later, it may be said, that they are not even suspected of thieving. Though not a very advanced or industrious community, they may now be instanced as a case of successful repression and reformation. Their number has not increased since 1871, and was, in 1890, 203 in all. One of their chief offences in the Gorakhpur colony used to be illicit manufacture of spirits.” [[101]]
Methods of crime. 3. One of their specialities used to be disguising themselves as Brâhmans and Bairâgis and associating with pilgrims returning from the Ganges, for whom they used to perform mock religious ceremonies, and then stupefy with datûra or thorn apple, and rob.[11] Their special deity is Kâli, to whom they offer goats as the Bâwariyas do. They eat game and vermin, such as foxes, jackals, and lizards. They believe that the use of jackal meat fortifies them against the inclemencies of winter.[12] They were in the habit of making plundering expeditions, and before starting, shares in the expected booty were allotted, a special share being given to the widow and children of any person killed or dying during the expedition. A writer in the Asiatic Journal[13] states that after the sacrifice they used to pray, “If it be Thy will, O, God! and thine, O Kâli! to prosper our undertaking for the sake of the blind and the lame, the widow and the orphan, who depend on our exertions, vouchsafe, we pray thee, the cry of the female jackal on our right.” One of the most famous exploits of Badhik dakaits was the murder of Mr. Ravenscroft, the Collector of Cawnpur, of which Colonel Sleeman gives an account.[14]
4. There can be very little doubt that the tribe is of mixed origin, and is on the same grade as the Kanjars, Sânsiyas, and similar vagrants. It constitutes, in fact, a sort of Cave of Adullam for the reception of vagrants and bad characters of different tribes.
Distribution of Badhiks according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Mathura | 79 |
| Pilibhît | 46 |
| Gorakhpur | 1 |
| Total | 126 |
Bâghbân.—(Persian, a gardener.)—A class of cultivators in the Kheri District who grow vegetables. They are practically the same [[102]]caste as the Kâchhi (q.v.) and the Murâo. They claim to have three endogamous sub-castes—Kâchhi, Murâo, and Sâni, the last being derived from the Hindi sânna, to mix up, used in connection with their careful preparation of the soil. Their manners, customs, religion, etc., correspond in every way with those of the Kâchhis.
Baghel.—(Sans. Vyâghra, a tiger.)—A sept of Râjputs. Colonel Tod[15] calls them “the most conspicuous branch of the original Solankhi stock.” The traditional history of the sept has been written by Mahârâja Raghu Râj Sinh, of Rîwa, the most famous modern representative of them, in a book known as the Bhakt Mâla. From this it would appear that their original Guru was the famous Kabîr Dâs. He once went to Gujarât to make a pilgrimage to the Western Ocean. At that time Solankha Deva was the Râja there. He was a member of the Solankhi clan. As he was childless, he prayed to Kabîr to grant him offspring. The saint heard his prayer, and promised him two sons, one of whom would have the appearance of a tiger. This was Vyâghra Deva. The priests advised the Râja to throw his son into the ocean, as he was unlucky. He followed their advice; but when Kabîr heard of this he ordered the Râja to bring him back. He did so, and Kabîr announced that the sept would be called after his name. Vyâghra Deva was also childless; but he, too, was blessed with a son through the intercession of Kabîr. His name was Jay Sinh, and he, with the permission of his grandfather, Solankha Deva, collected an army and commenced a career of conquest. He marched to the banks of the Narbada, and occupied what was known as Gorha Desa, and married his son in the Bais family of Dundhiya Khera. His successors, Karan Sinh and Kesari Sinh, carried on his conquests, and the last overcame a Musalmân Nawâb, and occupied Gorakhpur. Then followed Malâr Sinh, Sârang Deva, and Bhîmal Deva. His son, Brahm Deva, came in contact with the Gaharwârs. His most powerful successor was Bîr Sinh, who is said to have had a hundred thousand horsemen. When he conquered Prayâg or Allahâbâd, the people called in the Musalmâns. The Emperor marched to Chitrakût, where the Râja met him. The Emperor asked him why he interfered with his people. He answered,—“The Kshatriya needs a place to live in. He troubles those who trouble him.” The Emperor was pleased with his bravery, and recognised his son, Bîr Bhân, as Râja. He gave him [[103]]the blessing:—“Subdue twelve Râjas and live in Bandhugarh.” Bîr Sinh extended his conquests towards the south, and reached the Tons. He gained Ratanpur as dowry for his son from the Kachwâha Râja of that place. Bîr Sinh made over his kingdom to his son, Bîr Bhân, and retired to Prayâg, where he died. Thus the kingdom of Rîwa came into the hands of the present ruling family. General Cunningham[16] fixes the emigration of the Baghels to the upper valleys of the Son and Tons between 580 and 683 Sambat (523, 626 A.D.), where they succeeded the Chandels, Kalachûris, Chauhâns, Sengars, and Gonds. In Farrukhâbâd[17] they trace their origin to Mâdhogarh, and fix their settlement in the time of Jaya Chandra, of Kanauj, which is also the story as told by Abul Fazl. Their original head-quarters was at Anogi, in Pargana Kanauj, under Harhar Deva, and his son, Harbans. Their property was acquired during the conflict between the Nawâbs of Farrukhâbâd and Oudh, and the Marhattas, and their estates fell into two divisions, Tirwa and Thatiya. The latter Râj was confiscated early in the century owing to the opposition of Chhatar Sâl to the British.
2. They give their name to Baghel-khand or Rîwa. The name of their eponymous hero, Vyâghra Deva, is probably a comparatively recent tradition, and the title is possibly totemistic, as, according to Captain Forsyth,[18] they claim descent from a tiger, and protect it whenever they can.
3. Mr. Ricketts[19] gives a bad account of the tribe in Allahâbâd:—“The most notorious gang of dacoits, which for generations has infested the south of Allahâbâd, is of this clan; and this claim of consanguinity with the Mahârâja of Rîwa has ensured their constant protection in his territories; and certainly the savage nature of the prototype of their race has pervaded the acts of these noted robbers. Each of their feats has shown the extremes of craft, treachery, and the meanest cowardice. When armed and in numbers they have murdered the single and unarmed; they have beaten women and killed children.”
4. The Baghels, south of the Jumna, usually give brides to the Parihâr and Gaharwâr septs; and take wives from the Bais, Gautam, and Gaharwâr. [[104]]
Distribution of the Baghel Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Farrukhâbâd | 2,381 |
| Mainpuri | 123 |
| Etâwah | 187 |
| Etah | 26 |
| Cawnpur | 236 |
| Fatehpur | 77 |
| Bânda | 1,017 |
| Hamîrpur | 24 |
| Allahâbâd | 1,619 |
| Jâlaun | 24 |
| Lalitpur | 30 |
| Benares | 40 |
| Mirzapur | 503 |
| Jaunpur | 10 |
| Ghâzipur | 114 |
| Ballia | 251 |
| Gorakhpur | 1,350 |
| Basti | 444 |
| Azamgarh | 21 |
| Partâbgarh | 291 |
| Total | 8,768 |
Baheliya[20].—(Sans. Vyâdha, “one who pierces or wounds,” “a hunter.” Root, Vyâdh, “to pierce”).—A class of hunters and fowlers. The Purânik tradition is that the father of the tribe was a barber, and the mother an Ahîr of bad character. In Bengal, according to Mr. Risley,[21] “they insist on their title to be considered Dusâdhs, and in Bengal, at any rate, the Baheliya and Dusâdh eat and smoke together, and though they do not intermarry, behave generally as if they were branches of the same stock.” This does not seem to be the case in these Provinces, where they usually call themselves a sub-caste of Pâsis. Some Baheliyas in the western districts have a tradition that they are of Bhîl descent. They say that they came from Chitrakût, in Banda, under their ancestor, the famous Vâlmîki, and were named Baheliyas by Krishna at Mathura. The Aheriyas, as will be seen by their account of themselves given in the article on that caste, profess to be identical with the Baheliyas. They are probably a relic of some non-Aryan tribe, which still adheres in a great measure to the primitive occupation of [[105]]hunting, bird trapping, and collecting jungle produce. The Mirzapur legend of their origin tells that Râm Chandra in his wanderings once came across a stag of golden colour which was really Marîcha, the Râkshasa, the minister of Râvana. Râm Chandra pursued the animal, which escaped. In his anger the hero rubbed his hands together, and out of the dirt (mail) thus produced created a man, whom he appointed his chief hunter. From him the tribe of Baheliyas are descended.
Internal structure. 2. The Census returns give as the main sub-castes the Pâsi, in Mirzapur; the Chandel and Sribâstab, in Gorakhpur; the Lagiya and Rukmaiya, of Gonda; the Chhatri and Sribâstab, of Bahrâich, and the Bhongiya, of Partâbgarh. The Baheliyas of the eastern districts name seven or really eight endogamous sub-castes—Baheliya; Chiryamâr or “bird-killers” (chirya = “a bird,” mârna = “to kill”); Karaul, whose speciality is said to be stalking animals under cover of a tame ox used as a decoy. Mr. Sherring[22] treats them as a separate caste and describes them as possessing five sub-castes:—Purabiya, or Eastern; Hazâri or Hajâri, “commanders of a thousand men;”[23] Uttariya, or “Northern;” Koireriya, who are connected with the Koeri tribe, and Turkiya, or the Muhammadan branch. All these sub-castes are endogamous. Next, among the Baheliya proper, come the Kotiha, who are said to derive their name from being attendants at some king’s palace (kot): the Bâjdhar or falconers (bâz = “a falcon,” dharna = “to hold”); the Turkiya, or Muhammadan branch, and the Sûrajbans or “descendants of the sun,” who say they take their name from their original settlement, a village called Sûrajpur Bahlela. To these are sometimes added the Maskâr or providers of meat (Mânskâra) or, as the word is sometimes pronounced, Miskâr, a corruption of Mîr Shikâr, “a chief huntsman.” All the Mirzapur Baheliyas speak of Oudh as their original habitat. The Oudh Baheliyas give three sub-castes which are endogamous—Raghubansi, Pasiya, and Karaul.
Tribal council. 3. Their tribal council (panchâyat) is presided over by a hereditary chairman known as Sakhi, “the person who gives testimony.” They, as usual, [[106]]decide on cases of adultery, seduction, and breaches of caste rules regarding food, etc. Offences, when proved, are punished by a fine ranging from five rupees down to paying for the tobacco consumed by the clansmen at the meeting. Now-a-days the refreshment served round at the meetings of the council is what is called mirchwân, a mixture of bhang, chillies, sugar, and water. This has been recently substituted for liquor, either through some idea of teetotalism, or, as others say, on account of the poverty of the caste.
BAHELIYA.
Marriages rules. 4. The sub-castes already named are endogamous, and they observe, in the eastern districts, the ordinary formula of exogamy, which prohibits marriage in one’s own family, or that of the maternal uncle or father’s sister, as long as relationship is remembered. In Oudh they will not give a bride to a family in which, within the memory of man, a son has been married. A man cannot have two sisters to wife at the same time, but he may marry one sister on the death of another. Sameness of occupation and the use of, or abstinence from, wine are carefully regarded in forming marriage connections. A man can take a second wife in the lifetime of the first wife provided the council give permission; but this is not usually granted unless she is barren or incapacitated by some disease from cohabitation. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents are fined five rupees, and have to feast the clansmen. Girls are usually married at the age of seven or eight. The negotiations are conducted by a Brâhman and barber. Once concluded, no physical defect is a sufficient cause for the annulment of a marriage. Wives can be put away by order of the council for adultery; but if the paramour be a member of the tribe, the offence is usually condoned by a money fine. Widows can marry by sagâi, but such marriages are generally made with widowers. The only ceremony is eating with the relations of the woman and making her put on new clothes and jewelry provided by her future partner. On his return home with his bride he is obliged to feast his clansmen.
Birth ceremonies. 5. During pregnancy an old woman of the family waves a pice or a handful of grain round the head of the patient and vows to present an offering to a deified ghost called Kâlu Bîr, and Niman Parihâr, who is one of the quintette of the Pânchonpîr, and is supposed to have some special connection with the use of spirituous liquors. The woman is attended by the Chamâin midwife, who cuts the cord and buries [[107]]it outside the house. At the entrance of the delivery room a fishing net, a branch of the thorny bel tree (Aegle marmelos) and the family pestle are placed to keep off malignant spirits; and a fire is kept lighting there during the period of impurity with the same object. They have the usual dread of menstrual impurity common to all these races. On the day her child is born the mother gets no food, except a mixture of ginger and coarse sugar mixed up in water. From the next day she receives her usual food. Those who have lost their children get the baby’s ears bored before it leaves the delivery room. On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when mother and child are bathed. From this time the place of the midwife is taken by the barber’s wife, who attends till the twelfth day, when the barahi ceremony is performed. The house is plastered and the earthen vessels replaced. The nails of the mother and all the family are cut, mother and child are bathed, and the clansmen are feasted on wine and cakes (pûri). When the mother first visits the well after her confinement she bows down to it and offers fried gram (ghughuri) on the platform, which she also marks with a little red lead, a practice which may be a survival of some form of sacrifice, human or animal. If the child is a boy the midwife receives four annas and two sers of grain: for a girl, two annas and the same amount of grain. They so far practise the couvade that the husband does not work on the day his child is born. The original motive has been forgotten, and the explanation given is that he does so to express his joy at his wife’s safe delivery. At the age of five or seven the child’s ears are bored, and this is considered an initiation into caste: after this the child must observe the caste regulations regarding food.
Marriage ceremonies. 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the ordinary low-caste type. A Brâhman is consulted as to whether the union is likely to be propitious (garna ganna). The betrothal is concluded by giving the bride’s father a rupee or less to clench the bargain. Baheliyas appear invariably to marry their brides by the dola form, in which the ceremonies are performed at the house of the bridegroom. Some eight days before the wedding the bride is brought over to the bridegroom’s house. Two or three days before the wedding day a pavilion (mânro) is erected, in the centre of which a ploughshare (haris), the stalk of a plantain tree and a bamboo are fixed. Under these are placed the family pestle and mortar and grindstone for spices. Besides these are placed a water [[108]]jar (kalsa) covered with a saucer (parai) filled with barley and decorated with lumps of cowdung and splashes of red lead. The same evening the matmangar ceremony is performed in the usual way. The day before the wedding is the bhatwân, when the clansmen are feasted. On the wedding day the bridegroom is bathed, his nails are pared, and he is dressed in a red coat with a yellow loin cloth. He then parades on horseback through the village, and on his return sits down with his clansmen. At night he is called into the house, and he and the bride are seated in a square in a courtyard, when the bride’s father washes their feet with water (pânw-pûja). The Brâhman then recites the verses (mantra), and the pair worship Gauri and Ganesa. The bride’s father, then taking some kusa grass and water, gives his daughter to the bridegroom (kanyâdân). He next applies red lead to the parting of her hair: their clothes are knotted together, and they move five times round the centre pole of the pavilion, while parched maize is thrown over them (lawa parachhan). The pair go into the retiring room (kohabar), where his brother-in law’s wife (sarhaj) plays jokes on the bridegroom by sitting on his back and refusing to release him until she receives a present. A lighted lamp with two wicks is placed there, and the bridegroom joins the two wicks together as an emblem of union with the bride. Next follows a feast to the clansmen, who return next day. After the marriage is concluded Kâlu Bîr and Parihâr are worshipped. On the fourth day after the wedding, the bride and bridegroom, accompanied by the barber’s wife, go to a neighbouring tank or stream and then drown the sacred water jar (kalsa) and the marriage festoons (bandanwâr). On their way home they worship the old fig trees of the village, which are supposed to be the abode of evil spirits, with an offering of water and washed rice (achchhat). Some offer also sweetmeats and grain. The binding part of the marriage ceremony is the washing of the bridegroom’s feet by the bride’s father, and the rubbing of red lead by the bridegroom on the parting of the bride’s hair.
Death ceremonies. 7. When a man is dying he is taken into the open air and gold, Ganges water, and leaves of the tulasi (ocymum sanctum) put into his mouth. If these things are not procurable, curds and coarse sugar are used. Four men carry the corpse to the cremation ground, where the body is washed, shrouded in new cloth, and the hair shaved. It is then laid on the pyre, with the legs turned towards the south. The [[109]]next-of-kin walks round five times and burns the mouth with a torch of straw, and then fires the pyre. On their return home the mourners chew the leaves of the bitter Nîm tree, and pass their feet through the smoke of burning oil. Next day the Pandit gets the barber to hang a water jar from the branch of a pîpal tree. That day the clansmen are fed. The feast is known as “the boiled rice of milk” (dûdh ka bhât). The period of mourning is ten days, during which the chief mourner keeps apart, and always carries a water vessel (lota) and a knife to protect him from evil spirits. He cooks for himself, and, before eating, lays a little food outside the house for the use of the dead. He bathes daily and renews the water in the pot (ghant) hung up for the dead man. On the tenth day the clansmen assemble at a tank, shave, bathe, and throw the rice balls (pinda) in the water. The Mahâbrâhman receives the clothes and personal effects of the dead man, which he is supposed to pass on for his use in the next world. A feast to the clansmen concludes the period of mourning. They make the usual offerings to the dead (srâddha) in the first fortnight of Kuâr.
Religion. 8. Baheliyas are seldom regularly initiated into any Hindu sect. Their clan deities, in the Eastern Districts, are Kâlu Bîr and Parihâr, who are worshipped at the Kajari festival, in the month of Sâwan. To Kâlu Bîr a young pig is offered, and wine poured on the ground. Parihâr receives a sacrifice of fowls and cakes. In Oudh they worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla, the cholera godling. His offering consists of cakes, fruit, etc. To Kâlê Deo a goat is sacrificed, and a pig to Miyân. Men alone join in this worship. Parched grain and milk are offered to the household snake at the Nâgpanchami festival. They respect the Sun and Moon, bow to them, but do not give them any special worship. The ordinary low village Brâhmans act as their priests at domestic ceremonies. They consume the animals they sacrifice, except pigs, from which most abstain. They have the usual Hindu festivals—the Phagua, Kajari and Dasami.
Social habits and customs. 9. The women wear nose rings (nathiya), ear ornaments (karanphûl), necklaces, wristlets (dharkaua), arm ornaments (bâju), and anklets (pairi, kara). Like other Hindus they give two names to their children. They swear by the Ganges, on their own heads, and on those of their sons. They believe in magic and witchcraft, but do not practise these [[110]]arts themselves. They will not kill a cow, monkey, or squirrel; they will not touch a Bhangi, Dom, Dhobi, or the wife of their younger brother or nephew. They drink liquor freely, and eat the flesh of fowls, goats, deer, and sheep, but not pork or beef. Men eat first, and women after them. They salute by the form pailagi or the ordinary salâm; Brâhmans and Râjputs drink water from their hands; Banyas eat pakki cooked by them; Chamârs and other menials eat kachchi.
Occupation. 10. Their occupation is hunting and trapping birds. Those who live by bird-catching are often known as Miskâr, said to be a corruption of mîr shikâr, “head huntsman,” or mâskâr, “eater of meat.” They have a most ingenious mode of trapping birds with a series of thin bamboos, like a fishing rod, on which bird-lime (lâsa) is smeared. This they push with great adroitness through the branches and leaves where a bird is sitting, and entangle his wings and feathers. They make excellent shikâris, and are noted for their skill in tracking game. Some work in the Mirzapur lac factories, and a few cultivate as non-occupancy tenants. They are a fine, active, manly race, but notoriously untrustworthy.
Distribution of Baheliyas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Muhammadans. | Total. | |||
| Karaul. | Raghubansi. | Sûrajbansi. | Others. | |||
| Sahâranpur | … | … | … | 2 | … | 2 |
| Muzaffarnagar | … | … | … | … | 229 | 229 |
| Meerut | … | … | … | 20 | 4 | 62 |
| Bulandshahr | … | … | … | 38 | 12 | 50 |
| Mathura | … | … | … | 199 | 12 | 211 |
| Agra | 354 | 80 | … | 131 | … | 565 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 1,279 | 1,149 | … | 655 | 21 | 3,104 |
| Mainpuri | 753 | 414 | … | 403 | 10 | 1,580 |
| Etâwah | 325 | 630 | … | 332 | 1 | 1,288 |
| Etah | … | 247 | … | 47 | … | 294[[111]] |
| Bareilly | … | … | … | 41 | 232 | 273 |
| Bijnor | … | … | … | 31 | … | 31 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | … | … | 53 | 7 | 60 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 251 | 2,108 | … | 712 | … | 3,071 |
| Pilibhît | … | 870 | … | 132 | 116 | 1,118 |
| Cawnpur | 2,482 | 33 | 5 | 456 | … | 2,976 |
| Fatehpur | 1 | … | 132 | 162 | … | 295 |
| Bânda | … | … | 24 | 86 | … | 110 |
| Allahâbâd | 25 | 1 | 355 | 912 | 33 | 1,326 |
| Jhânsi | … | … | 4 | 40 | … | 44 |
| Jâlaun | … | … | … | 36 | … | 36 |
| Lalitpur | … | … | … | 17 | … | 17 |
| Benares | 16 | … | … | 541 | 20 | 577 |
| Mirzâpur | … | … | … | 1,152 | 4 | 1,156 |
| Jaunpur | … | … | … | 322 | … | 322 |
| Ghâzipur | 11 | … | … | 80 | … | 91 |
| Ballia | … | … | … | 1 | … | 1 |
| Gorakhpur | 2 | … | 223 | 1,222 | 2 | 1,449 |
| Basti | … | 56 | 422 | … | 205 | 683 |
| Azamgarh | … | … | 30 | 256 | … | 286 |
| Tarâi | … | … | … | 11 | 100 | 111 |
| Lucknow | 19 | … | 226 | 501 | 176 | 922 |
| Unâo | … | … | … | 151 | 143 | 294 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | … | 524 | … | 524 |
| Sîtapur | … | … | 31 | 866 | 18 | 915 |
| Hardoi | … | … | 203 | 136 | … | 339[[112]] |
| Kheri | … | … | … | 617 | … | 617 |
| Faizâbâd | … | … | 923 | 408 | … | 1,331 |
| Gonda | 4 | … | 86 | 956 | 171 | 1,217 |
| Bahrâich | 44 | … | 615 | 1,310 | 106 | 2,075 |
| Sultânpur | … | … | 571 | 582 | … | 1,153 |
| Partâbgarh | … | … | 1,186 | 1,264 | … | 2,450 |
| Bârabanki | … | … | 262 | 237 | … | 499 |
| Total | 5,566 | 5,588 | 5,298 | 15,642 | 1,660 | 33,754 |
Baidguâr.—A small Muhammadan caste shown at the last Census only in Morâdâbâd (173) and Pilibhît (247). The information obtained about them is not very precise; but there can be little doubt that they are an off-shoot of the Baid Banjâras. It is said that formerly the Baid followed the occupation of carrying grain on pack animals: while the Guâr used to make hemp matting (tât), and tend cattle. Since their conversion to Islâm they are known collectively as Baidguâr, but the two divisions do not intermarry. The Census returns give their sections as Baghâri, Chauhân, Mahrora, Nahar, Sadîqi, Shaikh, and Tomar.
Bairâgi.—(Sans. Vairâgya, “freedom from passion.”)—A term applied to a sect of Hindu ascetics, which is often used in rather a vague sense. On this sect Mr. Maclagan writes[24]:—“The worship of Râma and Krishna is said to be of comparatively recent date; and Professor Wilson points out that in the Sankara Vijaya, published by a pupil of Sankara Achârya, the religious leader who is supposed to have lived in the ninth or tenth century, no mention whatever is made of Râma or Krishna, or Lakshmana or Hanumân. The popularity of this particular form of worship is supposed to date from the time of the spread of the Râjput power, which followed the overthrow of the Buddhist dynasties. The various orders who attach themselves to the worship of Râma and [[113]]Krishna are generally known as Bairâgis. The appearance of these orders dates from the period at which the worship of Râma and Krishna appears to have been in the ascendant, and though primarily they have their origin in the Dakkhin, their strength is, and has been, mainly in the North-West Provinces, where the worship of Râma and Krishna has always been strongest.
“The history of the Bairâgis commences with Ramânuja, who taught in the south of India, and who is supposed to have lived in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. But it is not till the time of Râmanand, that is until the end of the fourteenth century, that the sect was in any way powerful or important in Northern India; and, indeed, it is only to the followers of Râmanand or his contemporaries that the term Bairâgi is properly applied. The split occasioned by the secession of Râmanand was, like most of the movements in modern Hinduism, a revulsion of the more liberal Northern thinkers against the stricter doctrines of Southern Hindustân. The sect founded by Râmanand was, nominally at least, open to all castes, whereas previous to his time Brâhmans and Kshatriyas alone were admitted, and many of his followers, who founded important schools of doctrine, were men of the humbler classes. The movement started by Râmanand was essentially popular, and the books published by his adherents were written in the tongue of the people, no longer in Sanskrit, but in Hindi—a departure which has been very far-reaching in its results, and which has led in the Panjâb to a new scripture, and a new national religion of a very clear and vigorous type.”
BAIRÂGI.
Divisions of the Bairâgis. 2. At the last Census in these Provinces the Bairâgis were classed in three great sub-divisions—Mâdhavachârya, Nimâwat, and Râmanandi. On this Mr. Maclagan writes:—“The Bairâgis have, however, been so far outdone by the newer sects which have sprung from the original stock, that they may be now looked upon as representing orthodox Hinduism, in contrast to the more independent schools of thought. As a rule they venerate both Krishna and Râma, but there are sections of them which pay more reverence to the one, and others that pay more reverence to the other. There are always supposed to have been four sections of Bairâgis, but it appears a little uncertain what the four sections are. There are at least four enumerations:—
- “(a) Râmanandi; Nîmanandi; Vishnuswâmi; Mâdhavachârya. [[114]]
- “(b) Ramânuja; Mâdhavachârya; Vishnuswâmi; Nimikharakswâmi.
- “(c) Râmanandi; Nimânuja; Mâdhavachârya; Vallabhachârya.
- “(d) Râmanandi; Biganandi; Mâdhavachârya; Vishnuswâmi.
BAIRÂGI RÂMÂNANDI.
“In the Panjâb there are practically two main sections only, namely, the Râmanandi and Nîmanandi, of whom the former are more specially addicted to the worship of Râma, and the latter to that of Krishna. They both hold a great feast on the death of a fellow devotee, and also on the Râmnaumi, the day of the incarnation of Râmchandra, and on the eighth day of Bhâdon, the incarnation day of Krishna. But the Râmanandis study the Râmâyana, and look on Ajudhya and Râmnâth as places of pilgrimage, while the Nîmanandis study the books relating to Krishna, and consider Mathura, Brindâban and Dwârikanâth to be sacred places. The forehead marks of the Râmanandis are in the form of a trident, of which the two outer prongs are white, and the central one white or red; while those of the Nîmanandis are two-forked only, and entirely in white. The shape of the latter emblem is said to be derived from the figures of the Narasinha Avatâra, and the Nîmanandis are stated to be special worshippers of this incarnation.”
3. In these Provinces, according to one authority,[25] the four primary orders of the Bairâgis are Ramânuji or Sri Vaishnava, Nîmâvat, or Nimbârak, Vishnuswâmi and Mâdhavachârya; each of these orders is called a samprâdaya or sect, and all four mesh together. Of the Sri Vaishnava Mr. Growse[26] writes:—“The most ancient and respectable of the four reformed Vaishnava communities is based on the teaching of Ramânuja, who flourished in the eleventh or twelfth century A.D. Their sectarial mark is two white perpendicular streaks down the forehead, joined by a cross line at the root of the nose, with a streak of red between. Their chief dogma, called Vasisthadwaita, is the assertion that Vishnu, the one Supreme God, though invisible as cause, is as effect visible in a secondary form in material creation. They differ in one marked respect from the mass of the people at Brindâban,—in that they refuse to recognise Râdhâ as an object of religious adoration. In [[115]]this they are in complete accord with all the older authorities, which either totally ignore her existence, or regard her simply as Krishna’s mistress, and Rukminî as his wife. Their formula of initiation (mantra) is said to be Om Râmâya namah, i.e., “Om! Reverence to Râma!” This sect (sampradâya) is divided into two sects, the Tenkalai and the Vadakalai.[27] They differ in two points of doctrine, which, however, are considered of much less importance than what seems to outsiders a very trivial matter, viz., a slight variation in the way of making the sectarial mark on the forehead. The followers of the Tenkalai extend its middle line a little down the nose itself, while the Vadakalai terminate it exactly at the bridge. The doctrinal points of difference are as follows:—The Tenkalai maintain that the female energy of the godhead, though divine, is still a finite creature that serves only as a mediator or minister (parushakâra) to introduce the soul into the presence of the Deity; while the Vadakalai regard it as infinite and uncreated, and in itself a means (upâya) by which salvation can be assured. The second point of difference is parallel to the controversy between the Calvinists and Armenians in the Christian Church. The Vadakalai, with the latter, insist on the concomitance of the human will in the work of salvation, and represent that the soul lays hold of God as a young monkey which grasps its mother in order to be conveyed to a place of safety. The Tenkalai, on the contrary, maintain the irresistibility of divine grace and the utter helplessness of the soul till it is seized and carried off by its mother like a kitten to be conveyed to a place of safety. From these two curious but apt illustrations the one doctrine is known as markata kishora nyâya, the other, as marjala kishora nyâya, the “young monkey theory,” or the “kitten theory.”
The Nimbârak sect. 4. Of the Nimbârak Mr. Growse[28] writes:—“The word means ‘the sun in a nîm tree,’ a curious designation which is explained as follows:—The founder of the sect, an ascetic, by name Bhaskarachârya, had invited a Bairâgi to dine with him, but unfortunately delayed to fetch his guest until after sunset. Now the holy man was forbidden by the rules of his order to eat except in the daytime, and was [[116]]greatly afraid that he would be compelled to practise an unwilling abstinence; but at the solicitation of his host the Sun God, Sûraj Nârâyan, descended from the Nîm tree, under which the repast was spread, and continued beaming upon them until the claims of hunger were fully satisfied. Thenceforth the saint was known by the name of Nîmbarka or Nimaditya. Their doctrines, so far as they are known, are of a very enlightened character. Thus their doctrine of salvation by faith is thought by many scholars to have been directly derived from the Gospel; while another article in their creed, which is less known but is equally striking in its divergence from ordinary Hindu sentiment, is the continuance of conscious individual existence in a future world, when the highest reward of the good will be not extinction, but in the enjoyment of the visible presence of the divinity whom they have served while on earth: a state, therefore, absolutely identical with heaven, as our theologists define it. The one infinite and invisible God, who is the only real existence, is, they affirm, the only proper object of man’s devout contemplation. But as the incomprehensible is utterly beyond the reach of human faculties, He is partially manifested for our behoof in the book of Creation, in which natural objects are the letters of the universal alphabet, and express the sentiments of the Divine Author. A printed page, however, conveys no meaning to any one but a scholar, and is liable to be misunderstood even by him; so, too, with the book of the world. And thus it matters little whether Râdhâ and Krishna were ever real personages, the mysteries of divine love which they symbolise remain though the symbols disappear.”
Distribution of the Bairâgis according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Mâdhava Achârya. | Nimâwat. | Râmanandi. | Others. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | … | … | 530 | 139 | 669 |
| Sahâranpur | … | … | … | 43 | 43 |
| Muzaffarnagar | … | … | 541 | 446 | 987 |
| Meerut | … | 156 | 1,586 | 2,396 | 4,138 |
| Bulandshahr | … | … | 429 | 2,279 | 2,708 |
| Aligarh | … | … | 974 | 3,183 | 4,157[[117]] |
| Agra | 4 | … | 496 | 1,259 | 1,769 |
| Farrukhâbâd | … | 12 | 60 | 233 | 305 |
| Mainpuri | … | 9 | … | 89 | 98 |
| Etâwah | … | … | 22 | 268 | 290 |
| Etah | 1 | 1 | 35 | 160 | 197 |
| Bareilly | … | … | 148 | 610 | 758 |
| Bijnor | … | … | … | 539 | 539 |
| Budâun | … | 2 | 120 | 397 | 519 |
| Morâdâbâd | 3 | … | 1 | 239 | 243 |
| Shâhjahânpur | … | … | 241 | 600 | 841 |
| Pilibhît | … | 12 | 57 | 335 | 404 |
| Cawnpur | … | … | 61 | 389 | 450 |
| Fatehpur | … | … | 17 | 128 | 145 |
| Bânda | 1 | … | 52 | … | 53 |
| Hamîrpur | … | … | 45 | 163 | 208 |
| Allahâbâd | 2 | 1 | 58 | 312 | 373 |
| Jhânsi | … | 3 | 58 | 109 | 170 |
| Jâlaun | 2 | 28 | 22 | 183 | 234 |
| Lalitpur | … | 4 | 39 | 224 | 267 |
| Benares | … | … | … | 141 | 141 |
| Mirzapur | … | … | 28 | 149 | 177 |
| Jaunpur | … | … | … | 204 | 204 |
| Ghâzipur | … | … | 82 | 826 | 908 |
| Ballia | … | … | … | 257 | 257 |
| Gorakhpur | … | 33 | 295 | 1,122 | 1,450 |
| Basti | … | … | 1 | 1,286 | 1,287 |
| Azamgarh | … | … | … | 9 | 9[[118]] |
| Kumâun | … | … | … | 25 | 25 |
| Garhwâl | … | … | … | 105 | 165 |
| Tarâi | … | … | 24 | 24 | 48 |
| Lucknow | … | … | 291 | 1,439 | 1,730 |
| Unâo | … | … | 17 | … | 17 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | 27 | 6 | 33 |
| Sîtapur | … | … | 161 | 335 | 496 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | 337 | 337 |
| Kheri | … | … | 348 | 396 | 744 |
| Faizâbâd | … | … | 1,474 | 543 | 2,017 |
| Gonda | … | … | 877 | 64 | 941 |
| Bahrâich | … | … | 19 | 201 | 220 |
| Sultânpur | … | … | 47 | 69 | 116 |
| Total | 13 | 261 | 9,283 | 22,321 | 31,878 |
Bais.—(Sans. Vaishya, “one who occupies the soil”.)—A very important and influential sept of Râjputs, widely distributed all over the Province. Their legend is thus given by Sir C. Elliott[29]:—“The Bais assert themselves to be descended from Sâlivâhana, the mythic son of a snake who conquered the great Râja Vikramaditya, of Ujjain, and fixed his own era in A.D. 55. About 1250 A.D. the Gautam Râja of Argal refused to pay tribute to the Lodi King of Delhi, and defeated the Governor of Oudh, who sent a force against him. Soon after this defeat, the Râni, without his knowledge and without fitting escort, went secretly to bathe, at Baghsar, in the Ganges, on the festival of the new moon. Baghsar is close to Dundiya Khera. Sir H. M. Elliot places the locale of this story at Allahâbâd; but the other is the tradition current in Baiswâra, and seems more probable, because Baghsar is closer to Argal, and is the nearest bathing place she could have gone to, and, secondly, Allahâbâd [[119]]being a much-frequented place of pilgrimage, she would hardly have gone there in any case without an escort, particularly as it was the head-quarters of the Muhammadan Governor. The Governor of Oudh heard of her arrival and sent men to capture her. Her escorts were dispersed, and she was on the point of being made prisoner, when she lifted the covering of her litter and cried,—“Is there no Chhatri who will rescue me from the barbarian, and save my honour?” Abhay Chand and Nirbhay Chand, two Bais Râjputs, from Mungipatan, heard her, and came to her rescue, beat off her assailants, and guarded her litter till she arrived safely at her home in Argal, in the Fatehpur District. Nirbhay Chand died of his wounds, but Abhay Chand recovered, and the Râja, in gratitude for his gallant rescue, gave him his daughter in marriage, and with her as dowry all the lands on the north of the Ganges, over which the Gautam bore rule. He also conferred on his son-in-law the title of Râo, which is still the highest dignity among the Bais. Abhay Chand fixed his home in Dundiya Khera, and the title and estates descended, in an unbroken line, to Tilok Chand, the great eponymous hero of the clan, who are called after him Tilok Chandi Bais, in contradistinction to other branches of the same tribe. He lived about 1,400 A.D., and extended the Bais dominion over all the surrounding country, and it is from his victories that the limits of Baiswâra became definitively fixed. The tract is universally said to include twenty-two Parganas, and though there is considerable discrepancy in the various lists of these Parganas, which are furnished from different quarters, the following list is probably correct:—
Râê Bareli and Unâo Districts:—Dundiya Khera, Unchhgâon, Kumhi, Bâr, Kahanjar, Ghâtampur, Serhupur, Makraid, Dalmau, Bareli, Bihâr, Pathân, Panhan, Sathanpur, Harha, Purwa, Morâwan, Sirwan, Asoha, Gorinda, Parsandan.
Lucknow District:—Bijnaur.”
Tilok Chand was the premier Râja of Oudh, and his descendants are never weary of telling stories of his almost divine and unequalled power. He once turned the Kahârs, who carried his palanquin, into Râjputs; and one account of the Bhâlê Sultân sept in Faizâbâd is that they were Bâris, or link-boys, in his service.
Origin. 2. In Faizâbâd the Bais say that they came from Baiswâra about five hundred years ago, and expelled the Bhars; but this story is disbelieved by Mr. [[120]]Carnegy[30] on the ground that there were few Bais even in Baiswâra in those days. He believes the Faizâbâd colony to be of local origin. They are divided into two great families, the Eastern and the Western, who, though they eat together, recognise no relationship, and retain the memory of bitter border warfare with each other. The Pargana of Mangalsi is overrun by different independent Bais colonies, the members of which say they came from the West (no one knows from where) and expelled the Bhars two or three centuries or, according to their pedigree tables, sixteen generations ago. There are traditions of a Gautam (Sombansi) colony founded by Mangalsen, from whom the Pargana takes its name, who is said to have been a cadet of the great Fatehpur house of Argal. But the Gautams were long ago pushed across the river Ghâgra. It is noteworthy that the Muhammadans, who produce title deeds more than three hundred years old, declare that Mangalsen was not a Gautam but a Bhar. Another curious fact is that both the Muhammadans and the few Gautams who are left are shown by Mr. Woodburn to pay the feudal tribute (bhent) to the Bais headmen. How long they have done so is not very clear, but the conclusion from all this is, according to Mr. Carnegy, that the local Bais are the indigenous Bhars; that the Bhars became Bais about or after the Muhammadan conquest; the Gautam footing was by marriage with the Bais, and the Muhammadans succeeded to the Bais Bhars. These conclusions of Mr. Carnegy must be received with some degree of caution. That the Bais of the Faizâbâd District may have some admixture of indigenous blood is more than probable; but at the same time that they have a large basis of Râjput blood may be regarded as quite certain.
Customs. 3. Of the sept in Râê Bareli we read:—“The Bais clan differ from all other Râjputs somewhat in their customs. Neither men nor women, rich or poor, will put a hand to cultivation or labour of any sort; the women wear one long cloth, which is fastened round their waists about the middle, the lower folds covering the lower portions of the person, and the upper parts being thrown over the shoulders. They are supposed to be more addicted to the crime of infanticide than other Râjputs, and they divide their inheritance according to a system of primogeniture [[121]]by which the three elder sons receive larger shares than the younger ones.”
Bais of Mainpuri. 4. The Bais of Bewar, in the Mainpuri District, are immigrants from Dundiya Khera, and as far back as 1391–92 A.D., in concert with the Râthaurs, they created such a disturbance here that it was found necessary to send out large bodies of Imperial troops to quell them. Deoli, their chief seat in Barnahal, is mentioned in the Târîkh-i-Mabârik Shâh as a very strong place, in the possession of infidels, and as having been attacked and destroyed in 1420 A.D. by Sultân Khizr Khân on his march from Koil to Etâwah.[31]
Sâlivâhana. 5. The tribal hero of the sept is Sâlivâhana. He appears to have been an historical character, and has been identified by General Cunningham[32] with Gotamiputra Satakarni of the Kanheri and Nâsik inscriptions. The tradition is thus told by a writer in the Oudh Gazetteer[33]:—“A son of the great world serpent was born under the roof of a potter of Mûngi Pâtan, which, by one account, is on the Narbada, and, by another, is on the Godâvari, in the Ahmadnagar District, and early showed, by his wit and strength, that he was destined to be a king. As a judge among his youthful companions, by what would now be considered a simple process of cross-examination, he excited the wonder of a people unaccustomed to law courts; and deserved and received the same kind of honour that was accorded to Daniel by the Jews of the Captivity after his successful investigation of the case of Susanna and the Elders. His amusement was to make clay figures of elephants, horses, and men-at-arms, and before he had well reached manhood, he led his fictile army to do battle with the great King Vikramaditya. When the hosts met, the clay of the young hero became living brass, and the weapons of his enemies fell harmless on the hard material. Vikramaditya fled and took refuge in a large temple of Siva, whither he was pursued by Sâlivâhana. At the mere sound of the boy’s voice the ponderous gates of the temple rolled back, and Vikramaditya acknowledged his conqueror with appropriate homage. A reasonable arrangement was made on the spot for the partition of the royal power, and on the elder king’s death, Sâlivâhana [[122]]became undisputed Râja of India. Later in life he conquered the Panjâb and died and was buried at Siâlkot.” This tradition of serpent origin is perpetuated in the tribal tradition that “no snake has or ever can destroy one of the family. They seem to take no precautions against the bite, except hanging a vessel of water over the head of the sufferer, with a small tube in the bottom, from which the water is poured on his head as long as he can bear it.”[34] The cobra is in fact the tribal totem.
Other Settlements of the Bais. 6. The Farrukhâbâd story is that the emigrants from Dundiya Khera were led by two brothers, Hansrâj and Bachrâj, that they were first subject to the aboriginal Bhyârs, but finally turned against them and established themselves in Sakatpur and Saurikh, and also in a few villages across the Isan Nadi.[35] In Budaun there are two sub-divisions, Chaudhari and Râê, so called from the two sons of their traditional leader, Dalîp Sinh, of Baiswâra. They dated their immigration in Basti only five or six generations before Dr. Buchanan wrote.[36] In Gorakhpur some call themselves Nâgbansi, and say that they are sprung from the nose of the mythical cow, Kâmdhenu, which belonged to the Rishi Vasishtha. The Ghâzipur branch claim descent from Baghel Râê, who came from Baiswâra fifteen generations ago, and colonized the jungle.[37] Their emigration into Rohilkhand is not placed earlier than the time of Akbar.
Sub-divisions of the Bais. 7. Numerous castes in the Faizâbâd and Gonda Districts, such as the Gandhariyas, the Naipuriyas, the Barwârs, and the Châhus, claim to have been originally Bais, while the equal lengths of their pedigrees show that they were established in these districts at about the beginning of the sixteenth century. There are, besides, numerous families of small landowners in the east of Râê Bareli, who call themselves Bharadih Bais, and whose want of any tradition of emigration and peculiar religion distinguish them from the pure Bais of the west. Another division is that of Bhîtariya and Bâhariya or “the outer” and “the inner” Bais.[38] “The Brâhmans of Sultânpur relate that Tilok Chand in his old age, like another king of distinguished wisdom, supported [[123]]the prodigious responsibility of an establishment of three hundred wives, and became the father of a family countless as the sands of the sea. The Princesses of Rîwa and Mainpuri, to whom he had originally been married, disgusted by an association in which the dignity of castes had not been respected, fled from his castle and gave rise to a distinction between the Bais from within (Bhîtariya) and the Bais from without (Bâhariya); those from without being the offspring of pure Râjput blood, while those from within were of contaminated lineage, and occupied a doubtful position in the castes system.” But the most important distinction is between the Tilokchandi Bais or the descendants of Tilok Chand, and Kath Bais, or “wooden” Bais. Of these Colonel MacAndrew writes[39]:—“These call themselves Tilokchandi Bais to distinguish them from the Kath Bais, who are supposed to be the offspring of the real Bais by women of inferior caste. The Tilokchandi Bais will neither eat nor intermarry with them. An instance of this was exemplified the other day when the proposal was made that the Bais should erect a bridge over the Sâi at Râê Bareli. The Tilokchandis proposed that the Kath Bais should subscribe. The latter at once expressed their willingness to do so, provided the Tilokchandis would acknowledge them to be Bais by eating with them. Nothing more was heard of the proposal that they should subscribe.” The Tilokchandi Bais according to Sir H. M. Elliot,[40] are sub-divided into four clans, Râo, Râwat, Naihatha, and Sainbansi, all of whom profess to derive their rights from the Gautam Râja of Argal. He says that beside the Tilokchandi, there are said to be no less than three hundred and sixty sub-divisions of the Bais, the descendants of as many wives of Sâlivâhana. Among these the most noted are the Tilsâri, Chak Bais, Nânwag, Bhanwag, Bach, Parsariya, Patsariya, Bijhoniya, Bhatkariya, Chanamiya, or Gargbans, but it may be doubted if these are really Bais.
Religion and social standing. 8. There is nothing peculiar about the religion of the Bais except their tribal worship of the snake, and their reverence for a clan goddess, Mathotê, who is worshipped at the Mathotepur fair, in the Sîtapur District. She became a Sati at the death of her consort. The ordinary Bais give their daughters in marriage, amongst others, to the Sengar, Bhadauriya, [[124]]Chauhân, Kachhwâha, Gautam, Parihâr, Dikhit and Gaharwâr Râjputs, and receive daughters in marriage from the Banâphar, Janwâr, Khîchar, Raghubansi, Raikwâr, Karchauli, and Gahlot. The Tilokchandi Bais ally themselves only with septs of the bluest blood. The Bais in Faizâbâd take brides from the Bachgoti, Bhâlê Sultân, Kalhans, and Kânhpuriya septs, and they give their daughters to the Gaharwâr, Bisen, Sombansi, Bhadauriya, Chauhân, and Kachhwâha septs. In Ballia they take wives from the Ujjaini, Haihobans, Kinwâr, Nikumbh, Sengar, Kausik, Râghubansi, Sûrajbansi, Bhrigubansi, Barhauliya, Gaharwâr, Gautam, Kâkan, Donwâr, Jâdon, Kachhwâha, Chauhân, Bisen, Nâgbansi, Sakarwâr, Baghel, Sombansi, Udmatiya, Solankhi, Chandel, Parihâr, and give brides to the Sirnet, Râjkumâr, Drigbansi, Maunas, Kachhwâha, and, in rare cases, to the Ujjaini. Their gotra is Bhâradwâja.
Distribution of the Bais Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | 1 | 48 | 49 |
| Sahâranpur | 185 | 65 | 250 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 109 | 250 | 359 |
| Meerut | 578 | … | 578 |
| Bulandshahr | 178 | 197 | 375 |
| Aligarh | 707 | 11 | 718 |
| Mathura | 231 | 16 | 247 |
| Agra | 1,022 | 4 | 1,026 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 6,688 | 10 | 6,698 |
| Mainpuri | 4,073 | 5 | 4,078 |
| Etâwah | 1,828 | 9 | 1,837 |
| Etah | 2,050 | 80 | 2,130 |
| Bareilly | 1,673 | 15 | 1,688 |
| Bijnor | 678 | … | 678 |
| Budâun | 8,301 | 212 | 8,513 |
| Morâdâbâd | 819 | 1 | 820[[125]] |
| Shâhjahânpur | 1,111 | 173 | 1,284 |
| Pilibhît | 315 | … | 315 |
| Cawnpur | 6,323 | 15 | 6,338 |
| Fatehpur | 7,495 | 672 | 8,167 |
| Bânda | 15,857 | 224 | 16,081 |
| Hamîrpur | 14,285 | 24 | 14,309 |
| Allahâbâd | 11,882 | 60 | 11,942 |
| Jhânsi | 703 | … | 703 |
| Jâlaun | 1,133 | 21 | 1,154 |
| Lalitpur | 1,097 | … | 1,097 |
| Benares | 11,225 | 125 | 11,350 |
| Mirzapur | 5,844 | … | 5,844 |
| Jaunpur | 13,863 | 258 | 14,121 |
| Ghâzipur | 6,329 | 375 | 6,704 |
| Ballia | 9,334 | 59 | 9,393 |
| Gorakhpur | 12,246 | 1,708 | 13,954 |
| Basti | 5,873 | 9,954 | 15,827 |
| Azamgarh | 24,730 | 2,091 | 26,821 |
| Tarâi | 47 | … | 47 |
| Lucknow | 3,898 | 23 | 3,921 |
| Unâo | 10,319 | 376 | 10,695 |
| Râê Bareli | 27,022 | 1,141 | 28,163 |
| Sîtapur | 3,887 | 309 | 4,196 |
| Hardoi | 4,408 | 90 | 4,498 |
| Kheri | 1,073 | 503 | 1,576 |
| Faizâbâd | 18,126 | 1,734 | 19,860 |
| Gonda | 55 | 146 | 201 |
| Bahrâich | 3,896 | 1,239 | 5,135[[126]] |
| Sultânpur | 6,447 | 2,514 | 8,961 |
| Partâbgarh | 8,339 | 560 | 8,899 |
| Bârabanki | 12,171 | 1,254 | 13,425 |
| Total | 278,454 | 26,571 | 305,025 |
Baiswâr.—A tribe found in the hill country of Mirzapur, whose origin is doubtful. Their own account is that they are Râjputs of the famous Bais stock of Dundiya Khera,[41] and that two brothers being condemned to death by the Râja escaped into Rîwa, where the Râja gave them estates. For the last eight or nine generations they have been migrating into Mirzapur. They admit that they are now endogamous, and have no connection with Baiswâra. Their tribal worship is conducted at a temple of Bhawâni, in Bardi, the south eastern division of Rîwa abutting on Mirzapur. It is very doubtful if they have really any Râjput blood. In appearance they are dark, and have much of the characteristic look of the Dravidian races by whom they are surrounded.
BAISWÂR.
Tribal organization. 2. Besides this, their sub-divisions, some of which are totemistic, point to a non-Aryan origin. The Khandit take their name from the sword (Khanda), which they hold in great respect. The Bansit respect the bamboo (bâns), from which they say the ancestor of this sept was produced. These, they say, are the two original septs, out of which the remaining five have been derived. The Chaudharis are said to be the offspring of a connection between a Kurmi man and a Baiswâr woman. The Bannait say they are so called because they were residents in the forest. The remaining three septs—Rautiha, Sohâgpuriha, and Piparaha—are said to take their names from three villages in which they settled in Bundelkhand, Revati, Sohâgpur, and Pipara. The Khandit is the most respectable sept, and the others by the rule of hypergamy pay to get wives from them. The septs are exogamous in theory, but apparently the rule is not certain. When one daughter has been married into a family other daughters are, if possible, married [[127]]into the same family, but this is not the case with sons. The tribal council (panchâyat) is presided over by a headman (mahto), who is of the Khandit sept. The offence of adultery is dealt with much less severely than that of eating with another caste. The tribal punishments are to give seven recitations of parts of the Bhâgavata, to bathe in the Ganges, or to undertake a pilgrimage to Benares, Prayâg, or Mathura. Polygamy is allowed, but monogamy is the rule. The head wife alone joins in family worship. Concubinage and polyandry are prohibited. The marriage age for boys or girls is ten or twelve. There is no purchasing of brides, but her relations have to give a dowry, and it is considered discreditable not to provide this to a suitable amount. Adultery in husband or wife, and eating or smoking with a strange caste, are grounds for divorce. A divorced woman cannot re-marry. Widow marriage in the sagâi form is allowed. The only ceremony is that with a recitation of the Satya Nârâyana the clothes of the pair are knotted together in the presence of the clansmen. Widow marriage outside the family is allowed only if the levir does not claim his sister-in-law under the usual restrictions. Adoption and succession are recognized under the usual local rules of Hindu law.
Domestic ceremonies, Birth and Marriage. 3. The mother after birth is attended for six days by the Chamâin midwife, and then for six days by the barber’s wife. On the twelfth day the usual ceremony of purification is performed. The husband is debarred from cohabitation with his wife for six months after birth. When the child is able to walk, the ear-boring ceremony is performed, and after that the child must eat according to caste rules. Marriages are arranged by the family priest (purohit) and barber. When the proposal is accepted the envoys get a feast (bhâji) in the house of the bride. The betrothal is confirmed by the ceremony of marking (tîka) the forehead of the bridegroom by the father or one of the male relatives of the bride. Next day her envoys (tilakahru) after being entertained return home. Five days before the wedding is the matmangar, which is performed in the usual way,[42] except that after worshipping the drum of the Chamâr, which is carried in the women’s procession, by marking it with red lead, the earth is dug by the oldest woman in the family, and carried by her and placed in the marriage shed. In the centre of the shed is fixed a branch of the sacred [[128]]cotton tree (semal), and near it the holy water vessel (kalsa) is placed on a mound formed of the sacred earth. The usual anointing of bride and bridegroom, which is started by the Pandit, follows. A day before the wedding is the mantri pûja. In a special room some lumps of cowdung are fixed on the wall, and in them some blades of the dûb grass, mango leaves, and a bit of yellow cloth are fastened. On these the bridegroom pours a little butter, and then the worship of the sword (kharag) is done. A relative of the bride holds the sword in both his hands, and the bridegroom’s mother marks it with a mixture of ground rice and turmeric. Then an earthen pot full of sesamum grain is broken with the handle of the sword, and the grain scattered: an emblem, it is said, of the manner in which the enemies of the bridegroom who may dare to interfere with his marriage are to be scattered abroad. The sword is then placed in the middle of the marriage shed, an obvious survival of marriage by capture. After this a goat is sacrificed to the sword. In the evening there is a general feast known as bhatwân. This consists of rice and pulse, and must include cakes made of the urad pulse (bara). Before the bridegroom starts for the bride’s house he is bathed by the barber, and the water thus used is collected in a vessel and taken to the bride’s house, where it is mixed with that in which the bride is bathed. As the bridegroom starts his mother does the usual wave ceremony (parachhan) over him. At the bride’s village they are met by her friends, led by the barber, who brings a yellow cloth, which he lays on the roof of the bridegroom’s litter. At the bride’s door the bridegroom sits in a square and worships Gauri and Ganesa, which concluded, his future father-in-law marks his forehead with curds and rice. After this, food (kalewa) is sent from the bride’s house for the bridegroom and the boys with him, and in return his father sends five articles of jewellery for the bride, and a sheet (sâri) for her and her mother. With this is sent the water in which the bridegroom has been bathed. The bride is bathed in this and dressed in the sheet and jewels. The bridegroom then comes to the marriage shed, where his father-in-law washes his feet, and seats him in the square (chauk) on his left hand, while the bride sits on her father’s right hand. The pair then worship the household gods, of whom images are made in dough, and both mark the water jar and the branch of the cotton tree with red lead. Their clothes are knotted together, and [[129]]they do the usual five revolutions round the cotton tree, while the bridegroom holds a winnowing fan (sûp) into which the bride’s brother pours a little parched rice each time as they go round. The bride sprinkles this grain on the ground out of the fan, and both retire into the retiring room (kohabar), the walls of which are decorated. There his mother-in-law takes off the bridegroom’s crown (maur) and gives him a present. Next day follows the confarreatio ceremony (khichari), which is done in the usual way. Next day the bridegroom takes home his bride, but before he starts his father goes and shakes down one of the poles of the marriage shed, for which he gets a present (mânro hilâi). On the fourth day after they return the ceremony ends by the barber’s wife taking the sacred jar (kalsa) and the festoons (bandanwâr) of the marriage shed, and throwing them into a neighbouring stream. On their return husband and wife offer a burnt sacrifice (homa) to the local gods (dih).
Death. 4. The dead are cremated in the standard Hindu form. After the cremation all the mourners touch fire with the eight parts of their bodies, and sit for an hour in silence with the chief mourner. Next morning the chief mourner goes to the pyre, collects the ashes, and throws them into an adjoining stream. They set up an earthen vessel on a pîpal tree through which water drops for the refreshment of the thirsty spirit. While in the state of impurity, the chief mourner is armed with a stick, pointed with iron, to enable him to keep off ghosts. Every day he lays out food for the ghost along the road to the cremation ground. On the tenth day he offers lumps of rice and milk, which he throws into a tank, and all the mourners shave. On the eleventh day the Mahâpâtra receives all the personal effects of the dead man, which he is supposed to pass on to the deceased in the land of the dead. On the twelfth day the chief mourner offers sixteen balls (pinda) to ancestors, and returning, feasts the Mahâpâtra and gives him a cow and a loin cloth. On the thirteenth day Brâhmans are fed. During the fortnight (pitri-paksha), sacred to the manes, in the month of Kuâr, the ground under the eaves of the house is plastered, and some water and a tooth brush stick is left out; and flowers and rice are scattered about for the use of the dead visitors. On the fifteenth day of Kuâr Brâhmans are feasted.
Religion. 5. They principally worship Devi through Brâhmans. The local gods (dih) they worship through the Baiga with sacrifices of pigs and goats. [[130]]
Superstitions. 6. Their superstitions are similar to those of the surrounding castes. They swear by touching their sons’ heads, the feet of a Brâhman, the tail of a cow, or by standing in running water. They believe in the Evil-eye, which is obviated by an Ojha blowing on some dust, and sprinkling it over the person attacked, and repeating appropriate spells (mantra).
Taboos. 7. Very few drink liquor: none eat beef or pork. They will not touch the wife of a younger brother or the wife of an elder brother-in-law. They will not eat the flesh of the lizard, alligator, snake, jackal, or rat. The women eat separate from the men.
Status. 8. They rank as respectable high caste Hindus. They are either landholders or tenants with occupancy rights. They dress and wear ornaments like ordinary Râjputs, and among the low tribes around them their claim to that rank is generally accepted.
Bâjgi.[43]—A tribe of musicians found in the lower ranges of the Hills. They are possibly akin to the Nats. The name of the tribe is derived from Hindi bajâna, “to play a musical instrument.” In Dehra Dûn they consider themselves indigenous to the district.
Marriage rules. 2. They have several exogamous gotras, and are not allowed to marry in their own gotra, or in the family of the maternal uncle, until at least two generations have passed since the last connection by marriage. A man may have as many wives as he can support. Widows of the tribe may be married in the karâo form. Marriages take place when the parties attain the age of puberty. The parents and guardians of the boy have to pay a bride price which varies from forty to fifty rupees, and the price rises according to the youth and beauty of the bride. If a marriage is annulled after consummation, and she marries another man she has to repay the bride price, or as much of it as the tribal council award as compensation to the first husband. Children by a karâo marriage rank equally for inheritance with the offspring of a regular marriage. It has been asserted that the rule of the levirate is so far relaxed that the widow can be claimed by the elder as well as by the younger brother [[131]]of her late husband; but this assertion is in such direct opposition to the practice current among allied tribes that it is probably incorrect.
Birth. 3. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy. The women act as midwives to their own people as well as to other castes; and they have no custom of adoption, initiation, or betrothal.
Marriage. 4. The marriage ceremonies are of the most simple type. The boy’s father pays the bride price, and forthwith takes the girl home; and the marriage is recognised when a few of the clansmen have been fed.
Death. 5. Persons who die of cholera, small-pox, or snake-bite, are buried, because they are supposed to be under the direct influence of the deities who rule these diseases, and no purification by fire is necessary. Persons who die a natural death in other ways are cremated. They do not use a regular pyre, but make a thatch of bamboos, and under it light some wood; when the fire is well alight they put on it the body, covered with a white cloth, and let it burn. They have no special cremation places, but consume the corpse wherever it is most convenient, and pay no regard to the ashes, which are left on the site of the cremation.
Impurity. 6. Women remain impure after childbirth for seven days, and the person who sets fire to the pyre for three days. As long as a woman has not given birth to a child she is considered impure during her menses; but once she is a mother her menstruation is disregarded, and she is not kept apart or prevented from doing her ordinary house work.
Religion. 7. Bâjgis consider themselves to be Hindus. They chiefly reverence Devi, and her worship is carried on by a tribal subscription with which goats, rams, and spirits are bought and used in sacrifice. A little of the blood and spirits is poured upon the ground, and the rest is consumed by the worshippers. They have no priests or temples, but each household has a shelf, on which is placed a trident (trisûl) with an iron lamp and an earthenware vessel containing some beads, which represent the goddess. These articles serve as a representation of Nâga Râja, the serpent godling, who is regarded as their tribal deity. Nâga Râja is a [[132]]most powerful godling, and, unless he is propitiated, brings misfortune, disease, and death. The special offering to Nâga Râja and Devi is a goat, while Nar Sinh Deo is worshipped with the sacrifice of fowl. Any adult member of the tribe may make these offerings.
Festivals. 8. They have only two festivals, the Naurâtra and the Basant Panchami. Some of them regard Makar-ki-Sankrânt, or the passage of the sun into the sign of Capricornus, a holiday. On these days they eat meat and drink spirits. Of ancestor worship they know little; but they are, like similar races, in great dread of the spirits of the departed, and do not care to say much about them. Like the Doms of Dehra Dûn, they keep in their houses, as a sort of household guardian, some rude wooden images representing the five Pândavas—Yudhishthira, Bhîma, Arjuna, Nakula and Sahadeva. They know little of omens.
Oaths. 9. Their chief oath is on the cow; in less serious cases they swear on the bamboo. The violation of an oath is believed to cause the death of the eldest son of the perjurer.
Demonology. 10. They have the usual beliefs characteristic of races in the same phase of culture regarding dreams, the Evil-eye, and demoniacal possession, leading to disease and death.
Social rules. 11. They will not eat beef; but as to any other kind of food they have no scruples. Men and women eat apart. They will eat pakki and kachchi from any one but a Dom or a Chamâr. No other caste will eat or drink from their hands.
Occupation. 12. Their occupation is singing and dancing, and their women, as has been said already, act as midwives.
Bâlâhar, Bulâhar.—[44] A tribe found in parts of the Duâb and Bundelkhand. The name seems to mean “crier” or “summoner” (Hindi, bulâna, “to call”). In Cawnpur they are also known as Domar or Basor, which connect them with Doms and Bânsphors and Toraiha, because part of their business is to blow the long trumpet or “cholera horn” (turi, turai, turhi) at weddings. In Cawnpur they have four exogamous septs—Suyador, [[133]]Laungbasa, Kudkaha, and Banha—of the meaning of which they can give no explanation.
The Census returns record 85 sections. Many of these are taken from well-known tribes, such as Baghel, Bais, Bâhman Gaur, Chamar Gaur, Khatîk; others are of local origin, like Abâdpura, Baksariya, Indauriya, Purabiya. Curiously enough they do not seem to have retained the distinctively totemistic sections of the Doms, Bânsphors, and Basors.
Marriage rules. 2. Besides the rule that a man cannot marry within his sept he cannot marry in a family which is known to be descended from the same parents as his own, or which can be traced to a common ancestor. He cannot marry in the family of his maternal uncle or of his father’s sister. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time, but he can marry the younger sister of his deceased wife.
Traditions. 3. Their traditions show clearly that they are a branch of the great Dom tribe, and they refer their origin to Sûpa Bhagat, who, in Bengal, is regarded more as the Guru than the progenitor of the Doms.
Marriage. 4. Marriage is both infant and adult. Sexual license before marriage is neither recognised nor tolerated. Polyandry is repudiated; polygamy without any condition or limit is allowed. They marry by the ordinary low caste form. Widows are married by the form known as Dola or Dharauna. The levirate, on the usual conditions, is recognised; but it is not compulsory on the widow to marry the younger brother of her late husband. At the Dola marriage the binding part of the ceremony is the feast to the brethren. A woman can be turned out of the house for infidelity, and this is the only form of divorce. A divorced woman can marry again like a widow.
Religion. 5. They are not initiated into any sect, but are commonly classed as Sâktas. Their tribal godling is Jakhaiya, to whom pigs are offered on a Monday. On Monday and Friday goats are sacrificed to Devi. There appears to be no worship special to women and children.
Death ceremonies. 6. Some of them bury and some burn the dead. The corpse is buried with the feet to the south. When cremation is performed the ashes are thrown [[134]]into some river. They have no particular ceremony to appease the spirits of the dead. Some of them do the ordinary srâddha.
Occupation. 7. Their occupation is to act as village messengers (gorait). They blow the long trumpet at marriages and festivals. Some make bamboo baskets; some are pure village menials, and work in consideration of receiving a small patch of rent-free land.
Social rules. 8. They eat meat and drink spirits. They practically eat anything, even the leavings of other people. They will eat kachchi only with their own castes; they take pakki from sweepers. No other caste will touch anything from their hands.
Distribution of Balâhars according to the Census of 1891.
| Mathura | 509 |
| Cawnpur | 1,428 |
| Hamîrpur | 105 |
| Jâlaun | 317 |
| Total | 2,359 |
Balâi, Balâhi[45].—A tribe of weavers and labourers in the Central Duâb. They have no exogamous or endogamous divisions. They marry only in their own caste, but not in the gotra of their mother or grandmother. They can marry two sisters. There is no prohibition of marriage based on social position, occupation, or sectarial belief. They say themselves that they are the descendants of Panwâr Râjputs, and that their original home is Kota Bûndi and Bikâner. They are settled and not nomadic. They do not admit outsiders into the caste. Marriage is both infant and adult, and sexual license both before and after marriage is not tolerated. Polyandry is prohibited, and polygamy to the extent of two wives is allowed.
Marriage. 2. The marriage is celebrated in the usual way, and the binding part of it is the seven perambulations (bhanwar) round the sacred fire. A Brâhman priest officiates. Marriage under the form known as Dharaicha is also permitted. This is the form used in widow marriage. The widow can, if she please, live with the younger brother of her late husband; but she can, if she chooses, marry an outsider to the family, and her right of choice is fully recognized. A woman can be expelled [[135]]for infidelity, and she has the right of appeal to the tribal council. Such a divorced woman can marry again by the Dharaicha form.
Religion. 3. They are Hindus of the Vaishnava sect, and their chief god is Bhagwân. They worship Hanumân every Tuesday and Saturday, and Devi in the months of Chait and Kuâr. Zâhir Pîr is venerated on the ninth of the first half of Bhâdon. The offerings consist of flowers, sweetmeats, fruits, etc., and after presentation they are consumed by the worshippers. They employ Brâhmans as priests who do not incur any social discredit by serving them.
Disposal of the dead. 4. The dead are cremated. Poor people leave the ashes at the pyre; wealthier people send them to the Ganges. They perform the usual annual srâddha in the month of Kuâr.
Occupation. 5. Weaving is their main occupation, but some of them work as masons and day-labourers.
Social rules. 6. They eat pork and flesh of cloven-footed animals, except the cow. They drink spirits. They will not eat the flesh of monkeys, fish, fowls, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, rats or other vermin, or the leavings of other people. The lowest well known caste with which the caste will eat pakki is the Nâi. They eat kachchi cooked by Kâyasths, Gûjars or Ahîrs.
Bâm-Mârgi.—(Sans. Vâma-mârgi, “the left hand path”).—The notorious left hand or Sâkti sect, which presents one of the most degraded forms of modern Hinduism. On these Sir Monier Williams[46] writes:—“It can scarcely be doubted that Sâktism is Hinduism arrived at its worst and most corrupt stage of development. To follow out the whole process of evolution would not be easy. Suffice it to say that just as Hinduism resolved itself into two great systems, Saivism and Vaishnavism, so the adherents of these two systems respectively separated into two great classes. The first are now called “followers of the right hand path” (Dakshina-mârgis). These make the Purânas their real Veda (Nigama), and are devoted to either Siva or Vishnu in their double nature as male and female. But they do not display undue preference for the female or left-hand side of the deity; nor are they addicted to mystic or secret rites. The second class are called “followers [[136]]of the left-hand path” (Vâma-mârgis). These make the Tantras their peculiar Veda (Agama), tracing back their doctrines to the Kaula Upanishad, which is held to be the original authority for their opinions, whence their system is called Kaula as well as Sâkta, and they call themselves Kaulikas.
2. “And it is these left-hand worshippers who, I repeat, devote themselves to the exclusive worship of the female side of Siva and Vishnu; that is the goddess Durga or Kâli (Amba Devi) rather than to Siva; to Râdha rather than to Krishna; to Sîta rather than to Râma; but above all to Amba or Devi, the mother goddess, sometimes confounded with Siva’s consort, but rather, in her more comprehensive character, the great power (Sakti) of Nature, the one mother of the Universe (Jaganmâta, Jagadamba), the mighty mysterious force, whose function is to direct and control two quite distinct operations; namely, first, the working of the natural appetites and passions, whether for the support of the body by eating and drinking, or for the propagation of living organisms through sexual cohabitation; secondly, the acquisition of supernatural faculties (Siddhi), whether for man’s own individual exaltation or for the annihilation of his opponents.”
The sect devotes itself to what are technically known as the five Ms. which are named in the verse,—
Madyam mânsam cha minam cha mudrâ maithun mewa cha;
Êtê pânch makârasyur mokshadâ hi yuge yuge.
“Wine, fish, flesh, enjoyment and cohabitation—these are the givers of salvation in every age.” For each of these there is a slang or technical term. Thus wine is tîrtha or “pilgrimage;” flesh, sudhi or “pure;” fish, pushpa or “flowers;” mudra is chaturthi or “fourth;” and cohabitation, panchami or “fifth.” Their principal form of worship is known as Bhairavi chakra or “the wheel of Bhairava;” and they assert that whoever takes part in it becomes for the time a Brâhman. A jug of spirits is placed within the figure of a triangle or quadrangle, and worshipped with the mantra, Brahm shapam bimocha tha—“O wine! thou art free from the curse of Brahma.” Again the secret form of the ritual consists in the worship of a naked woman, and similarly, a naked man is worshipped by the women. A vessel is filled with water and a large dish with meat, and the leader, the wine cup in his hand, says, Bhairavoham Sivoham, “I am Bhairava and Siva.” He drinks first, and all the congregation does the same. A man and woman stand [[137]]naked with swords in their hands, and are worshipped. The pair are supposed to represent Devi and Mahâdeva. Then follows indiscriminate license, and the subsequent ritual takes even more disgusting forms. To free themselves from the risk of subsequent transmigration, they perform a particular charm (prayoga), which consists in placing bottles of liquor at separate places in the house and drinking till intoxication results. The mantra of initiation is said to be Dam Durge namah, or Bham Bhairavâya namah, “I salute Durga. I salute Bhairava.” In Bengal they also use the mystic formula Hrin, Srin, Klin. Another of their mystic formulas is Hram, hrim, hrum, bagala muhhai phat swâha, or Hum phat swâha. The charm to kill an enemy is to make an image of flour or earth and stick razors into the breast, navel and throat, with pegs in the eyes, hands and feet. Then they make an image of Bhairava or Durga, holding a three-pronged fork (trisûl) in the hand, and place it so close to the image of the person to whom evil is intended that the fork pierces its breast. A fire sacrifice is made with meat and a charm recited, which runs—“Kill, kill; estrange, and make him hated of all; make him subservient to my will; devour him, consume him, break him, destroy him; make my enemies obey me.” At one time they were supposed to make human sacrifices to Kâli, and the records of our Criminal Courts show that such practices have not entirely ceased. In this they are closely connected with the Aghoris, who eat human flesh. One division of them the Choli-mârgi, make the women place their boddices (choli) in a jar, and thus allot them by chance to the male worshippers. Of another, the Bîjmârgi, the bestiality of the ritual defies description.
3. There seems, unhappily, reason to believe that this brutal form of so-called worship is spreading in Upper India under the example of Bengâli immigrants, who have introduced it from its head-quarters in Bengal. At the last census, 1,576 persons avowed themselves worshippers of the left-hand path.
Banâphar.—A famous sept of Yadubansi Râjputs confined almost entirely to the Bundelkhand country now included in the Allahâbâd and Benares Divisions. According to their own account they derive their name from their ancestor, a certain Rishi who used to live on the wild fruits of the jungle (vanaphala). Their original settlement is said to have been Orai and Chausa, in the Jâlaun District. The story of their emigration to Mahoba is thus told:—Two men of the tribe once went into the forest to hunt; their [[138]]names were Jasar and Sorhar. They came upon two buffalos fighting, and as they watched the combat two Ahîr girls came up, and by main force separated the furious animals. The Thâkurs were so pleased with the bravery and strength of the girls that they took them to wife. Their sons were the famous Alha and Udal, whose adventures form the subject of the great Bundelkhand epic. They are the heroes of the famous war between the Chandels and Chauhâns. In the course of this campaign the Chauhân chieftain, Prithivi Râja, conquered the King of Mahoba, Paramarddi Deva, or Parmal, as he is familiarly called by the bard Chand, and the later annalists at a battle at Sirswagarh, on the Pahoj, or at Bairagarh near Orai.[47] The names of the Ahîr girls, their mothers, are said to have been Devala and Brahma. When the Râja found that his men had contracted a low marriage with Ahîrins they were turned out of caste, and took service with Parmal of Mahoba.[48] At that time Mahoba was besieged by the hosts of the Râja of Jambudwîpa, one of the seven islands or continents of which the world is made up, having Mount Meru for its centre and including Bharata-varsha or India. The Banâphar heroes drove back the enemy, and were rewarded by the gift of an estate known as the Daspurwa, or ten hamlets. Subsequently two other Banâphar soldiers of fortune, Râma Sinh and Dhana Sinh, came to Benares from Chausa and took service with Bandâl, the Râja of Benares. They rose in his favour, and by and by proposed to him to attack and expel the Bhar Râja of Kantit, in the Mirzapur District. For this purpose they invited some of their relations and made them take service with the Bhar Râja. According to the stock legend which explains the conquest of the Aborigines by the Aryan invaders, they drugged the liquor of the Bhars and overcame them while sunk in drunken sleep. Thus Râja Bandâl acquired the territories of the Bhars. Bandâl conferred on the Banâphar warriors the villages of Râjpur and Hariharpur. Dânu Sinh succeeded Bandâl, and held Dhana Sinh in high favour. One day the Râja was at his devotions and a kite dropped a morsel of flesh on him, whereupon Dhana Sinh killed it with his arrow. This so pleased the Râja that he conferred more estates upon him. These have been gradually lost until the [[139]]sept now hold a very inconsiderable landed property in the Benares Division.
2. The Banâphars hold only a moderately respectable rank among Râjputs. In Jâlaun they will, it is said, take brides by the dola form from all the poor Râjputs of the District, and receive the bride price. They marry their sons to the girls of the Bais, Gautam, Dikhit, and Bisen septs. In Hamîrpur they profess to belong to the Kasyapa gotra, and give brides to the Gautam, Dikhit Bais, and Chandel, while they take wives from the Nandwâni, Bâhman Gaur, and Bais. In Bânda they give brides to the Dikhit, Gautam, Gaur, and Kachhwâha; and take girls of the Panwâr Bais, Dikhit, and Sombansi septs.
Distribution of the Banâphar Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Mathura | 8 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 3 |
| Mainpuri | 15 |
| Etah | 1 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 36 |
| Pilibhît | 8 |
| Cawnpur | 123 |
| Bânda | 510 |
| Hamîrpur | 828 |
| Allahâbâd | 340 |
| Jhânsi | 34 |
| Jâlaun | 722 |
| Lalitpur | 59 |
| Benares | 1,447 |
| Mirzapur | 191 |
| Ghâzipur | 629 |
| Ballia | 473 |
| Azamgarh | 35 |
| Lucknow | 1 |
| Râê Bareli | 2 |
| Total | 5,465 |
Banarwâr, Bandarwâr.—A sub-caste of Banyas found principally in the Benares Division. They have thirty-six sections, which are thus given in Mirzapur—Mâlhan, Sothiyân, Sanbhariya, Abakahon, Rupiya, Katariya, Patsariya, Thagwariya, Manihariya, Narihiya, Nakthariya, Khatwatiya, Khelaniya, Burbak, Manipariya, Jhatwatiya, Purwar, Deriya, Puriya, Kalyâniya, Dhângar, Sonmukhiya, Chaudhariya, Sethiyân, Bairah, Naiphiriya, Katholiya, Beriya, [[140]]Kakariya, Badana, Kasauliya, Lohkhariya, Panchlatiya, Dhenk, Bajâj, Motariya, and lastly those who have no knowledge of their gotra call themselves Akâsh Bhânwari. These sections marry indiscriminately. They are often initiated into the Râmanandi sect of Vaishnavas. To the East they worship, as a sort of fetish (apparently from some fancied connection of name), the bandi or chain worn by women on the forehead. To this on the day of the Nâgpanchami they offer prayers, cakes (pûri), usually one hundred and eight in number, and garlands of flowers. They worship Mahâbîr and the Pânchonpîr in the usual way. Their priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans who are said to serve the royal family of Rîwa. They make their living as brokers, and by selling brass vessels, cloth, money-changing and similar mercantile business. Those who live towards the North eat meat, but the others do not. Drinking is prohibited. They eat pakki cooked by Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas. They will eat kachchi cooked only by members of their own sub-caste. Some Brâhmans, and Kshatriyas will eat pakki cooked by them. Kahârs and Nâis will eat kachchi cooked by them.
Bandhalgoti; Bandhugoti; Bandhilgoti; Banjhilgoti.—A sept of Râjputs found principally in Sultânpur, of whose origin there are at least three different accounts. First.—Their own tribal legend, according to which they are “Sûrajbansi by origin and belong to the particular branch of the clan now represented by the Râja of Jaypur. About nine hundred years ago Sûda Râê, a scion of that illustrious house, leaving his home in Narwargarh, set out on a pilgrimage to the holy city of Ajudhya. His route lay across the Amethi Pargana, in the Sultânpur District, where, near the present village of Râêpur, half overgrown with tangled weeds and briars, a shrine of Devi suddenly presented itself to his view. The Bhars then held sway and few vestiges remained anywhere of Hindu places of worship; so the pious pilgrim resolved to tarry a while near the one accident had brought him to. Having performed his devotions, he lay down to rest, and in his slumbers saw a vision of the goddess of the fane, who disclosed to him the lofty destiny ordained for him and his descendants; they were to become hereditary lords of the territory in which he was then a temporary sojourner. Prepared to further to his utmost the fulfilment of so interesting a prophecy, he determined henceforth to abide in his future domains, and relinquishing his uncompleted pilgrimage, entered into the service of the [[141]]Bhar chieftain. His innate worth soon manifested itself in many ways, and secured his elevation to the post of minister. His Bhar master now designed, as a crowning mark of favour, to bestow upon him his daughter in marriage; but a Sûrajbans, though he might condescend to serve a barbarian, might not sully his lineage by a mésalliance, and Sûda Râê contemptuously refused the proferred honour. The Bhar chief, in offended pride, at once deprived him of his office and he returned to Narwargarh. But his mind was ever occupied with thoughts of the promised land; he collected a picked body of followers and marched against Amethi. The Bhars were defeated with great slaughter, and the Sûrajbans occupied their territory. Sûda Râê established a fort on the spot where he had seen the prophetic vision, and included therein the ruined shrine in grateful commemoration of the divine interposition of his fortunes which occurred there. After the lapse of a few generations, the line of Sûda Râê threatened to become extinct, for the sixth in descent remained childless in his old age. In the village of Kurmu, however, resided Kanak Muni, one of those saints of irresistible piety. To him Mândhâta Sinh poured out his tale of woe; and not in vain; for, by the prayers of the saint, a son was born to him, and was at first called Sutsâh; but when he was taken to be presented to the saint he was called Bandhu, or “who is bound,” and his descendants called themselves Bandhugoti, or popularly Bandhalgoti.”[49]
2. According to Mr. Carnegy,[50] however, they spring from a Brâhman, Chuchu Pânrê, and a Dharkârin or Dom woman, and their name is connected with that of the Bânsphor Doms. They worship as their tribal fetish the knife (bânka) with which Doms split the bamboo, and this they now call a poniard, the symbol of Narwar.
3. Thirdly, Sir H. M. Elliot[51] describes them as a branch of the Chauhâns.
4. On the general question of their origin Mr. Millet writes[52]:—“With regard to the theory which makes their Kshatriya status of local development, the Bandhalgotis freely admit that one of their number was enlisted on the side of the Râja of Hasanpur in his [[142]]dispute with the Baghels, and that in return for services then rendered a tract of land was made over to him by the Râja. Again, while they describe their former home to have been at Narwargarh, the town of Hasanpur was, until the time of Hasan Khân, that is just till the synchronism in the annals of the Bandhalgoti and the Bachgoti, known as Narwal. And further, whereas the Bandhalgoti derive their name from Bandhu, there is contiguous to Hasanpur a village named Bandhu, and a slight eminence on the border of a tank between the two is still pointed out as the residence of the Bandhalgoti servant of the Râja. The story of the Dharkârin alliance may seem to find some support in one form of the clan appellation; for Banjhilgoti is a very possible corruption of Bânschhilgoti (bâns, “a bamboo,” chhîlna, “to pare”), and although the exact word banschhil does not exist, a very similar one, Bânsphor, shows that the bamboo-splitting industry furnishes the basis of a caste distinction. The reverse of the picture is not, however, quite blank. Whatever the source of the Bandhalgoti traditions, it is curious that in claiming kinship with the Jaypur family they should hit on, as the home of their ancestors, the very place it occupied before its removal to Jaypur; and the strangeness of the coincidence is enhanced by the fact that Sûda Râê’s pilgrimage agrees in date with the Kachhwâha migration.” The question of their origin must then remain to some extent doubtful.
5. In Sultânpur they are reported to take brides from the Bilkhariya, Tashaiya, Chandauriya, Kath Bais, Bhâlê Sultân, Raghubansi, Gargbansi, Râjkumâr, and Bachgoti; and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Mainpuri Chauhâns, Mahûl Sûrajbansis, Nagar Gautams, and Bisens of Majhauli; and that their gotra is Bandhal. In Gonda, it is said that their gotra is Vatsya, and that they give girls to the Panwâr, Bisen, Sirnet, Raikwâr, Bhadauriya, Bais, Kalhans and Chauhân; and take brides from the Sûrajbans, Bachgoti, Barwâr, Gaharwâr, and other high caste Râjputs. [[143]]
Distribution of the Bandhalgoti Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Agra | 9 |
| Fatehpur | 115 |
| Lalitpur | 6 |
| Benares | 27 |
| Gorakhpur | 48 |
| Basti | 257 |
| Azamgarh | 4 |
| Lucknow | 17 |
| Râê Bareli | 129 |
| Sîtapur | 35 |
| Kheri | 11 |
| Faizâbâd | 495 |
| Gonda | 407 |
| Sultânpur | 9,831 |
| Partâbgarh | 3 |
| Bârabanki | 42 |
| Total | 11,436 |
Bândi.—A small tribe living as drummers and bird-catchers in the Himalayan Tarâi. Their chief business is catching birds for sale. They also make a living by catching birds and bringing them into cities where pious people, such as Jain Banyas, pay them to release a bird as an act of piety or as a charm to take away disease from a sick person. In their habits and occupation they resemble the Baheliya.
The Census returns record four sections,—Gaur, Mathuriya, Odrain and Serain.
Distribution of the Bândi according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Bareilly | 105 |
| Morâdâbâd | 5 |
| Total | 110 |
Bangâli, Bengâli.—A resident of Bengal, Vanga or Bang Desa. It is not quite clear whether some of these recorded in the census lists are not the familiar Bengâli Bâbu who has not been entered in his regular caste, Brâhman, Kâyasth, etc. At any rate there is a recognised tribe of vagrants known as Bengâli, Naumuslim Bengâli or Singiwâla, the last because they use a kind of horn in cupping. [[144]]
2. From reports from the District Superintendents of Police at Sahâranpur, Meerut, and Aligarh, it appears that these people wander all over the Upper Duâb and the Panjab and Native States. They disclaim any direct connection with Nats, Kanjars, and similar vagrants; but they are obviously closely related. Among the Hindu branch there appear to be at least three exogamous sections, Negiwâla, Teli, and Jogeli. The Census returns show 54 sections of the Hindu and four of the Muhammadan branch, but it is impossible to say how many of these belong to the vagrant Bengâlis. The Hindu branch call themselves the descendants of one Siwâi Râm, Râjput, who was a Bengâli and elephant driver, and in the time of Aurangzeb learnt the art of bleeding and cupping from a native physician or Hakîm, and taught it to his descendants. The Muhammadan branch usually call themselves Lodi Pathâns from Bengal. They do not admit outsiders to their caste; marry in the usual form, if Muhammadans, through the Qâzi, but as might have been expected their religious practices are vague. The Muhammadans are said never to be circumcised, and they as well as the Hindus worship Devi and Zâhir Pîr.
3. From Meerut it is reported the Hindu branch will eat meat of all kinds, the flesh of cloven or uncloven footed animals, fowls, all kinds of fish and crocodiles, and the leavings of other people. Though this is not quite certain, it would appear that the Muhammadan branch generally abstain from pork.
4. The Bengâli is a loafer and vagabond, prone to commit petty theft, a beggar, and a rustic surgeon as far as bleeding and cupping go. In their manner of life they much resemble the Mâl and Bediya of Bengal, and, if there is anything in the name, they are possibly akin to their tribes.
Distribution of Bengâlis according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Musalmâns. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | … | 16 | 16 |
| Sahâranpur | 65 | 160 | 225 |
| Bulandshahr | 235 | 1 | 236 |
| Aligarh | 1 | … | 1[[145]] |
| Mathura | 64 | … | 64 |
| Agra | 40 | … | 40 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 5 | … | 5 |
| Mainpuri | 2 | … | 2 |
| Bareilly | 25 | … | 25 |
| Budâun | … | 25 | 25 |
| Cawnpur | 31 | 4 | 35 |
| Fatehpur | 16 | … | 16 |
| Bânda | 4 | … | 4 |
| Allahâbâd | 65 | 4 | 69 |
| Jhânsi | 8 | … | 8 |
| Benares | 219 | … | 219 |
| Mirzapur | 12 | … | 12 |
| Ghâzipur | 28 | … | 28 |
| Gorakhpur | 41 | … | 41 |
| Kumâun | 15 | … | 15 |
| Lucknow | 61 | 30 | 91 |
| Râê Bareli | 75 | 17 | 92 |
| Faizâbâd | 5 | … | 5 |
| Gonda | … | 16 | 16 |
| Sultânpur | 2 | … | 2 |
| Partâbgarh | 51 | 7 | 58 |
| Total | 1,070 | 280 | 1,350 |
Bangâli, Bengâli.—One of the great divisions of Brâhmans recorded as such at the last census. According to Mr. Risley, who has given an elaborate account of them,[53] the Bengal Brâhmans [[146]]belong to one or other of the Gaur groups, and are divided into five main sub-castes,—Rârhi, Barendra, Vaidik, Saptasati and Madhyasrani. As already stated, it is impossible to say how many of the 58 sections recorded in the census refer to the Brâhman branch, and how many to the tribe of vagrants of the same name.
The Rârhi Brâhmans. 2. “The Rârhi Brâhmans derive their name from the Rârh, or the high-lying alluvial tract on the west bank of the river Bhagîrathi. Their claim to be of comparatively pure Aryan descent is to some extent borne out by the results of anthropometric enquiries. The current tradition is that early in the eleventh century A.D. Adisura or Adisvara, King of Bengal, finding the Brâhmans, then settled in Bengal, too ignorant to perform for him certain Vedic ceremonies, applied to the Râja of Kanauj for priests thoroughly conversant with the sacred ritual of the Aryans. In answer to this request five Brâhmans of Kanauj were sent to him, Bhatta Nârâyana, of the Sândilya section, or gotra; Daksha, of the Kasyapa gotra; Vedagarbha or Vidagarbha, of the Vatsa gotra, or, as others say, from the family of Bhrigu; Chandra or Chhandara, of the Savarna gotra; and Sri Harsa of the Bhâradvâja gotra. They brought with them their wives, their sacred fire and their sacrificial implements. It is said that Adisura was at first disposed to treat them with scanty respect, but he was soon compelled to acknowledge his mistake, and to beg the Brâhmans to forgive him. He then made over to them five populous villages, where they lived for a year. Meanwhile the king was so impressed with the superhuman virtue of Bhatta Nârâyana, who was a son of Kshitisa, King of Kanauj, that he offered him several more villages. The Brâhman, however, declined to take these as a gift, but bought them, as the story goes, at a low price.
3. “Although the immigrant Brâhmans brought their wives with them, tradition says that they contracted second marriages with the women of Bengal, and that their children by the latter were the ancestors of the Barendra Brâhmans. The Barendra, on the other hand, claim to represent the offspring from the original Hindustâni wives, and allege that the Rârhi Brâhmans are themselves sprung from the mésalliance contracted in Bengal.
4. “By the middle of the eleventh century, when Ballâl Sen, the second of the Sen Kings of Bengal, instituted his famous enquiry into the personal endowments of the Rârhi Brâhmans, their numbers [[147]]seem to have increased greatly. They are represented as divided into fifty-six headships of villages (gâin), which were reserved for them, and might not be encroached on by Brâhmans of other orders.
5. “It is interesting to trace in Ballâl Sen’s enquiry the survival or reassertion of the principle that the Brâhmanhood of the Brâhmans depends not merely on birth but upon personal endowments. It is a question of virtue, not a question of descent. Ballâl Sen, of course, could not go as far as this. The time had long passed when a Kshatriya could transform himself into a Brâhman by penance and self-denial. But the Sen Monarch sought to reaffirm the ancient principle, so far as was then possible, by testing the qualifications of each Rârhi family for the priestly office, and classifying them, in the order of their virtue, according to the results of this examination. Thus two grades of sacerdotal virtue were formed, the Kulin being those who had observed the entire nine counsels of perfection, and the Srotiya, who, though regular students of the Vedas, had lost status by intermarrying with families of inferior birth. The Srotiya were again divided into Siddha or ‘perfect,’ Sâdhya or ‘capable of attaining purity,’ and Kashta or ‘difficult.’ The last-named group was also called Ari or ‘enemy,’ because a Kulin marrying a daughter of that group was disgraced.”
The Barendra Brâhmans. 6. As above stated, there is a difference of opinion as to their origin. “The sub-caste takes its name from the tract or country known as Barendra, lying north of the river Padma and corresponding roughly to the Districts of Pabna, Râjshâhi, and Bogra. Of these there are three hypergamous classes—Kulin, Suddha or ‘pure,’ Srotiya and Kashta, or bad Srotiya.” Of their rules of intermarriage Mr. Risley gives full details.
The Vaidik Brâhmans. 7. “Concerning the origin of the Vaidik Brâhmans some differences of opinion exist. All agree in honouring them for their adherence to Vedic rites, their zeal for Vedic study, their social independence, and their rejection of polygamy. From the fact that some of the most important settlements of the sub-caste are formed in the outlying districts of Orissa and Sylhet, some authorities are led to describe them as descendants of the original Brâhmans of Bengal, who refused to accept the reforms of Ballâl Sen, and took refuge in regions beyond his jurisdiction. The theory that they came from Kanauj derives support [[148]]from Mr. Sherring’s statement that the Kanaujiya Brâhmans of Benares recognise the Vaidik as a branch of their own tribe, who settled in Bengal. There are two main divisions of Vaidik Brâhmans,—Paschâtya or ‘Western,’ claiming to have come from Kanauj, and Dakshinatya or ‘Southern,’ tracing their origin to the original Bengal stock.”
The Saptasati Brâhmans. 8. “According to popular tradition, the Saptasati Brâhmans are descended from the seven hundred ignorant Brâhmans sent by Adisur to the Court of Kanauj for the purpose of learning their priestly duties. Others trace their origin to certain Brâhmans who were exiled beyond the Brahmaputra river for resisting the innovations of Ballâl Sen. It seems to be certain that they are peculiar to Bengal, and that they cannot claim connection with any of the ten standard Brâhmanical tribes. They virtually admit their inferiority to the other orders of Brâhmans. Men of education and respectability are reluctant to admit that they belong to this sub-caste, all distinctive practices are being abandoned, and the entire group seems likely to be absorbed in the Srotiya grade of Rârhi Brâhmans.”
The Madhyasreni Brâhmans. 9. The Madhyasreni Brâhmans profess to derive their name from the fact of their original settlement being in the District of Midnapur, lying midway (Madhyadesa) between Bengal and Orissa. It is conjectured that they may be a composite group made up of members of the Rârhi, Utkal, and Saptasati sub-castes, who for some reason broke off from their own classes, settled in an outlying district, and in course of time formed a new sub-caste.
10. Further elaborate details of the Bengal Brâhmans will be found in Mr. Risley’s excellent account of them.
Distribution of Bengâli Brâhmans according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 13 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 3 |
| Bulandshahr | 30 |
| Aligarh | 8 |
| Mathura | 505 |
| Agra | 106 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 11 |
| Etâwah | 27 |
| Etah | 3 |
| Morâdâbâd | 26[[149]] |
| Cawnpur | 189 |
| Allahâbâd | 1,167 |
| Jhânsi | 30 |
| Lalitpur | 22 |
| Benares | 2,362 |
| Mirzapur | 3 |
| Ghâzipur | 119 |
| Ballia | 84 |
| Gorakhpur | 108 |
| Lucknow | 289 |
| Râê Bareli | 16 |
| Sîtapur | 12 |
| Kheri | 50 |
| Faizâbâd | 26 |
| Gonda | 9 |
| Bahrâich | 11 |
| Sultânpur | 22 |
| Total | 5,251 |
| Males | 2,372 |
| Females | 2,879 |
Banjâra.[54]—A tribe whose primary occupation is, or rather used to be, to act as grain carriers and suppliers to armies in the field. Their name is derived from the Sanskrit vanijya or banijya-kâra, “a merchant.” Sir H. M. Elliot, whose account of the tribe is perhaps the most valuable part of his admirable “Supplement to the Glossary of Indian terms,” the first attempt at a scientific account of the tribes of these Provinces, shows that the popular derivation from the Persian biranjâr or “rice-carriers” is untenable. He argues that the word must be of higher antiquity than (omitting fabulous legends) the Indian connection with Persia. “Thus we find mention of a cock-fight in the Banjâra camp in the story of Pramati in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra written by Dandi, a predecessor of Kâlidâsa, according to Colebrooke. It is to be confessed, however, that Wilson does not assign an earlier origin to this composition than the ninth century. Nevertheless, independent of this testimony, Banjâras seem to be clearly indicated, even by Arrian (Indica, XI). We may, therefore, rest assured that we are not to look to Persia for the origin of the name.” On this question Professor Cowell[55] has remarked:—“Sir H. M. Elliot was [[150]]misled when he supposed that the word Banjâra was necessarily of higher antiquity than the Indian connection with Persia, because it occurs in the Dasa Kumâra Charitra, written by Dandin in the eleventh or twelfth century. It is true that Professor Wilson in his analysis of the story of Pramati speaks of the Banjâra camp, but in the printed text of the original (p. 125) no such word occurs, but we have only Mahati nigame naigamânam. Dandin no doubt had Banjâras in his mind; but he cannot be quoted as an authority for the word.” The theory that the title of the caste may be connected with the Hindi ban-jârna in some such sense as “burners or cleaners of the jungle” or “forest wanderers” is untenable.
The Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 2. Before considering the tribe as found in these Provinces, it may be well to put together some of the information about them obtainable from the Dakkhin, where they retain much more of their primitive manners and customs than the small branch which remains in these Provinces, where they have been much modified by association with other races. The chief authority for the Dakkhin branch is the report of Mr. Cumberlege, District Superintendent of Police at Wun, in the Berârs.[56] He explains that the Banjâras of the Dakkhin fall into three grand Hindu tribes, Mathuriya or “those from Mathura”; Lavâna who probably derive their name from being carriers of salt (Sans. lavana), and Châran (Sans. chârana, “a wanderer, pilgrim;” châra, “a spy”). “The three Hindu tribes all trace their descent from the great Brâhman and Râjput races of Upper India, and, as usual, ascribe their tribe segregation to some irregular marriage of a legendary kind contracted by their first ancestors. In these stories Guru Nânak, the Sikh Prophet, usually figures as the opportune miracle-worker and spiritual adviser. No doubt these stories of descent are founded on fact. It is most probable that some irregular marriage, made by adventurous wanderers into distant countries, did first cut off these branches from the parent stock, and plant them apart as distinct communities. From Mr. Cumberlege’s memoir it may be conjectured, however, that the emigration which settled the Banjâra upon Dakkhin soil took place when these grain carriers came down with the Mughal armies early in the seventeenth century.” (As a corroboration of this it may be noticed that the first mention of Banjâras in Muhammadan history [[151]]is in Sikandar’s attack on Dholpur in 1504 A.D.[57]) “In fact they seem to have derived their whole origin and organisation from the long wars of the Delhi Emperors in the South, and the restoration of peace and prosperity is breaking them up. Neither their trade nor their tribal system can survive another generation of British predominance. Wherefore some account of their more striking peculiarities has at least the interest that attaches to a picture of things which we shall never see again.”
The Châran Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 3. “Of the Châran tribe the Râthaur family,” says Mr. Cumberlege, “is the strongest, and holds sway in Berâr, for all the Dakkhin is parcelled out among different Banjâra tribes, and no camp (tânda) trades or grazes cattle beyond its own border. The Chârans evidently came to the Dakkhin with Âsaf Jân, sometimes called Âsa Khân, the Wazîr Shâhjahân; and in the year 1630, or thereabouts, Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks (represented to have been brothers, but certainly not such, though perhaps related) had with them 180,000 bullocks, and Bhagwân Dâs, the Burthiya Nâik, only 52,000. They accompanied Âsaf Jân, carrying his provisions during his raid into the Dakkhin. It was an object of Âsaf Jân to keep these bullocks well up with his force, and he was induced to give an order to Bhangi and Jhangi Nâiks, as they put forward excuses regarding the difficulty of obtaining grass and water for their cattle. This order was engraved on copper and in gold letters as follows:—
Ranjan ka pâni,
Chhappar ka ghâs,
Din ka tîn khûn mu’âf;
Aur jahân Âsaf Jân kê ghorê,
Wahan Bhangi Jhangi kâ bail.
This is still in the possession of the descendants of Bhangi, who are still recognised by the Haidarâbâd Court; and on the death of the representative of the family his successor receives a dress of honor (khillat) from His Highness the Nizâm. The meaning of the inscription seems to be—“If you can find no water elsewhere, you may even take it from the pots of my followers; grass you may take from the roofs of their huts; and if you commit three murders a day I will even pardon this, provided that where I find my cavalry I can always find Bhangi Jhangi’s bullocks.” [[152]]
Witchcraft among the Dakkhin Banjâras. 4. On this Mr. Cumberlege writes:—“Though not to such an extent as in former years, witchcraft still obtains in Berâr. I can confidently say this, as I had a case in this district wherein all the features coincided exactly with what I am told is still the practice of Banjâras when they fancy a woman a sorceress. The woman was knocked down and strangled by three or four men deputed by the Nâik of the camp, on her husband refusing to kill her, to kill and bury her: this they did, and the husband had afterwards to appear before the council (panchâyat), where he was mulcted of all he possessed, amounting in cattle and cash to about Rs.2,000. Even when attacked by a bad fever or determined dysentery, they often put it down to foul play by some sorceress, and on such occasions the sufferer sends for some one who knows some spell (mantra) or is supposed to know something of sorcery (jâdu). A betel-quid is given to the sufferer and some spell is repeated. Should the sufferer not recover now, he sends for the Nâik, mentions the name of the person he suspects, or not, as the case may be, who sends five or six men, taken from each family in the camp, to any Châran Bhagat to enquire of him who is the sorceress; and, to place this fact beyond doubt, as this deputation goes along they bury a bone or any other article on the road, and make the Bhagat presently state where it was buried, and what the article was. On arriving at the Bhagat’s residence, he tells each man his name, class, gotra, and denomination; that he knows they have come to enquire what has caused the illness of the person (mentioning his name and caste) who is suffering. This he must do directly after the salâms are exchanged, and before the others speak again. A relative of the sick man now places a rupee before a lighted wick; the Bhagat takes it up, looks steadily at it, and begins to sway about, make contortions of the face and body, etc., while the goddess Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli) is supposed to have entered his body. He now puts down the rupee, and, being inspired, commences to state the date and hour on which the sick man got ill, the nature of the complaint, etc., and in an indignant tone asks them why they buried a certain article (mentioning it) on the road. Sometimes they acknowledge that he is a true Bhagat now, but generally the men call for some further proofs of his abilities. A goat in kid is then brought, the Bhagat mentions the sex of, and any distinguishing marks upon the kid; the goat is then killed, and if he has [[153]]guessed right the deputation becomes clamorous and requires the name of the sorceress. But the Bhagat keeps them waiting now and goes on to mention the names of other people residing in their camp, their children, and sometimes the names of any prized cows or bullocks; he also tells the representative of what family he has married into, etc. On this the latter presents his nazar; this was fixed at Rs.25 formerly, but greed dictates the sum now, which is often as much as Rs.40.
5. “The Bhagat now begins chanting some song, which he composes as he goes on, and introduces into it the names of the different families in the camp, having a word or two to say about each. The better portion get vile abuse, are called a bad lot, and disposed of quickly; but he now assumes an ironical appearance, begins to extol the virtues of a certain family, becomes facetious, and praises the representative of that family who is before him. All know that the sorceress is a member of that family; and its representative puts numberless questions to the Bhagat relative to his family and connections, his worldly goods, and what gods he worships; the name of the sorceress he calls for; inquires who taught her sorcery (jâdu); and how and why it was practised in this particular instance. The business is now closed by a goat being killed and offered up to Biroliya, and then all return to their camp.
6. “Even now a man may refuse to acknowledge this Bhagat, and will, if the sorceress be a wife or daughter to whom he is attached, should he have money to take the business on to another tribunal. But as he has to pay the expenses of all the men who accompany him, all cannot afford to question a Bhagat’s decision. Sometimes the man will tell his wife, if he is certain she will obey him, to commit suicide; and as she knows full well the punishment is death, and that she must meet it in some form almost at once, when thus enjoined she will obey generally. Otherwise the husband with a witness or two, taking advantage of the first opportunity when she has left the camp, kills and buries her with all her clothing and ornaments. A meeting of the council is held, the witnesses declare the business has been completed satisfactorily, and the husband may or may not agree to the judgment of the council with regard to his pecuniary liabilities. He has to pay all the expenses of the deputation; by the Bhagat is fined Rs.100 or Rs.150; and if he has refused to do the deed himself, and others have [[154]]had to do it for him, or the sick man dies, he has to give a large sum besides to the man’s family for their support. This fine originally belonged to Bhangi Nâik’s representative, Râmu Nâik; but it is often kept by the different Nâiks themselves now. Râmu has still great influence; but he has used his power so cruelly that many have seceded from his control, and have Nâiks of their own, whom they now obey almost implicitly. There are men in this district well known to me who have been fined six or eight thousand rupees for small misdemeanours, and it is hardly to be wondered at that this thing could not continue for ever.” It is satisfactory to note that under the influence of British law these cruel proceedings are now practically unknown; but those best acquainted with the facts are certain that there would be an immediate recrudescence of it if the pressure of our administration were relaxed.
Human sacrifice among the Banjâras of the Dakkhin. 7. Up to our own day the Banjâras of the Dakkhin practised human sacrifice. General Sleeman[58] tells a story that the fort and part of the town of Sâgar stands on a wall said to have been built by a Banjâra. He was told that the lake would continue dry until he consented to sacrifice his daughter and her affianced husband. He built them up in a shrine and the waters rose, but no Banjâra will touch the water. Their women, even to the present day, are notorious for necromancy. They are, according to Sir Alfred Lyall,[59] “terribly vexed by witchcraft, to which their wandering and precarious existence especially exposes them in the shape of fever, rheumatism, and dysentery. Solemn enquiries are still held in the wild jungles where these people camp out like gypsies, and many an unlucky hag has been strangled by the sentence of their secret tribunals.”
Religion of the Dakkhin Banjâras. 8. According to Mr. Cumberlege, “the Chârans are all deists. There are Hindu gods they worship as having been holy men; but they only acknowledge one God, and look on Guru Nânak as the propagandist of their religion; Guru Nânak is supreme; but they worship Bâlaji, Mariyâi (Mahâ Kâli), Tulja Devi, Siva Bhaiya, Mitthu Bhûkiya, and Sati. There are smaller gods worshipped also, but the above [[155]]are the only gods worshipped by the Chârans of Berâr. They have heard of Siva Dâs, but do not worship him as the men of the Telinga country and Central Provinces do. The reason is seen at a glance. Ours is the Râthaur country, those parts belong mostly to the Burthiya class; in fact the Telinga country is entirely theirs, and Siva Dâs was a Burthiya, not a Râthaur, I believe. The oath most sacred to them is taken in the name of Siva Bhaiya, a holy man who resided at Pohora, in the Wûn District, where there are still temples, I believe, to Siva Bhaiya and Mariyâi, and where a nephew of Siva Bhaiya, by name Sûka Bhaiya, still officiates. There are numbers of Bhagats, of varied celebrity, to whom they go on any serious difficulty; otherwise their own Nâiks, or the Nâik to whom the former is subordinate, adjudicates.”
Ceremonies prior to crime. 9. “There is a hut set apart in every camp and devoted to Mitthu Bhûkiya, an old free-booter. No one may eat, drink, or sleep in this hut; and it is simply used for devotional purposes. In front of this hut is a flag-staff, to which a piece of white cloth is attached. By all criminals Mitthu Bhûkiya is worshipped as a clever free-booter; but he is more thought of on the other side of the Wârdha than here. However, where the white flag is seen in front of the hut, it is a sign that the camp worships Mitthu Bhûkiya, and should, therefore, be watched carefully when they are suspected of having committed crime. The men who have agreed and arranged the particulars regarding the carrying out of their scheme meet at night at this hut, where an image of Sati is produced; clarified butter (ghi) is put into a saucer, and into this a wick is placed, very broad at the bottom and tapering upwards: this wick, standing erect, is lit, an appeal is made to Sati for an omen, those worshipping mentioning in a low tone to the god where they are going and what the purpose. The wick is then carefully watched, and should it drop at all the omen is propitious. All immediately get up and make an obeisance to the flag, and start then and there for the business they have agreed on. They are unable to return to their homes before they start, because they must not speak to any one till their business has been carried through. And here we have a reason why Banjâras are rarely known to speak when engaged in a robbery, for, if challenged, these men, who have gone through the ceremony, may not reply. Should they have reached their destination, whether a village, hamlet, or unprotected cart, and are challenged, [[156]]if any one of them reply, the charm is broken and all return home. They must again take the omens now and worship again or give up the attempt altogether. But, I am told, they generally prefer to make certain of the man who is venturesome enough to challenge them by knocking him down and either killing him or injuring him so severely that he cannot interfere, and would not wish to meddle with their other arrangements. If one of the gang sneezes on the road it is also fatal; they must return to their camp at once.” For further details regarding the methods of criminality of these Dakkhin Banjâras a reference may be made to Major E. J. Gunthorpe’s “Notes on the Criminal Tribes residing in or frequenting the Bombay Presidency, Berâr and the Central Provinces.”
Central Indian Banjâras. Worship of the ox. 10. The Banjâras of Central India have a curious form of ox worship.[60] “When sickness occurs they lead the sick man to the feet of the bullock called Hatâdiya (Sans. Hatya-âdhya, ‘which it is an extra sin to slay’), for though they say that they pay reverence to images and that their religion is that of the Sikhs, the object of their worship is the Hatâdiya, a bullock devoted to the god Bâlaji. On this animal no burden is ever laid, but he is decorated with streamers of red-dyed silk and tinkling bells with many brass chains and rings on neck and feet, and strings of kauri shells, and silken tassels hanging in all directions; he moves steadily at the head of the convoy, and the place where he lies down on when he is tired, that they make their halting place for the day; at his feet they make their vows when difficulties overtake them, and, in illness, whether of themselves or cattle, they trust to his worship for a cure.”
Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 11. The Banjâras of these Provinces have been classified at the last Census under the heads of Chauhân, Bahrûp, Guâr, Jâdon, Panwâr, Râthaur, and Tunwar. Of these, all, except the Bahrûp and Guâr, are well-known Râjput septs, and, as we have seen in the case of the Dakkhin Banjâras, the tribal tradition points to a Râjput origin. There is also a general tradition that they at one time held considerable territories in Oudh and the other submontane districts. Thus they are said to have been very early settlers in Bareilly, whence [[157]]they were expelled by the Janghâra Râjputs.[61] In Kheri[62] the Jângrê Râjputs acquired Khairagarh from their allies the Banjâras. In Bahrâich[63] they were finally expelled from the Sijauli Pargana by the Chakladâr Hakîm Mehndi about 1821 A.D. In the Nânpâra Pargana of the same district they were finally coerced by Rasûl Khân, the Afghân, in 1632 A.D.[64] In the Dûn[65] they have a story that they attended to the commissariat of the Pândavas after their exile from Hastinapur, and were the founders of the town of Deoband, in the Sahâranpur District. In the Banjâra Tola of the town of Gopamau, in the Hardoi District, there are some Banjâras who call themselves Sayyid Salâri, and say that they are descended from the followers of the Saint.[66] On the other hand, those in Madras describe themselves as the descendants of Sugriva, the monkey chieftain who was the ally of Râma.[67] There can be no reasonable doubt that they are a very mixed race, composed of various elements, as is the case in Central India, where Sir Alfred Lyall speaks of them as “made up of contingents from various other castes and tribes, which may have at different times joined the profession.”[68] The Census report gives the most important local sub-castes as—in Muzaffarnagar the Dhankûta, or “rice pounders,” and the Labâna; in Aligarh, the Nandbansi; in Etâwah, the Jât; in Pilibhît, the Labâna; in the Tarâi, the Bhukiya (who take their name from their leader Mitthu Bhukiya), Guâl, Kotwâr, Labâna, and Râjput; in Kheri, the Guâr, Kora, and Mujhar; and in Bahrâich, the Mujhar.
Tribal organisation of the North-Western Provinces Banjâras. 12. The best account of the Banjâra tribes of these provinces is that given by Sir H. M. Elliot. He divides them into five great tribes as follows:—
(1) The Turkiya, “Turkish” or Muhammadan, with thirty-six sub-tribes or gotras, viz., Tomar or Tunwar, Chauhân, Gahlot, Dilwâri, Alwi, Kanothi, Burki, Durki, Shaikh, Nathamîr, Aghwân, Badan, Chakirâha, Bahrâri, Padar, Kanîkê, Gharê, Chandaul, Teli, Charkha, Dhangya, Dhankikya, Gaddi, Tîtar, Hindiya, Râha, Marauthiya, Khakhara, Kareya, Bahlîm, Bhatti, Bandwâri, [[158]]Bargadda, Aliya, Khilji. “These assert that they came originally from Multân, and left their newly-chosen country of the Dakkhin under a leader called Rustam Khân, and first of all took up their abode at Badli Tânda, near Morâdâbâd, from which they have gradually spread to Bilâspur, Richho, and the neighbouring tracts. They are for the most part occupied as carriers.”
(2) “The Baid Banjâras came from Bhatner under a leader called Dualha. Of them are eleven gotras—Jhaloi, Tandar, Hatâr, Kapâhi, Danderi, Kachni, Tarîn, Dharpâhi, Kîri, and Bahlîm. Their occupations are more various than those of the Turkiyas, as they are occasionally employed as doctors and weavers. They are found in Pilibhît, Kant, and in the neighbourhood of those places.”
(3) “The Labâna Banjâras have also eleven gotras. They state that they are descended from Gaur Brâhmans, and came in Aurangzeb’s time from Rintambûr. They engage almost entirely in agricultural pursuits alone.” Of these people Mr. Ibbetson[69] writes:—“These men are generally associated with the Banjâras. With the exception of Muzaffargarh and Bahâwalpur, they are almost wholly confined to the hill and submontane districts. They are the carriers and hawkers of the hills, and are merely the Panjâbi representatives of that class of Banjâras, already mentioned, who inhabit the submontane tracts east of the Ganges.” The Labânas of Gujarât are thus described by Captain Mackenzie:—“The Labânas are also a peculiar people. Their status among Sikhs is much the same as that of the Mahtams. They correspond to the Banjâras of Hindustân, carrying on an extensive trade by means of large herds of laden bullocks. Latterly they have taken to agriculture, but as an additional means of livelihood, not as a substitute for trade. As a section of the community they deserve every encouragement and consideration. They are generally fine, substantially built people. They also possess much spirit. In anarchical times, when the freaks and feuds of petty Governors would drive the Jâts or Gûjars to seek temporary abiding places away from their ancestral village, the Labânas would stand their ground, and perhaps improve the opportunity by extending their grasp over the best lands of the village, in which their shorter sighted and less provident lords of the manor had, in former periods, permitted them to take up their abode for purposes of commerce. Several cases of this kind came to light [[159]]during settlement, and in most of them the strength and spirit of progress were as apparent in the Labânas as were the opposite qualities conspicuous in their Gûjar opponents. Their principal village is Tânda (which means “a large caravan of laden bullocks”) and is an instance of what I have above alluded to. Allowed by the Gûjar proprietors of Mota, they have got possession of the soil, built a town, and in every point of importance swamped the original proprietors. They have been recognised as proprietors, but feudatory to their former landlords, the Gûjars of Mota, paying them annually in recognition thereof a sum equal to one-tenth of the Government demand.” This tribe of Banjâras take their name from their business of carrying salt (lavana). Sir J. Malcolm[70] says that the Banjâras and Labânas are Râjputs of various tribes, Râthaur, Jalaur, Panwâr, etc. “The Labânas who live in villages sometimes mix with other cultivators and sometimes have a village exclusively to themselves, are Sûdras, originally from Gujarât, a quiet inoffensive race differing widely from the Banjâras, though engaged in the same trade. The Labânas are also cultivators, but follow no other occupation. The Banjâras preserve both in dresses and usages a marked separation and independence. They often engage in great speculations on their own account, and are deemed honest in their dealings, though very ignorant and barbarous. They trust much to the bankers and merchants with whom they are concerned, and few keep accounts; but habit has made them very acute, and their memory is, from continual exercise, extremely retentive of the minutest particulars of their extended transactions.”
The Mukeris. (4) Of them Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“The Mukeri Banjâras in the northern parganas of Bareilly assert that they derive their name from Mecca (Makka), which one of their Nâiks, who had his camp (Tânda) in the vicinity, assisted Father Abraham in building. Leaving Mecca, they came and resided in Jhajjar, where their illustrious name became corrupted from Makkai to Mukeri. Their fabulous history is not worth recording, but their names also betray a strange compound of tribes, Musalmân and Hindu—Aghwân, Mughal, Khokhara, Chauhân, Simli Chauhân, Chotya Chauhân, Panjtakya Chauhân, Tanhar, Katheriya, Pathân, Tarîn Pathân, Ghori, Ghoriwâl, Bangaroa, Kanthya, Bahlîm.” These are apparently the same people who [[160]]are called Mukris, in Sholapur.[71] There another explanation of the word is current. It is said to be derived from a word Mukerna, “to deny,” which does not appear in the Hindustâni dictionaries. The story goes that a servant of Tipu Sultân bought a quarter of corn from a Mukri, and found it, when he weighed it at home, ten pounds short. He brought the fact to the notice of the Sultân, who sent for the corn dealer and demanded for explanation. The Mukri denied the fact and made the full weight in the presence of the king, who had twice weighed the corn before and found it short. The king was embarrassed, and had nothing to say against the man, and gave him the name of the “Denier.” A third, and perhaps, more probable explanation is, that it is a corruption of Makkeri, and means nothing more than a seller of maize (makka). Something more will be said of the Mukris later on.
Bahrûp Banjâras. (5) Of whom Sir H. M. Elliot says:—“They are, for the most part, Hindus, and lead a more wandering life than the Musalmâns. They are divided into the tribes of Râthaur, Chauhân or Kuri, Panwâr, Tomar, and Bhurtiya. The origin of the first four is sufficiently apparent from their names. The fifth is said to be derived from a Gaur Brâhman. Of these tribes again there are several ramifications. Of the Râthaur there are four—Muchhâri, Bâhuki, Murhâwat, and Panot: of the Muchhâri there are fifty-two divisions; of the Bâhuki there are twenty-seven; of the Murhâwat there are fifty-six; and of the Panot there are twenty-three. The Chauhâns, who have forty-two gotras, are unanimous in saying that they came from Mainpuri. The Panwârs have twenty gotras, and state that they came from Delhi. The Bhurtiya have fifty-two gotras. They claim Chithor as their original seat. The Bahrûp Banjâras, like all the other clans, intermarry, but do not allow of any connection between members of the same gotra. They receive the daughters of Nats in marriage, but do not allow their own daughters to marry into Nat families; and they have some curious customs at their marriages which need not be detailed in this place.”
Nâik Banjâras. 13. In addition to the five main tribes described by Sir H. M. Elliot there is another which is usually classed as an offshoot of them, the Nâiks. There is a tribe of this name in the Panjâb. Mr. Ibbetson says that the [[161]]“headmen of both Thoris and Banjâras are called Nâik.” This, as we have already seen, is the name used for them throughout the Dakkhin and Central India. Mr. Maclagan[72] says:—“In Rohtak they are said to be a branch of Hindu Dhânuks, who come from Jaypur. They were also represented to me as an agricultural tribe of Râjputs. Mr. Fagan, who kindly made enquiries for me, says they may be taken to be Aheris, that they state that they were originally Râjputs, and have the same gotras as Râjputs, and that they generally act as village watchmen; while those returned at Fîrozpur were labourers on the Sirhind Canal.” They take their name from the Sanskrit nayaka, “a leader.” In the Gorakhpur Division, where they are principally found, they assert that they are Sanâdh Brâhmans, and fix their original settlement in Pilibhît. Polygamy is allowed; polyandry prohibited. They appear to follow the customs of orthodox Hindus. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue, her parents have to give a tribal feast and a recitation of the Satyanârâyana Katha. A sum of money, known as tilak, is paid by the relatives of the bride to those of the bridegroom. A man can put away his wife for adultery by leave of the tribe or council. Such women cannot remarry in the tribe, and widow marriage is forbidden. They have the usual birth, death, and marriage ceremonies. They burn their dead and perform the srâddha. They employ Sarwariya Brâhmans as their family priests, and appear to be in all points orthodox Hindus. They are landlords, cultivators, and dealers in grain and other country produce.
The Mukeri Banjâras. 14. We have already seen that they claim to have originally come from Makka. Another story told in Mirzapur is that their ancestor was one Makka Banjâra, who helped Father Abraham to build Mecca; and that they emigrated into India with the armies of the early Muhammadan invaders. Another name which they arrogate to themselves is Ahl-i-Quraish, or that of the Arabian tribe, from which Muhammad was descended (see Shaikh). They have two endogamous sub-castes—the Purbiya or “Eastern,” and the Pachhiwâha or “Western.” The Purbiya Mukeris have two sections, Banaudhiya and Malwariya, which they derive from two towns named Banaudh and Malwar, in the Arrah District of Bengal. From this it may be gathered that their last movement was from East to West, and that they have forgotten [[162]]their real origin, which was probably from the West; the Malwariyas being from Mârwâr, and the Banaudhiyas from Banaudh, which included Southern Oudh and the Districts of Jaunpur, Azamgarh and Benares. The Pachhiwâhas are also divided into two sections, Khân and Shaikh. They do not, now at least, admit outsiders into their community. Marriage among them usually takes place at the age of seven. They follow the Muhammadan religious and social rules, and, of course, allow widow marriage. They have, however, the Hindu rules of succession to property. They are professedly Muhammadans of the Sunni sect, but they retain many Hindu usages. They worship the Pânchonpîr in the manner common to all the inferior Muhammadan tribes of the Eastern Districts; but they also make sacrifices to Kâli Bhawâni at the Naurâtra of Chait. They bury their dead and offer to them sweets (halwa) and cakes at the Shab-i-barât. Their occupation is grinding and selling flour and other provisions, and dealing in grain. They follow the Muhammadan rules regarding food, and drink spirits.
Other Hindu Banjâras of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 15. In Kheri they are known as Banjâra and Byopâri or “dealer.” They trace their origin to Jaypur and Jodhpur. They have three endogamous sections—Kora, Muchhâri and Miyân. They visit periodically a temple of Lalita Devi, at a place called Tilokpur, somewhere in the Râjputâna country. There also, when they can afford it, they get the birth hair of their children shaved. In Cawnpur they give their endogamous sub-castes as Râthaur, Panwâr-Chauhân, Gaur, and Kachhwâha, which are all the names of well-known Râjput septs. Their rule of exogamy is stated to be that they cannot marry within a family which is known to be descended from the same parents, or which can be traced to a common ancestor; nor in the family of the maternal uncle or father’s sister; nor two sisters at the same time; but a man may marry the sister of his deceased wife. When the bride is introduced into the family of her husband she has to cook sweetened rice, with which she feeds all the clansmen. A man may marry as many wives as he can afford to keep. There is no bride price, except in the case of elderly men, who have a difficulty in finding wives. Widow marriage and the levirate are both allowed under the usual conditions.
16. In Kheri at the marriage ceremony they place four pitchers (ghara) one on the top of the other in seven piles, and in the centre two pestles (mûsar), and a water jar (kalsa). Close to this [[163]]the Pandit makes a holy square (chauk), and performs the fire sacrifice (hom). After this the pair, with their clothes tied, walk seven times round the pestles, and the father of the bride worships the feet of the bridegroom and makes him an offering of two or four rupees. This is the respectable form. In the inferior form, known as Dharauna, the bride is taken to the house of the bridegroom, and the marriage is completed by a feast given to the brotherhood.
17. The funeral ceremonies are of the normal type. The Kheri Banjâras are reported not to perform the srâddha or to employ Brâhmans at death; in Cawnpur, on the contrary, they carry out the orthodox ritual.
Religion. 18. In Cawnpur they worship Hardeo or Hardaur Lâla, Zâhirpîr, the Miyân of Amroha, and Kâlu Deo, who is said to have a shrine somewhere in the Dakkhin. Goats are offered to Kâlu Deo and Miyân by any one but women. Sometimes only the ear of the animal is cut and a drop or two of blood sprinkled on the altar, and sometimes a cocoanut is substituted for a goat. In Kheri they are reported to prefer the worship of Bhagwân and Parameswara, and to be initiated in a temple in the Sahâranpur District. Their religious guides are Brâhmans of their own, who teach them only to worship Bhagwân and not to tell lies. They occasionally offer goats to Devi. They swear on the Ganges or by standing in water or walking through fire.
Social customs of Hindu Banjâras. 19. In Kheri they eat the flesh of wild pigs and goats, but not fowls. They drink spirits and use opium, and the hemp intoxicants bhang and gânja, freely. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi and pakki with Brâhmans, and will smoke only with their brethren. Some of them are traders, and a few are now taking to agriculture, as the profits of the carrying trade are gradually becoming reduced.
Other Muhammadan Banjâras. 20. Those in Bareilly and Pilibhît say that they were driven there by Ahmad Shâh Durrâni’s invasion. They are divided into two endogamous sub-castes—Gaurithân and Baidguâr.[73] They follow the orthodox rules of the Muhammadan faith, and work as cultivators, carriers of, and dealers in, grain. [[164]]
Banjâras and crime. 21. In former times the Banjâras especially in Gorakhpur and the neighbouring districts, had an evil reputation for dakaiti and similar offences.[74] This is in a great measure a thing of the past. In recent years they have come under the notice of the police in connection with the kidnapping of girls. There can be little doubt that most, if not all of them, occasionally introduce girls of other castes into the tribe. Quite recently the police in the Agra District have found reason to suspect that some of them in the guise of Commissariat contractors carry on an extensive trade in stolen cattle, and are in the habit of appropriating and changing the brands on the so-called Brâhmani bulls which are released by Hindus on the occasion of a death.
Cattle trade. 22. One of the most important trades carried on in the present day by the Banjâras is that of the purchase and sale of cattle used for agricultural purposes. Cattle are largely bred along the Jumna in the direction of Agra and Mathura. These are bought up by Banjâras, who drive them in large herds to great distances about the time when the agricultural seasons are commencing. They sell them on credit with a promise of payment when the crop is ripe. At such times they come round to realise their debts. They seldom or never take bonds or resort to the law courts; but they appear at the houses of their creditors, and if not promptly paid, practise a form of coercion known as dharna, by encamping close to the house of the defaulter and using vile language to his womenkind wherever they venture to show themselves. This form of pressure appears to be effective with even the most callous debtor, and it is understood that they generally succeed in realising their money. This result is brought about by the popular fear felt for the Banjâra, who is a wild-looking semi-savage who can make his presence most disagreeably felt.
Appearance and manners. 23. With the partial disappearance of the Banjâra carrier before our roads and railways a most picturesque element is being lost in the generally squalid life of our bâzârs. No one who sees them in their original state can help being struck by their resemblance in figure and dress to some of the Western gypsies. To Dr. Ball[75] a camp of Labânas immediately recalled to his memory the Zingari of [[165]]the lower Danube and Wallachia. And he was particularly impressed by the peculiar minor key of the music which is so characteristic of these people. In these Provinces the women are skilled in a peculiar form of woollen embroidery, and pride themselves on their bright coloured boddices (choli) and jackets (angi) ornamented in this way. Some wear a sort of horn made of wood in their hair, over which the sheet (châdar) is draped in a very peculiar and graceful fashion. The women, who are much taller and more robust than the people among whom they live, stride along the roads in a particularly bold and independent way. But their characteristic dress is seen to most advantage in their seats in the Dakkhin. Mr. Mullaly[76] writes of the women as “comely and above the average height of the women of this country. They are easily distinguished by their dress and a profusion of jewellery they wear. Their costume is the gown (lahnga) of khârua cloth, red or green, with a quantity of embroidery. The boddice, with embroidery on the front and on the shoulders, covers the bosom, and is tied by variegated cords at the back, the ends of the cords being ornamented with cowries and beads; a covering cloth of khârua cloth, with embroidery, is fastened in at the waist, and hangs at the side with a quantity of tassels, and strings of cowries. Their jewels are very numerous, and include strings of beads of ten or twenty rows with a cowrie as a pendant threaded on horse hair, a silver necklace (hansli), a sign of marriage. They wear brass or horn bracelets, ten or twelve in number, extending to the elbow on either arm, with a piece of embroidered silk, one inch wide, tied to the right wrist. Anklets of ivory or bone are only worn by the married women; they are removed on the death of the husband. Silk embroidery adorned with tassels and cowries is also worn as an anklet by all women. Their other jewels are a nose ornament, a silver pendant from the upper part of the ear, attached to a silver chain which hangs to the shoulder, and a profusion of silver, brass, and lead rings. Their hair is, in the case of unmarried women, unadorned, brought up and tied in a knot at the top of the head; with married women it is fastened in like manner with a cowrie or a brass button, and heavy pendants are fastened to the temple. The latter is an essential sign of marriage, and its absence is a sign of widowhood.” There is no doubt that they have a patois of [[166]]their own; but it has as yet not been fully collected. Dr. Ball says that he was “informed by a Russian Prince, who travelled in India in 1874, that one of his companions, a Hungarian nobleman, found himself able to converse with the Banjâras of Central India in consequence of his knowledge of the Zingari language.” He also states that “the Dîwân of Kudibuga told me that the strong-minded Banjâra women are in the habit of inflicting severe chastisement on their husbands with their very large sticks (bari bari lâthi), a custom which also prevails in the Nicobar Islands.”
Distribution of Banjâras according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Chauhân. | Bahrûp. | Guâr. | Jâdon. | Panwâr. | Râthaur. | Tunwar. | Others. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | 2 | … | … | … | … | … | … | 936 | 939 | 1,877 |
| Sahâranpur | 578 | 1,865 | … | … | 178 | 528 | 10 | 3,836 | 3,494 | 10,489 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 380 | 112 | … | 53 | 769 | 637 | 107 | 1,708 | 88 | 3,854 |
| Meerut | … | … | … | … | … | 98 | … | 253 | 353 | 704 |
| Bulandshahr | 356 | … | … | 1 | 1 | 95 | … | 27 | 83 | 563 |
| Aligarh | 102 | … | 123 | 2 | 50 | 1,146 | 363 | 844 | 17 | 2,647 |
| Mathura | 166 | … | 1 | 21 | 78 | 205 | 2 | 108 | 770 | 1,351 |
| Agra | 140 | … | 6 | 347 | 92 | 319 | … | 225 | 207 | 1,336 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 215 | … | … | 23 | 50 | 31 | 3 | 353 | 170 | 875 |
| Mainpuri | … | … | … | 94 | … | 281 | … | 311 | 31 | 717 |
| Etâwah | 550 | … | 1 | 352 | 204 | 538 | … | 763 | 28 | 2,436 |
| Etah | 393 | … | 2 | 43 | 166 | 590 | 21 | 617 | 50 | 1,882 |
| Bareilly | … | … | 67 | … | … | … | … | … | 7,915 | 7,982 |
| Bijnor | … | … | 154 | … | 335 | 966 | … | 1,126 | 2,606 | 5,187 |
| Budâun | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 13 | 13 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | … | 189 | … | … | … | … | 375 | 2,598 | 3,162 |
| Shâhjahânpur | … | … | 1 | … | 8 | 53 | 3 | 45 | 149 | 259 |
| Pilibhît | 99 | 31 | 459 | 23 | 270 | 1,343 | … | 1,664 | 5,506 | 9,395 |
| Cawnpur | 25 | … | 124 | 2 | 112 | 154 | … | 11 | 2 | 430 |
| Allahâbâd | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 3 | … | 3 |
| Jhânsi | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 16 | … | 16 |
| Ghâzipur | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 1 | 1[[167]] |
| Ballia | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 10 | … | 10 |
| Gorakhpur | 6 | … | 10 | … | … | … | … | 63 | 36 | 115 |
| Basti | 3 | 68 | … | … | … | 39 | … | 1 | 48 | 159 |
| Tarâi | … | … | 36 | … | … | 190 | 3 | 2,747 | 911 | 38,887 |
| Lucknow | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 34 | … | 34 |
| Unâo | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 142 | 142 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 2 | 42 | 44 |
| Sîtapur | 16 | … | 2 | … | … | … | … | 27 | 199 | 244 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 25 | 25 |
| Kheri | 40 | 102 | 918 | … | 465 | 1,273 | … | 1,422 | 407 | 4,627 |
| Faizâbâd | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 8 | … | 8 |
| Gonda | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 5 | 43 | 48 |
| Bahrâich | 64 | … | 56 | … | 685 | 446 | 6 | 934 | 80 | 2,271 |
| Partâbgarh | 33 | … | … | … | … | 2 | … | … | … | 35 |
| Total | 3,198 | 2,178 | 2,149 | 961 | 3,463 | 8,934 | 518 | 18,474 | 26,953 | 66,828 |
Bânsphor.[77]—(Bâns, “bamboo,” phorna, “to split”).—A sub-caste of Doms who may be considered separately as they have been separately enumerated at the last Census. Those in Mirzapur represent themselves to be immigrants from a place called Bisurpur or Birsupur in the Native State of Panna, which, according to some, is identical with Birsinhpur, a place north-west of the town of Rîwa. In Gorakhpur they call themselves Gharbâri, or “settled” Doms, in contradistinction to the Magahiya, or vagrant branch of the tribe. Their immigration from the west is said in Mirzapur to have commenced some four generations ago and still continues. They profess to undertake occasional pilgrimages to their old settlement to worship a local Mahâdeva. In Gorakhpur they have a story that they are the descendants of one Supach Bhagat, who was a votary of Râmchandra. He had two wives, Mân Devi and Pân [[168]]Devi, the first of whom was the ancestress of the Bânsphors. They freely, like other Doms, admit outsiders into the caste, and this is generally the result of an intrigue with one of their women. The applicant for admission has to give a feast of rice, pulse, pork, and spirits to the brotherhood, and when he has drunk with them he is admitted to full caste rights.
Internal organization. 2. The sub-caste being a purely occupational offshoot from the original Dom tribe, their internal organization is rather vague. Thus at the last Census they were enumerated under one main sub-caste, the Dhânuk, who, though possibly allied to the Dom race, are generally treated as distinct, and the Benbansi of Gonda. In Bhâgalpur, according to Mr. Risley,[78] they have a number of exogamous sections (pangat); but other Bânsphors on the Nepâl frontier regulate their marriages by local sections (dih); while others in the town of Bhâgalpur have neither pangat nor dih. In Mirzapur they enumerate eight exogamous sections: Mahâwati, Chamkel, Gausel, Samudra, Nahar, Kalai, Magariha, and Saraiha; and they reinforce the rule of section exogamy by prohibiting marriages with the daughter of the maternal uncle, of their father’s sister, and of their own sister; also they do not intermarry with a family in which one of these relations marries until at least one or two generations have passed. Similarly, in Hardoi, where they have no sub-castes or sections, they are reported to prohibit marriage with first cousins on both the father’s and mother’s sides. In Gorakhpur they name, like so many castes of this social grade, seven endogamous sub-castes: Bânsphor; Mangta, or “begging” Doms; Dharkâr, which has been treated as a separate caste; Nâtak, or dancers; Tasiha; Halâlkhor, “one to whom all food is lawful;” and Kûnchbandhiya, or makers of the brushes constructed out of the roots of the kans grass used by weavers for cleaning the thread.
Tribal Council. 3. The Bânsphors on the whole agree with the customs of the Doms and Dharkârs, of whom an account has been separately given; but, as might be expected from their living a more settled life than the vagrant Doms, they are more completely Hinduised. Their caste council, under a hereditary president (Chaudhari), is a very powerful and influential body, the members of which are, however, only a sort of assessors to the [[169]]president, who, after consultation with them, gives any orders he pleases. If a man is caught in an intrigue with a Dhobin or Domin he is permanently excommunicated, and the same rule applies to a woman detected in an amour with a man of either of these castes. Intrigues with persons of more respectable castes involve expulsion only until the necessary feasts of expiation are given to the brethren. In addition to the feast the offender has always, in Mirzapur, to pay a cash fine of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Monogamy is the rule, but there is no restriction against a man having as many wives as he can marry and support. Concubinage with a woman of another caste is prohibited, and the caste look on the very idea of polyandry with such horror that it is more than doubtful if it could ever have been a tribal institution. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a clansman she is married to him by order of the council, and her father has to give a dinner to the brethren. When a married woman offends in this way, both her husband and father have to give a feast; but, as among all these tribes, inter-tribal infidelity is lightly regarded; a woman is not condemned except on the actual evidence of eye-witnesses.
Marriage rules. 4. Marriage takes place usually in infancy; and, in Mirzapur, if a girl is not married by the time she comes to puberty, her parents are put out of caste. Marriages are arranged by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father, and the bride-price is fixed in Mirzapur by tribal custom at four-and-a-quarter rupees, four annas being added as siwâi for good luck. If a wife habitually commit adultery, eat with a low-caste person, or give her husband food in an impure dish, she is put away with the sanction of the council. A woman is allowed to leave her husband only if he be put out of caste. It is said, in Mirzapur, that a divorced wife cannot marry again. This is true, so far as that, of course, she cannot go through the regular service which is restricted to virgin brides; but she can live with a man by the sagâi form, and the connection, after it has been ratified by a feast, is binding, and her children are legitimate. Widows are married by the sagâi, or dharauna form, generally to a widower, and their children are recognised as heirs. The only ceremony is that the husband gives the woman a new suit of clothes, which are put on her inside the house at night, in secret, and he then eats with the family of his father-in-law. Next day he takes his bride home, and feeds his clansmen, on which the union is recognised. The levirate prevails under the usual [[170]]restrictions. Even if a widow be taken over by the younger brother, her children by the first marriage inherit the estate of their father. A man may adopt his brother’s, or daughter’s, not his sister’s, son. A woman can adopt if there be no one in her husband’s family to support her.
Birth ceremonies. 5. In their birth ceremonies the Bânsphors agree with the Dharkârs. The mother, during her confinement is, in Mirzapur, attended by a woman of the Basor caste. There is no rite performed on the sixth day, and the mother is impure till the twelfth day (barahi). They have the usual dread of the menstrual and parturition impurity. On the twelfth day a hog is sacrificed to the deceased ancestors of the family, and the brethren eat the flesh boiled with rice. The woman has to worship the well from which water is drawn for the use of the family by walking five times round it in the course of the sun and marking it with red lead. A man does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her confinement. The only approach to a puberty ceremony is the ear-boring, which takes place at the age of three or five, but in some cases is delayed to a later date, and it marks an approach to Hinduism, that they ask the Pandit to fix a lucky time for its performance. From that time the child is regarded as a member of the tribe and must conform to caste usages regarding food.
Marriage. 6. In the same way the Pandit draws auspices (ganana ganna) of marriages. The betrothal is settled by the father of the boy exchanging with the girl’s father a leaf platter full of liquor in which a rupee is placed, and the brother-in-law of the bridegroom ties a turban on the head of the bride’s father. The marriage ceremony resembles that of Dharkârs (q.v.). It is preceded by the matmangara ceremony. The earth is dug by the bridegroom’s mother, who offers a burnt sacrifice (homa) to the village deities (dih). In the centre of the marriage shed (mânro) is fixed up a branch of the fig tree (gûlar) and the cotton tree (semal). The usual anointing precedes the marriage. The bride’s nails are solemnly cut (nahchhu) and her feet are coloured with lac dye (mahâwar). The usual wave ceremony (parachhan) is done with a pestle (mûsar) and a water jar (kalsa). At the bride’s door her father makes a mark (tîka) on the forehead of the bridegroom with rice and curds. The bride’s father washes the feet of the bride and bridegroom in a square in the court-yard. They sit facing east, and the bride’s father worships the fig tree branch, and [[171]]then, in imitation of Hindus, Gauri and Ganesa. Then holding some kusa grass in his hand he formally gives away the bride (kanyâdâna). The clothes of the pair are knotted together, and they walk five times round the fig and cotton branches, while at each revolution the girl’s brother sprinkles a little parched rice into a sieve which the bridegroom holds. This he scatters on the ground, and the ceremony ends by the bridegroom marking the girl’s head with red lead, which is the binding portion of the ceremony. Then they go into the retiring room (kohabar), where jokes are played on the bridegroom, and he receives a present from his mother-in-law. As is usual with these tribes they have the ceremony of plunging the wedding jars (kalsa dubâna) into water a day or two after the wedding.
Death ceremonies. 7. The dead are cremated, except young children or those who die of epidemic disease, whose bodies are thrown into a river or buried. After the cremation they chew leaves of the nîm tree as a mark of mourning. The death pollution lasts ten days, during which the mourner every night lays out a platter of food on the road by which the corpse was removed for its use. On the tenth day the chief mourner throws five lumps (pinda) of rice boiled in milk (khîr) into water in the name of the dead, and, on returning home, sacrifices a hog in the name of the deceased, which is boiled with rice and eaten by the clansmen. No Brâhmans are employed at any of these ceremonies. In the festival of the dead (pitripaksha) in Kuâr they pour off water on the ground every day for fifteen days in honour of deceased ancestors; and on the ninth day they offer cakes (pûri), sweet rice (bakhîr), and pork, to their ancestors. These are laid out in the court-yard for their use. On the fifteenth day they offer rice, pulse, bread, and pork, if obtainable, in the same way. Any senior member of the family presents the offering.
Religion. 8. Their chief deity, in Mirzapur, is the Vindhyabâsini Devi, of Bindhâchal, whom they worship on the ninth day of Chait, with hogs, goats, cakes (pûri), and pottage (lapsi). They honour the village gods (dih) with a sacrifice of a hog or goat; butter, barley, and treacle are burnt in a fire offering. On the fifth of Sâwan they lay milk and parched rice near a snake’s hole. They respect the pîpal tree, and will not cut or injure it. In Gorakhpur they worship Kâlika and Samai. The former is worshipped at marriages, child-birth, etc., with an offering [[172]]of a young pig, one-and-a-quarter jars of liquor, flowers, and ground rice boiled in treacle and milk (pithi). To Samai is offered a yearling pig. Maidens and widows married by the Sagâi form are not permitted to join in this worship, which takes place in a corner of the house set apart for the purpose. They do not employ Brâhmans in their domestic ceremonies, which are carried out by some old man (syâna) of the family. In Hardoi their tribal deity is Kâla Deo, whose image is painted on the wall of the house, and worshipped at any event, such as marriage, birth, etc., in the family. They also sometimes sacrifice a goat or sheep to Devi, and the worshippers consume the offerings. Their holidays are the Phagua or Holi, at which they get drunk and eat choice food; the Râmnaumi, on the ninth of Chait, when they worship the Vindhyabâsini Devi; the Tîj, on the third of Sâwan, when women pray for the long life of their husbands, and the Kajari, on the third of Bhâdon, when women get drunk, and all rules of sexual morality are ignored. In Hardoi, on the Karwa Chauth feast, the women fast and worship the moon by pouring water out of an earthen pot (karwa), whence the name of the festival. At the Guriya feast girls make dolls of rags, which are beaten with sticks by boys on the banks of a tank. The dolls are believed to represent snakes, and the feast is in commemoration of the destruction of serpents by Garuda. They worship the dead by laying out food in seven leaf platters and letting the children or crows eat it. They have a great respect for the village shrine, and never dare to tread on the pieces of earthenware horses, etc., with which it is decorated. They also, as is shown in the birth ceremonies, worship wells. The sainted dead specially delight in the savour of pork, and give trouble if not honoured with this sacrifice.
Social customs. 9. Women wear in the ears the ornaments known as utarna and karnphûl, bead necklaces (dharkauwa), and bangles (chûri) on the arms: anklets (pairi), brass rings on their fingers. Boys and girls have two names, one for ordinary use and one kept secret. They swear on the sun or the heads of their children. Those who break an oath become smitten with leprosy or lose their property. Disease, generally due to demoniacal possession, is treated by the Ojha, who also prescribes in cases of the Evil-eye. They will not eat beef, nor touch a Dom, Dhobi, the wife of a younger brother, the wife of the elder brother-in-law, or the wife of their sister’s son. They will not mention their eldest son by his name. To do so is regarded as a sin. They eat [[173]]pork, fowls, goats, and other animals, but not the cow, monkey, alligator, snake, lizard, jackal, or rat. Men eat before women. They salute their castemen in the form Râm! Râm!
Occupation. 10. Some work as ordinary day-labourers, but their business is making fans, baskets, and boxes of bamboo. Some work as sweepers and remove night-soil. No other caste will touch food or water from their hands.
Distribution of Bânsphors according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Dhânuk. | Others. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | … | 156 | … | 156 |
| Sahâranpur | … | 5 | 87 | 92 |
| Farrukhâbâd | … | 94 | … | 94 |
| Mainpuri | … | 19 | … | 19 |
| Bareilly | … | 7 | … | 7 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | … | 20 | 20 |
| Shâhjahânpur | … | 66 | … | 66 |
| Pilibhît | … | 353 | … | 353 |
| Cawnpur | … | 44 | … | 44 |
| Banda | … | 4 | … | 4 |
| Lalitpur | … | 4,360 | … | 4,360 |
| Mirzapur | … | 64 | … | 64 |
| Ghâzipur | … | 28 | … | 28 |
| Ballia | … | 447 | … | 447 |
| Gorakhpur | … | 466 | 1 | 467 |
| Basti | … | 7 | … | 7 |
| Azamgarh | … | 67 | … | 67 |
| Lucknow | 1,102 | 729 | … | 1,831 |
| Unâo | … | 36 | … | 36 |
| Râê Bareli | 422 | 7 | … | 429 |
| Sîtapur | 308 | 853 | … | 1,161 |
| Kheri | … | 6 | … | 6 |
| Gonda | 295 | 327 | … | 622 |
| Bahrâich | 1,534 | 728 | 3 | 2,265 |
| Partâbgarh | 4,467 | 218 | 1 | 4,686 |
| Total | 8,128 | 9,093 | 112 | 17,333 |
[[174]]
Banya.—(Sanskrit, banija, vanija.)—The great trading class of Northern India. Pedantically the Banya is known as Baqqâl—a term applied in Arabia and Persia to greengrocers. When he becomes a large merchant he is known as Mahâjan. Banya is, in fact, a generic term including a large number of endogamous sub-castes, of whom some account has been given in separate articles. The Banya has rather an indifferent reputation in the country-side, where he is hated and despised for his habits of money-grubbing, meanness, and rapacity. But at the same time he is an indispensable element in the social life of the people whose trade and business he finances. The modern Banya does not seem to have changed much since the time of Tavernier,[79] who writes:—“Those of this caste are so subtle and nimble in trade that the Jews may be their ’prentices. They accustom their children betimes to fly idleness, and instead of suffering them to lose their time by playing in the streets, as we generally do, they teach them arithmetic, which they are so perfect at, that without making use either of pen or ink or counters, but only of their memories, they will in a moment cast up the most difficult account that can be imagined. They always live with their fathers, who instruct them in trade, and do nothing but what they show them. If any man in the heat of passion chafe at them, they will hear him patiently without making any reply, and parting coldly from him will not see him again till three or four days, when they think their passion may be over. They never eat anything that has life, nay, they would rather die than kill the smallest animal or vermin, being in that point above all things the most zealous observers of the law. They never fight nor go to war, neither will they eat or drink at the house of a Râjput.”
2. The current proverbs abound with chaff at the Banya:—Na Banya mît na besva sati—“A Banya is as little a friend as a prostitute is chaste”; Banya mârê jan, thag mârê anjân—“The Banya cheats his friends, and the rogue, strangers,” and so on.
3. At the same time some of the Banya sub-divisions, like the Agarwâla and Oswâl, are perhaps some of the purest races in Northern India.
4. In his social habits the Banya is very precise in the matter of food. In religion he is either a Hindu or Jain, or, as he calls himself, a Sarâogi, a word derived from the Sanskrit srâvaka, “a disciple of the Buddha.”
BANYA.
[[175]]
Distribution of Banyas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindu. | Jain. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | 3,212 | 234 | 3,446 |
| Sahâranpur | 31,170 | 6,075 | 37,245 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 31,997 | 9,388 | 41,385 |
| Meerut | 51,943 | 16,378 | 68,321 |
| Bulandshahr | 39,579 | 1,265 | 40,844 |
| Aligarh | 46,472 | 2,507 | 48,979 |
| Mathura | 39,602 | 2,041 | 41,643 |
| Agra | 45,060 | 13,371 | 58,431 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 25,137 | 1,048 | 26,185 |
| Mainpuri | 21,452 | 5,759 | 27,211 |
| Etâwah | 27,608 | 2,117 | 29,725 |
| Etah | 23,864 | 4,933 | 28,797 |
| Bareilly | 22,191 | 4 | 22,195 |
| Bijnor | 18,331 | 998 | 19,329 |
| Budâun | 31,307 | 229 | 31,536 |
| Morâdâbâd | 31,970 | 1,002 | 32,972 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 23,573 | 36 | 23,609 |
| Pilibhît | 7,303 | 11 | 7,314 |
| Cawnpur | 33,939 | 415 | 34,354 |
| Fatehpur | 19,338 | 83 | 19,421 |
| Bânda | 22,274 | 282 | 22,556 |
| Hamîrpur | 14,667 | 107 | 14,774 |
| Allahâbâd | 46,131 | 568 | 46,699 |
| Jhânsi | 13,556 | 2,521 | 16,077 |
| Jâlaun | 14,304 | 164 | 14,468 |
| Lalitpur | 1,893 | 9,546 | 11,439[[176]] |
| Benares | 21,263 | 138 | 21,401 |
| Mirzapur | 23,754 | 281 | 24,035 |
| Jaunpur | 23,745 | 6 | 23,751 |
| Ghâzipur | 32,685 | 27 | 32,712 |
| Ballia | 44,248 | … | 44,248 |
| Gorakhpur | 100,209 | 40 | 100,249 |
| Basti | 53,155 | … | 53,155 |
| Azamgarh | 38,380 | … | 38,380 |
| Kumâun | 4,925 | … | 4,925 |
| Garhwâl | 1,920 | 2 | 1,922 |
| Tarâi | 2,850 | 39 | 2,889 |
| Lucknow | 17,231 | 797 | 18,028 |
| Unâo | 15,805 | 8 | 15,813 |
| Râê Bareli | 16,512 | 23 | 16,535 |
| Sîtapur | 15,013 | 234 | 15,247 |
| Hardoi | 27,175 | … | 27,175 |
| Kheri | 13,473 | 10 | 13,483 |
| Faizâbâd | 34,771 | 161 | 34,932 |
| Gonda | 33,108 | … | 33,108 |
| Bahrâich | 20,263 | 48 | 20,311 |
| Sultânpur | 23,524 | … | 23,524 |
| Partâbgarh | 13,420 | 130 | 13,550 |
| Bârabanki | 13,944 | 950 | 14,894 |
| Total | 1,279,246 | 83,976 | 1,363,222 |
[[177]]
Bârahseni.—(Bârah, twelve; sena, an army).—A sub-caste of Banyas found principally in the Western Districts. The last Census shows none in Benares; but Mr. Sherring[80] speaks of them as a considerable colony of bankers:—“They state that their original home was Agroha. In Benares they are of the Garga gotra.”
Distribution of the Bârahseni Banyas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 8 |
| Meerut | 3 |
| Bulandshahr | 1,791 |
| Aligarh | 12,936 |
| Mathura | 4,383 |
| Agra | 315 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 11 |
| Mainpuri | 625 |
| Etah | 2,329 |
| Bareilly | 3 |
| Bijnor | 12 |
| Budâun | 5,798 |
| Morâdâbâd | 4,511 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 33 |
| Pilibhît | 13 |
| Tarâi | 12 |
| Total | 32,783 |
Barai, Baraiya.—(Sanskrit vritti, “occupation, maintenance.”)—The caste engaged in the cultivation of the piper betel, usually known as pân (Sanskrit, parna), the leaf par excellence. The distinction generally made between the Barai and the Tamboli is that the former grows the plant, while the latter sells the leaves. But this distinction does not seem to be always observed. It would seem that the Barai hardly ever sells the leaves, while the Tamboli sometimes cultivates the plant. Mr. Sherring denies that the distinction prevails in Benares, and says that there the Tamboli sells betel-nut as well as pân, and appears to be more of a wholesale dealer than the Barai.[81] The Barais are replaced in the Meerut, Agra, and Rohilkhand Divisions by the Tambolis. [[178]]
Traditions of origin. 2. In the eastern part of the Province they have a curious legend to explain their origin:—“There were two Brâhman brothers so devout that after bathing they used to throw their loin cloths up to the skies, where they dried and came down when they were wanted. One day the brothers were in the forest and were athirst. The elder brother directed the younger to climb a mahua tree and see if there was any water in the cavities of the trunk. He did so and found water, which in his greediness he drank, and, lying to his elder brother, denied that there was any water in the tree. Next day they threw their loin cloths up to the sky as usual, and when they wanted them only that of the elder brother came down. So he knew that his brother had lied unto him. The younger brother denied the charge. Then Parameswar came down from heaven, and, convicting the younger brother of falsehood, ordered that the elder brother should remain a Brâhman, while the younger should tend the nâg bel or pân plant, which he formed out of the sacred thread of the offender, and that the elder brother should serve the younger brother as his priest.” Another story is that Brahma created them to save Brâhmans from the labour of growing the plant. Traditionally the Tâmbûlika or seller of betel is descended from a Sûdra woman by a Vaisya man. The caste is probably occupational and of mixed origin. In Gorakhpur they say that once a Brâhman had three sons. He came down with them from fairy land and was able to support them only by growing betel, for which he was excommunicated. They explain the name of the caste as derived from baraitha, the betel conservatory, which comes from the Sanskrit vriti. The Gorakhpur branch fix on Bîrbhânpur, in the Azamgarh District, as their head-quarters.
Internal structure. 3. In the last Census returns the Barais were recorded in no less than one hundred and forty-seven sub-castes. Of these a large number are local, such as the Aharwâr of Ahâr, the Ajudhyabâsi of Ajudhya, the Audha of Awadh, the Bindrabanbâsi of Bindraban, the Chaurasiya of Chaurâsi, in Mirzapur, the Dakkhinâha or “Southern,” the Gorakhpuri, Jaiswâr, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, of Cawnpur, Mahobiya, Pachhwâhân or “Western”; Sarjupâri or “residents beyond the river Sarju,” Sribâstab of Srâvasti; and Uttarâha or “Northern.” Many, again, are connected by origin or function with other tribes, as the Banya, Banjariya, Baiswâr, Chauhân, Donwâr, Gaderiya, [[179]]Gahlot, Gauriya, Gondar, Jâdubansi, Katheriya, Karwâra, Kokâs, Maharwa, Nâgbansi, Nânakshâhi, Ummar, Pansariya, Panwariya, Râjbansi, Rauteli, Sândil, Shuklabans. This will give some idea of the diverse elements out of which the caste has been composed.
4. In Mirzapur they name seven endogamous sub-castes, Partâbgarhi (from Partâbgarh), Chaurâsi (the Chaurasiya of Benares)[82], Jaiswâr or Jaiswâra Nâsarkhâni (the Nâsalkâni of Benares), Tâmboli, Uttarâha (“Northern”), Pachhiwâha (“Western”). Mr. Sherring adds Sribâstava (from Srâvasti), Bherihâra (“tenders of sheep”), Magahiya (from Magadha), Phuihâra, and Dhanwariya. Of these three, the Magahiya, Chaurasiya, and Jaiswâr appear in Behâr, where there are two others, Semariya and Sokhwa. In the Central Duâb they are divided into the Chaurasiya, who prepare betel, and the Katyâr, who sell it. In Gorakhpur we have the Kanaujiya, Chaurasiya, and Jaiswâr.
Marriage rules. 5. Marriage within the endogamous sub-castes is regulated by a rule of exogamy, which forbids marriage in the family of the paternal and maternal uncle and paternal and maternal aunt as long as there is any recollection of relationship, which is usually after five or six generations. But at the same time they usually marry locally in the families of those with whom they are accustomed to eat and smoke. In Mirzapur the Partâbgarhi are distinguished from the Chaurâsi, inasmuch that the former permit the use of spirits while the latter prohibit it. They marry their daughters at the age of eight or nine, and their sons at twelve or thirteen. A man cannot take a second wife unless he proves to the satisfaction of the tribal council that the first wife is barren, disobedient, extravagant, or a thief, and even then he has to pay a fine to the council, which is spent in a tribal feast. They seldom take more than two wives. They have the usual forms of marriage,—Charhauwa for the well-to-do, Dola for poor people, and Sagâi for widows. In both the regular forms of virgin marriage the binding portions of the ceremony are the worshipping of the bridegroom’s feet (pair pûja, pânw pûja) by the father of the bride, and marking of the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead (sindurdan). In Sagâi the only ceremony is dressing the bride in a suit of clothes and ornaments provided by the bridegroom, [[180]]and the feeding of his relations and clansmen. Intertribal infidelity is lightly regarded and is condoned by a tribal feast, but fornication with an outsider involves excommunication. They have the extraordinary rule that a woman who poisons her husband is excommunicated. If a man, in spite of the admonition and punishment administered by the tribal council, refuses to support his wife or loses caste, the council permit the woman to leave her husband, and, if she so pleases, to marry again by the Sagâi form.
Religion. 6. They are seldom initiated into any special sect. Like all Hindus of the same class, when the men get old they undergo a process of initiation and become devotees (bhagat: Sanskrit, bhakta). The only effect of this is that they abstain from meat and fish, and attend more carefully to their religious duties, such as attending temples, ceremonial bathing, etc. To the east of the Province their special deities are Mahâbîr, the Pânchonpîr, Bhawâni, Hardiha Deva, or Hardaur, Sokha Bâba and Nâgbeli. Sokha Bâba is the special deity of the Nâsarkhâni sub-caste, and, if neglected, ruins their pân gardens. They can tell nothing about him. He seems to be a deified exorciser or magician, sokha (Sanskrit: sukshma, “acute, subtle”) being the equivalent of Ojha. Nâgbel or Nâgarbel is the special deity of the pân plant. Hardiha is the special deity of the Barais of South Mirzapur. Mahâbîr receives an offering of sweetened bread (rota), gram, Brâhmanical threads (janeû), and loin cloths. His holy day is Tuesday. The Pânchonpîr receive rice cooked in milk (jawar), and fried cakes (puri), which are offered on Wednesday. Bhawâni is honoured with the sacrifice of a he-goat or ram, and sweets and cakes (halwa-puri). Hardiha is worshipped in secret inside the house on Monday. On Wednesday they fast in honour of the Pânchonpîr. Sokha Bâba is said to have a temple in Magadha (Behâr). His offering consists of sweets and cakes (halwa-puri). These deities are worshipped only by that member of the family who is under the influence of the special divinity—a fact shown by his getting into a state of ecstasy and uttering oracles. Only those who cultivate pân worship Nâgbel by lighting a lamp in the conservatory and making a burnt-offering (hom). The special day for the Nâgbel worship is the fifth of the first half of Sâwan. The greater gods are worshipped through Tiwâri Brâhmans, and the minor deities by [[181]]some specially inspired member of the family. They cremate their dead in the ordinary way, and some go to Gaya to perform the srâddha ceremony.
Occupation. 7. Betel is the term applied to the leaf of the piper betel chewed with the areca nut, which is hence improperly called betel-nut. The word, according to the authorities is Malayâlam, vettila, i.e., veru + ila = “simple or mere leaf,” and comes to us through the Portuguese betre and betle.[83] Areca is the seed, or, in common parlance, the nut, of the palm areca catechu. The word is Malayâlam, addakka, and comes to us through the Portuguese.[84] There are various methods of preparing the compound known as pân supâri. “Garcias da Horta says distinctly:—‘In chewing betre they mix areca with it and a little lime; some add licio (i.e., catechu); but the rich and grandees add some Borneo camphor, and also some lign aloes, musk, and ambergris.’ ”[85] Abul Fazl says:—“They also put some betel-nut and kath (catechu) on one leaf and some lime paste on another and roll them up: this is called a berah (bîra). Some put camphor and musk into it, and tie up both leaves with a silk thread.”[86] This is very much the modern practice, except that the two leaves are very generally fastened together with a clove. The conservatory in which the pân is grown is treated with great reverence by the grower.[87] They do not allow women to enter it, and permit no one to touch the plant or throw the leaves into fire. Very often they are given rent-free holdings by rich landlords to tempt them to settle in their neighbourhood. The women have an indifferent reputation, as they manage shops, and those who are attractive secure the most custom. They eat pakki cooked by all Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. In Gorakhpur, it is said, they eat pakki only from the hands of Brâhmans and Kshatriyas. They eat kachchi only if cooked by members of their own caste. Ghatiya Brâhmans and Râjputs eat pakki cooked by them. The highest caste which will eat kachchi cooked by them is the Nâi. They eat mutton and goat’s flesh, and some indulge in spirituous liquors. [[182]]
Distribution of the Barais according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Sub-Castes. | Total. | ||
| Chaurasiya. | Jaiswâr. | Others. | ||
| Mathura | … | … | 327 | 327 |
| Fatehpur | 142 | … | 32 | 174 |
| Bânda | 379 | … | 22 | 401 |
| Hamîrpur | 1,088 | … | 142 | 1,230 |
| Allahâbâd | 6,768 | 16 | 922 | 7,706 |
| Jhânsi | 163 | … | 193 | 356 |
| Lalitpur | 970 | … | 298 | 1,268 |
| Benares | 2,608 | 62 | 245 | 2,915 |
| Mirzapur | 4,329 | 11 | 25 | 4,365 |
| Jaunpur | 5,734 | 927 | 225 | 6,886 |
| Ghâzipur | 5,580 | 32 | 643 | 6,255 |
| Ballia | 5,512 | 426 | 461 | 6,399 |
| Gorakhpur | 12,856 | 9,884 | 6,258 | 28,998 |
| Basti | … | 26,859 | 1,054 | 27,913 |
| Azamgarh | … | 8,760 | 1,977 | 10,737 |
| Lucknow | 95 | … | 163 | 258 |
| Unâo | 579 | … | … | 579 |
| Sîtapur | 780 | … | 461 | 1,241 |
| Hardoi | 5,177 | … | 253 | 5,430 |
| Kheri | 462 | … | 216 | 678 |
| Faizâbâd | 80 | 10,612 | 122 | 10,814 |
| Gonda | 7 | 16,594 | 23 | 16,624 |
| Bahrâich | … | 21 | 1,045 | 1,066 |
| Sultânpur | 2,800 | 1,478 | 478 | 4,756 |
| Partâbgarh | 5,746 | 6 | 190 | 5,942 |
| Bârabanki | … | 103 | … | 103 |
| Total | 61,855 | 75,791 | 15,775 | 153,421 |
[[183]]
Baranwâl, Baranwâr.—A sub-caste of Banyas who take their name from the old town of Baran, the modern Bulandshahr. They are principally found in the Rohilkhand, Benares, and Gorakhpur Divisions. Curiously enough they have entirely avoided Bulandshahr, their old home. As illustrating the domestic customs of Banyas the following account from Mirzapur may be given:—
Birth customs. 2. When a woman is in the eighth month of pregnancy the Athmâsa ceremony is performed. Two or three days before it commences the women sing songs. On the day of the ceremony the Pandit makes a square in the courtyard, in which the husband and his wife are seated with their clothes knotted together. The Pandit makes them worship Gauri and Ganesa, and sweetmeats are sent to the houses of the clansmen. In the evening a feast is given to the clansmen. When the child is born, what is called the Nandi mukh srâddha is performed, and then the Chamârin midwife is called in to cut the navel cord. She attends the mother only on the first day. Then follow the usual sixth and twelfth day ceremonies (chhathi, barahi), when the mother bathes, the house is purified, and she returns to her household duties. When the child is one or three years old comes the shaving (mûnran). All the women of the family and their friends go to the temple of some goddess and worship her; then they worship the barber’s razor, and offer a rupee to it, which is the perquisite of the barber. Then he shaves the boy’s head, and the mother receives the hair on a cake made of unbaked dough. But more generally this is done by the sister or father’s sister of the boy. The boy and his mother then put on yellow garments and return home. A feast is given, and some small sums distributed to Brâhmans. In some families the ceremony of ear-boring (kanchhedan) is done at the same time as the mûnran; sometimes it is deferred till the boy is five years old. The boring is done by a Sunâr, and the friends are entertained. When the boy is six months old the anna-prâsana ceremony is performed. The mother cooks some rice milk (khîr), and the eldest member of the family puts some of it on a rupee and makes the child lick it. The function ends with the distribution of betel and cardamoms among the guests.
Occupation. 3. The Baranwâls are bâzâr traders of the ordinary type, and deal in grain and various kinds of merchandise. [[184]]
Distribution of the Baranwâl Banyas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Agra | 26 |
| Etah | 28 |
| Budâun | 439 |
| Morâdâbâd | 1,825 |
| Cawnpur | 80 |
| Bânda | 1 |
| Benares | 776 |
| Mirzapur | 590 |
| Jaunpur | 2,140 |
| Ghâzipur | 1,337 |
| Gorakhpur | 466 |
| Basti | 1,880 |
| Azamgarh | 5,206 |
| Râê Bareli | 46 |
| Faizâbâd | 173 |
| Partâbgarh | 131 |
| Grand Total | 15,144 |
Bargâh, Bargâha, Bargâhi.—(Probably connected with Bâri, q.v.)—A caste of personal servants and makers of leaf platters (dauna). To the east of the province they trace their origin to Kanauj, and say that they emigrated with the Gaharwâr Râjputs. Their women act as wet-nurses to the Gaharwârs, and their men pass round betel at entertainments, and do other kinds of higher domestic service. They claim kinship with the Guâl Ahîrs. Thus, in Gorakhpur, Dr. Buchanan[88] says:—“The Râjput chiefs have certain families of the Ahîrs, the women of which serve as wet-nurses to their children, and the men attend to their persons. These families are called Bargâha; they have received, of course, great favours, and several of them are very rich; but others look down upon them as having admitted their women to too great familiarity with their chiefs.”
2. They marry in their own tribe; but they have no sections, and their rule of exogamy is not to marry in a family with which they have been once connected in marriage as long as any recollection of relationship exists. The marriage customs are of the usual type. In Mirzapur they practise adult marriage. The ceremony occupies three days—the sil, main, and bârât. On the day of the sil the grindstone and rice pounder (sil batta) are placed in the courtyard, and a Brâhman worships Gauri. The clansmen are fed on rice and pulse. On the main day the mâtri pûja and worship of [[185]]deceased ancestors is performed, and a second feast is given. On the third day, the bârât, the procession, goes to the house of the bride. The pair are seated in a shed (mânro); the bride’s father worships the feet of the bridegroom and presents him with fruits, etc., the garments of the pair are knotted, and they revolve seven times round the shed. The bride’s father then marks the forehead of the bridegroom with turmeric and rice, and takes him and the bride into the retiring room (kohabar), a relic of the custom of immediately consummating the marriage. There the women of the family make the bridegroom join the lights of two lighted wicks as a sign of lasting affection between the pair. The girl is then sent off at once with her husband. They do not allow widow marriage or the levirate. Their death customs are of the usual orthodox type.
3. The Bargâhs are all Hindus, and appear chiefly to worship Mahâbîr, the Pânchonpîr and the Dih, or the collective body of the village godlings.
4. They live principally by domestic service, and are known to be courageous and faithful. Many of them take to agriculture. In Chota Nâgpur, according to Mr. Risley,[89] they claim to be Râjputs and act as domestic servants to the local Râjas.
Distribution of the Bargâhs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Hamîrpur | 392 |
| Mirzapur | 383 |
| Basti | 243 |
| Total | 1,018 |
Bargaiyân.—A sept of Râjputs who are found principally in the Ghâzipur district. There they claim to be of the Chauhân family, and to be emigrants from Mainpuri. The name is probably derived from some place called Baragâon, or “the great village.” They have a very absurd folk etymology, and say that they are so called because their ancestors performed some great exploit (bara kâm kiya). They are now poor and discontented.[90] [[186]]
Distribution of Bargaiyân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Benares | 2 |
| Ghâzipur | 2,659 |
| Ballia | 280 |
| Râê Bareli | 123 |
| Faizâbâd | 76 |
| Sultânpur | 10 |
| Partâbgarh | 4 |
| Total | 3,154 |
Bargala.—A sept of Râjputs found chiefly in the Bulandshahr[91] District. They are a spurious branch of the Lunar race and are ranked as Gaurua, because they practise widow marriage. They claim descent from two brothers, Drigpâl and Battipâl, who are said to have been emigrants from Indor, in Mâlwa, and commanded the royal force at Delhi in the attack on Râo Pithaura. A number were converted to Islâm in the time of Aurangzeb. They are a turbulent, disorderly sept, and lost most of their villages in the Mutiny.
2. In the Upper Duâb, they are reported to give brides to the Bhâlê Sultân, Jaiswâr, and Bâchhal, and to take wives from the Jaiswâr.
Distribution of the Bargala Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 2 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 2 |
| Bulandshahr | 8,250 |
| Morâdâbâd | 6 |
| Total | 8,260 |
Bargi.—A tribe found only in Mathura, according to the last Census, where they numbered 1,076. They are said to live by service, cultivation, and hunting. They are probably, if not identical, closely connected with the Bâri and Bargâh. [[187]]
Bargûjar.—(Sanskrit, vriddha; Hindi, bara, “great.”)—An important sept of Râjputs classed as one of the thirty-six royal races, and descended, like their opponents, the Kachhwâhas, from Râma, but through Lava, the second son. Sir H. M. Elliot[92] writes:—“Colonel Tod says that it was in Anûpshahr that the Bargûjars, on their expulsion by the Kachhwâhas from Rajor, found refuge; and that is still the chief town of the Bargûjar family. But as this expulsion occurred only in the time of the illustrious Siwâi Jay Sinh, in the beginning of the last century, the chief of Rajor must have chosen for his residence a part of the country already in the occupation of his brethren; for Bargûjars are mentioned, even in Akbar’s time, as the Zamîndârs of Khurja, Dibâi, and Pahâsu. Their own assertion is that they came from Rajor, the capital of Deoti, in the Macheri country, under Râja Pratâp Sinh, and first resided in Kheriya, near Pitampur, and that the Râja, after marrying at Koil into a Râjput family of the Dor tribe, which at that time occupied the whole country between Koil and Bulandshahr, obtained favour in the sight of the Dors and got authority to establish himself as far eastward as he chose. Having, in consequence, exterminated the Mewâtis and Bhihars, who are represented to have been in previous occupation, he was so successful as to acquire the possession of sixteen hundred villages, eight hundred on the east and eight hundred on the west of the Ganges. At the time of his death Chaundera, near Pahâsu (in the Bulandshahr District), was reckoned the chief possession of the Bargûjars, and one of the descendants of Pratâp Sinh, Râja Sâlivâhana, gave his name to a Pargana, which comprised the present divisions of Pîtampur, Pahâsu, and Birauli. Râja Pratâp Sinh left two sons, Jatu and Rânu. Jatu took up his abode in Katehar or Rohilkhand, and Rânu remained as chief of Chaundera.
2. “The antiquity of the Katehar Bargûjars may be surmised from a passage in the Râthaur Genealogies:—
‘Bharat, the eleventh grandson of Nain Pâl, the Râthaur, at the age of sixty-one conquered Kanaksir, under the Northern Hills, from Rudra Sen, of the Bargûjar tribe.’ Nain Pâl is supposed to have lived in the fifth Century. Though there appears no reason for ascribing to his reign so early a date, he must, at any rate, have preceded the final Muhammadan conquest of Kanauj. [[188]]
3. “While the Katehar Bargûjars and the Anûpshahr family have preserved their ancient faith, nearly all the Duâb tribes which preceded the expulsion of their chief from Rajor have turned Muhammadans; and the early opponents of the British in Kamona and Pindrâwal were Bargûjars of that persuasion. They still, however, appear proud of their Râjput lineage; for they assume the appellation of Thâkur. Thus we hear the strange combination of Thâkur Akbar’ Ali Khân and Thâkur Mardan’ Ali Khân. At their marriages they paint on their doors the image of a Kahârin or female bearer, under whose instructions they executed a stratagem by which they exterminated the Mewâtis, who had been engaged in a drunken revel during the Holi. Some of the Musalmân families have of late discontinued this custom. The Bargûjars to the west of Muzaffarnagar were all converted to the Muhammadan faith in the time of Alâ-ud-dîn Khilji; but they still retain most of their old Hindu customs. A stricter conformity to the Musalmân tenets was endeavoured to be introduced by some reformers, and all Hindu observances were sedulously proscribed by them; but when it was found, as they themselves assert, that all their children became blind and maimed in consequence of their apostacy, they were induced to revert to their ancestral customs, and still adhere to them with so much pertinacity, that it is almost doubtful which faith prevails most.
4. “The Muzaffarnagar Bargûjars state that they came from Dobandesar, near Dhain Dawâsa, south of the Alwar country, under one Kura Sen, whose ancestor, Bâba Megha, is still invoked when they make their offerings at the time of naming their children. They intermarry with the converted Pundîr Râjputs of Sakrauda in Sahâranpur, and the Râo Bargûjars, in Farîdâbâd, of Balabhgarh, to the south of Delhi. They seem to know but little of their brethren who reside in the neighbourhood of Anûpshahr.
5. “The place whence they migrated may be easily traced, for Dawâsa or Deosa lies on the Bânganga river about thirty miles east of Jeypur, and Dhain is about eight miles south of Deosa. Deosa is famous as being the first place belonging to the Bargûjars, which was occupied by the Kachhwâhas, after their emigration from Narwar, in the middle of the tenth Century. It is not improbable that the Kachhwâhas may at this period have compelled the Bargûjars to emigrate in search of other seats, and they, in turn, may have wreaked their vengeance on the Kachhwâhas of the [[189]]Upper Duâb, and established their Chaurâsi among the brethren of their distant foe. Certain it is that tradition assigns a large tract of country in these parts to the Kachhwâhas before the Bargûjars, Jâts, and Pathâns obtained possession.
6. “The Sikarwâl Râjputs state that they are a branch of the Bargûjars; but they are separately entered among the thirty-six royal races in Colonel Tod’s list. It is to be observed, however, that in some of the other lists which he has given neither Bargûjars nor Sikarwâls are entered.”
7. In Mathura[93] the Hindu branch are classed as pure because they do not practise widow marriage. The Rohilkhand[94] branch have various traditions of their origin, some claiming Tomar and some Sûrajbansi descent. They seem to have pushed across the Ganges from Anûpshahr about the same time that the Katehriyas occupied Bareilly.
8. In Bulandshahr they give brides to the Gahlot, Bhatti, Tomar, Chauhân, Katiyâr, Punwâr, and Pundîr; and take wives from the Gahlot, Pundîr, Chauhân, Bais, Janghâra, and Bâchhal. In Aligarh they take brides from the Janghâra, Gahlot, and Chauhân, and give wives to the Chauhân and Gahlot.
Distribution of Bargûjar Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | … | 9 | 9 |
| Sahâranpur | 55 | 64 | 119 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 166 | 1,092 | 1,258 |
| Meerut | 1,443 | … | 1,443 |
| Bulandshahr | 12,064 | 4,006 | 16,070 |
| Aligarh | 3,363 | 9 | 3,372 |
| Mathura | 383 | 140 | 523 |
| Agra | 588 | 9 | 597[[190]] |
| Farrukhâbâd | 227 | 6 | 233 |
| Mainpuri | 556 | 1 | 557 |
| Etâwah | 90 | 3 | 93 |
| Etah | 1,689 | 106 | 1,795 |
| Bareilly | 883 | 321 | 1,204 |
| Bijnor | 4 | … | 4 |
| Budâun | 2,790 | 363 | 3,153 |
| Morâdâbâd | 6,477 | 156 | 6,633 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 171 | … | 171 |
| Pilibhît | 78 | 40 | 118 |
| Cawnpur | 19 | … | 19 |
| Jhânsi | 26 | … | 26 |
| Jâlaun | 68 | … | 68 |
| Lalitpur | 24 | … | 24 |
| Benares | 2 | … | 2 |
| Jaunpur | 8 | … | 8 |
| Tarâi | 59 | … | 59 |
| Lucknow | 6 | … | 6 |
| Faizâbâd | … | 3 | 3 |
| Kheri | 102 | … | 102 |
| Total | 31,341 | 6,328 | 37,669 |
Barhai,[95] Barhi, Badhi.—(Sanskrit, vardhika; root vardh, “to cut.”)—The carpenter class, also known as Tarkhân in the Panjab, Mistri (which is probably a corruption of the English “Master, Mr.”), and Lakarkata or “wood-cutter” (lakri-kâtna). The term [[191]]Gokain is generally applied to a wood carver: it is derived by Mr. Nesfield from the Hindi khonchna, “to scoop out,” but is more possibly connected with gaukh, Sanskrit, gavâksha, “a window frame.” Traditionally they claim descent from Viswakarma, son of Brahma (who is identified with Twashtri, the divine artisan), through Vikramajît, who is said to have espoused a Kshatriya woman. As the sub-divisions show, the caste is probably a functional group recruited from various castes following the common occupation of carpentry.
Internal structure. 2. The Barhais have broken up into an enormous number of endogamous sub-castes, of which the last Census returns enumerate eight hundred and fifty-nine in the Hindu and seventy-nine in the Muhammadan branch. Of these locally the most important are in Sahâranpur, the Bandariya, Dholi, Multâni, Nagar, and Tarloiya; in Muzaffarnagar, the Dhalwâl or “shield-makers,” and Lota; in Meerut, the Janghâra, the name of a Râjput sept; in Bulandshahr, the Bhîl; in Aligarh, the Chauhân; in Mathura, the Bâhman or Brâhman sub-caste, and the Sosaniya; in Agra, the Nagar, Janghâra, and Uprautya; in Farrukhâbâd, the Paretiya or “reel-makers”; in Mainpuri, the Umariya; in Etah, the Agwariya, Barmaniyân, Bisari, Jalesariya (from the town of Jalesar), and the Usarbhola; in Bareilly, the Jalesariya; in Ballia, the Gokalbansi; in Basti, the Dakkhinâha or “Southern,” and the Sarwariya, or those who come from beyond the Sarju river; in Gonda, the Kairâti, which is possibly a corruption of Kharâdi, and the Sondi; in Bârabanki, the Jaiswâr. In Mirzapur they name five,—Kokâsbansi, Magadhiya, or Magahiya (from Magadha), Purbiha or Purbiya (Eastern), Uttarâha (Northern), and Khâti (Sanskrit Kshatri; root, kshad, “to cut”). Of these the Khâti specially work as wheel-wrights. In Bareilly we have Mathuriya, Dhanman, and Khâti; in Bijnor, Dahman, Mathuriya, Lahori, and Kokâs; in Basti, Kokâsbans, and Lohâr Barhai. Another enumeration[96] gives Kokâs, Mahur, Tânk, Khâti, Uprautiya, Bâmhan Barhai or Mathuriya, Ojha Gaur, and Chamar Barhai. Of these the Bâmhan and Ojha Gaur claim a Brâhmanical origin, and the Chamar Barhai are perhaps an offshoot from the Chamârs. In Benares,[97] again, we have the Janeûdhâri, [[192]](wearers of the Brâhmanical cord, janeû), who eat no meat, wear the sacred cord, and regard themselves far superior to the others: they are said to come from the Duâb. The Khâti are wheel-wrights. The Kokâs come from Delhi, and make chairs and tables. Those designated Setbanda Rameswar manufacture puppets and dolls, on which they perform in public: they have a character for begging, and are, therefore, not a reputable branch of the caste. In the Hills some Barhais are emigrants from the plains; but most of them are of the Orh division of the Doms.[98] To the west of the Province, the Ojha or Ujhâdon Barhais claim Brâhmanical descent, and wear the Brâhmanical cord. In some of the Western towns they have recently refused to do such degrading work as the repairs of conservancy carts, etc. In Morâdâbâd there is a sub-caste known as Khâti Bishnoi, who make a speciality of making cart-wheels like those of the same name to the east of the Province: in Bulandshahr the Khâti are said to be considered so low that water touched by them is not drunk by the higher castes.[99] In the same district are also found the Tânk, Ukât, and Dibhân, as well as the Jânghra, who claim kindred with the Janghâra Râjputs. In the Central Duâb, again, we have, besides the Ujhâdon Brâhman sub-caste, three others known as Dhîmar, Mâhar, and Khâti. These names illustrate the composite character of the caste, the Ojha claiming to be Brâhmans, the Janghra Râjputs, the Dhîmar Kâhars, the Chamar Barhai, Chamârs, and so on. Akin again to these are the class of turners—Kharâdi (Arabic, kharât, “a lathe”), Kuner, Kundera, and, in the Hills, Chunyâra. In Mirzapur this sub-caste are occupied in making the stems of the huqqa pipe out of the wood of the acacia (khair). They appear to take their name from Sanskrit kunda, a bowl.
Marriage rules. 3. To the east of the Province Barhais marry their daughters usually at the age of seven, nine, or eleven; and boys, at nine, eleven, and thirteen. They will not intermarry with a member of their own family or that of their maternal uncle or father’s sister as long as there is any recollection of relationship. They have four forms of marriage: Charhauwa, which is the respectable form; Dola, for poor people, Adala Badala, when two families exchange brides, and Sagâi, for widows. [[193]]
The levirate is permitted but not enforced, and the widow’s right of selecting her second partner is recognised. The rules of morality are strict, and a woman intriguing with a clansman or a stranger is liable to excommunication. Those who are guilty of an intrigue with a member of the clan can be restored to caste by paying money to Brâhmans, and bathing in a sacred stream: in bad cases a pilgrimage to Prayâg (Allahâbâd), Benares, or Ajudhya, is necessary. When a woman is expelled for an intrigue with a clansman, and conducts herself respectably for some time, she is re-admitted to caste by the council, and allowed to contract a sagâi marriage.
Religion. 4. Barhais who live in cities are usually Saivas, because they are not prohibited from the use of meat and wine. The village Barhais seldom become initiated into any regular sect. Their clan deities in the Eastern Districts are the Pânchonpîr, Mahâbîr, Devi, Dulha Deo, and a deity of rather uncertain functions, known as Bibiha Deva, or the “lady god.” They also worship Viswakarma, their divine ancestor, and he is represented by the wooden yard measure (gaz, gaj). This has a special worship in the month of Sâwan. A square is made in which it is placed, and to it are offered sandalwood, flowers, red lead (rori), and sweetmeats (halwa). This worship is supported by a general contribution. The worship is done by a Brâhman, and the sweets distributed among the worshippers. In the month of Kuâr, the other tribal deities are worshipped. Sweetmeats (halwa), sweet bread, gram, and some sugar balls (laddu) are offered to Mahâbîr on a Tuesday. Bhawâni or Devi receives the sacrifice of a goat or ram, garlands of flowers, and coloured cloth (chunari). Rice milk (khîr), and cakes (pûri) are dedicated to the Pânchonpîr. Only wives married in the regular (charhauwa) form are allowed to share in the worship of the tribal deities. In Basti they worship Mahâbîr, Purabi Deota or “the Eastern godling,” and Phûlmati Bhawâni. Purabi Deota gets an offering of clothes and rude ornaments on a Saturday: Phûlmati and Mahâbîr get, respectively, sweets and flowers on Monday and Tuesday. Mâlis, Gusâîns, and Brâhmans receive the offerings made to Mahâbîr and Phûlmati, while the offerings to Purabi Deota are taken home and consumed by the worshippers themselves. Their priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans, who hold a low rank in the caste. The dead are cremated, and the ashes thrown into the Ganges or one of its tributaries. Water is poured on the ground in honour of [[194]]the sainted dead during the first fortnight of Kuâr: lumps of rice and milk are offered on the thirteenth day, and uncooked grain is given to Brâhmans. Those who die of cholera or small-pox are either buried or their bodies thrown into running water. When the epidemic is over, they, as well as a person dying in a foreign land, are burnt in effigy in the regular way. This must be done within six months after the death.
Occupational and social status. 5. Carpentry is one of the ancient Hindu trades, and is mentioned in the Rigveda.[100] The village carpenter is one of the recognised village menials and receives dues of grain at each harvest from his constituents (jajmân), whose agricultural implements he is bound to keep in order. The rate in Oudh is thirty village sers at each crop from each plough. This is known as tihâi. He also receives one ser of each kind of grain from each cultivator’s threshing floor before it is removed. This is called anjali. For seven months, Jeth to Aghan—May to November, his services are required. For the remaining five months he works at his own business, making cots (chârpai), carts (gâri), domestic utensils, and house carpentry. For this he receives special wages.[101] In the Eastern Districts it is about twelve sers per plough. In Bareilly it is seven-and-a-half to twelve large (pakka) sers per plough per harvest.[102] Some city carpenters who set up workshops and employ workmen do a good business in making conveyances, furniture, etc. They eat pakki or food cooked with butter by all Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. They eat kachchi cooked by Brâhmans and castemen. All Hindus drink water from their hands. Some Brâhmans will eat pakki cooked by them. Inferior Hindus, such as the Chamâr, Nâi, or Bâri, will eat kachchi cooked by them. In the villages many hold land as tenants in addition to their hereditary trade. [[195]]
Distribution of the Barhais according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Ajudhyabâsi. | Dhaman. | Gaur. | Golê. | Kanaujiya. | Khâti. | Kokâs. | Maithil. | Mathuriya. | Ojha. | Suthar. | Tânk. | Others. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | … | 1,243 | … | … | … | 130 | 65 | … | … | … | … | … | 2,004 | 65 | 3,507 |
| Sahâranpur | … | 12,367 | … | 7 | … | 198 | 14 | 6 | … | … | … | … | 4,641 | 1,538 | 18,771 |
| Muzaffarnagar | … | 6,954 | 21 | 10 | 10 | 2,333 | … | … | … | … | … | … | 2,082 | 3,162 | 14,572 |
| Meerut | … | 446 | … | … | … | 2,719 | … | … | … | … | … | 3,212 | 4,059 | 13,242 | 23,678 |
| Bulandshahr | … | … | … | … | … | 164 | … | … | 421 | 351 | … | 628 | 4,824 | 11,473 | 17,861 |
| Aligarh | … | … | … | … | … | 159 | … | 2,864 | … | 3,782 | … | … | 12,794 | 7 | 19,606 |
| Mathura | … | … | 1,078 | 4 | … | … | 50 | 2,219 | 2,855 | 4,776 | … | … | 3,017 | 3 | 14,002 |
| Agra | 106 | … | 1,638 | … | … | 4 | 8 | 498 | 2,189 | 10,957 | … | … | 3,679 | 7 | 19,086 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 136 | … | … | … | 35 | 10 | 2,874 | … | 4,580 | 240 | … | … | 263 | 2 | 8,140[[196]] |
| Mainpuri | 904 | … | 107 | 509 | … | 4 | 342 | 56 | 1,072 | 10,474 | … | … | 1,395 | … | 14,857 |
| Etâwah | 1,109 | … | … | … | … | 154 | 948 | … | 2,422 | 3,430 | 6 | … | 2,271 | … | 10,340 |
| Etah | … | 73 | 380 | 295 | 4 | 20 | 55 | 372 | 8,590 | 1,268 | 31 | … | 3,647 | … | 14,735 |
| Bareilly | … | … | … | … | … | 82 | 1,502 | … | 17,284 | 48 | … | … | 691 | 1,999 | 21,606 |
| Bijnor | … | 14,496 | … | … | … | 75 | … | … | … | … | … | 8 | 624 | 2,746 | 17,949 |
| Budâun | … | 28 | … | … | … | … | … | … | 13,820 | 703 | … | … | 2,114 | 1,005 | 17,670 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | 1,133 | … | … | … | 213 | … | 1 | 1,809 | 45 | … | 424 | 1,578 | 17,305 | 22,508 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 58 | 3 | 8 | … | 12 | … | 1,107 | … | 4,677 | 32 | … | … | 334 | 34 | 16,228 |
| Pilibhît | … | … | 2 | … | … | 110 | 3,754 | … | 6,011 | 9 | … | 20 | 282 | 176 | 10,364 |
| Cawnpur | … | … | … | … | 12 | 51 | 9,104 | … | 83 | 5 | … | … | 760 | … | 10,015[[197]] |
| Fatehpur | … | … | … | … | 11 | … | 2,920 | … | … | … | … | … | 367 | … | 3,298 |
| Bânda | … | … | … | 48 | … | 20 | 6,174 | … | … | … | … | … | 616 | … | 6,860 |
| Hamîrpur | … | … | 3 | … | … | 29 | 3,366 | … | … | … | … | … | 1,393 | … | 4,791 |
| Allahâbâd | … | … | … | … | … | 17 | 1,237 | … | 3 | … | … | … | 566 | … | 1,823 |
| Jhânsi | … | … | … | … | … | 407 | 3,617 | … | … | … | … | … | 2,385 | 2 | 6,411 |
| Jâlaun | … | … | … | … | … | 1,491 | 1,984 | … | … | … | … | … | 1,550 | … | 5,025 |
| Lalitpur | … | … | … | … | … | 2,308 | 2,507 | … | … | … | … | … | 790 | … | 5,605 |
| Benares | … | … | … | … | … | … | 320 | … | … | … | … | … | 261 | … | 581 |
| Mirzapur | … | … | … | … | … | … | 352 | … | … | … | … | … | 224 | … | 576 |
| Jaunpur | … | … | … | … | … | … | 1,315 | … | … | … | … | … | 70 | … | 1,385 |
| Ghâzipur | … | … | … | … | 114 | … | 947 | … | … | … | … | … | 258 | … | 1,319 |
| Ballia | … | … | … | … | 83 | … | 3,674 | … | … | … | … | … | 947 | … | 4,704 |
| Gorakhpur | 11 | … | 1 | … | 483 | … | 23,058 | … | … | … | 80 | … | 1,926 | 748 | 26,307 |
| Basti | … | … | … | … | … | … | 24,277 | … | … | … | 927 | … | 3,093 | … | 28,297 |
| Azamgarh | … | … | … | … | 649 | … | 8,295 | … | … | … | … | … | 1,625 | 26 | 10,595[[198]] |
| Garhwâl | … | 32 | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | … | 32 |
| Tarâi | … | 434 | … | … | … | 8 | … | … | 680 | … | … | 118 | 127 | 2,890 | 4,257 |
| Lucknow | … | 5 | … | 21 | 9 | 80 | 6,162 | … | 244 | … | 378 | … | 2,175 | 81 | 9,155 |
| Unâo | … | … | … | … | 20 | … | 12,335 | … | … | … | … | … | 842 | 1 | 13,198 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | … | … | 130 | … | 8,411 | … | 6 | … | 1,199 | … | 1,537 | 117 | 11,400 |
| Sîtapur | … | … | … | … | … | … | 10,823 | … | 40 | … | 358 | … | 973 | 2 | 12,196 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | … | … | … | 11,913 | … | 519 | … | 26 | … | 491 | … | 12,949 |
| Kheri | 13 | … | … | … | 7 | … | 12,296 | … | 4 | … | … | … | 171 | … | 12,491 |
| Faizâbâd | … | … | … | … | 207 | … | 10,029 | … | … | … | 2,659 | … | 291 | … | 13,186 |
| Gonda | … | … | … | … | … | … | 23,190 | … | … | … | 5 | … | 987 | 2,469 | 26,651[[199]] |
| Bahrâich | … | … | … | 4 | … | 3 | 10,884 | … | … | … | 108 | … | 731 | 618 | 12,348 |
| Sultânpur | … | … | … | … | 69 | … | 8,268 | … | … | … | 1,123 | … | 1,529 | … | 10,989 |
| Partâbgarh | … | … | … | … | … | … | 843 | … | … | … | … | … | 553 | 1 | 1,397 |
| Bârabanki | … | … | … | … | … | … | 13,825 | … | … | … | 1,082 | … | 476 | 180 | 15,563 |
| Total | 2,339 | 37,214 | 3,232 | 898 | 1,855 | 10,789 | 242,808 | 6,016 | 67,309 | 36,120 | 7,982 | 4,410 | 78,013 | 59,899 | 558,884 |
[[200]]
Barhiya.—A small sept of Râjputs. The last Census shows them only in Hamîrpur and Lalitpur. Sir H. M. Elliot[103] mentions a sept called Barhiya or Barhaiya in the Sikandarpur and Badâun Parganas of the Azamgarh District, and Sayyidpur Bhitri of Ghâzipur. Dr. Buchanan[104] says that they are not numerous in Gorakhpur, north of the Sarju; “but there are said to be many near Kopa in the southern part of the District. They are but a low race.”
Distribution of the Barhiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Agra | 13 |
| Hamîrpur | 28 |
| Lalitpur | 22 |
| Total | 63 |
Barholiya, Barhauliya.—A Râjput sept, who are a branch of the Bhrigubansi stock, and the chief proprietors of Barhaul, in Benares, from the principal town of which Pargana they derive their name. They are said to have come from Rengarh, in Mârwâr, and were on their way to Jagannâth, when their chief, Narotham Râê, accepted service with the Seori or Chero Râja.[105] The head of the sept, in Bârabanki, where they are most numerous, is the Râja of Sûrajpur. There they are classed as a branch of the Bais stock.
Distribution of the Barholiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Jâlaun | 2 |
| Azamgarh | 104 |
| Lucknow | 19 |
| Râê Bareli | 199 |
| Sîtapur | 1 |
| Faizâbâd | 40 |
| Gonda | 22 |
| Bahrâich | 39 |
| Bârabanki | 2,316 |
| Total | 2,742 |
[[201]]
Bâri.[106]—A tribe of household servants to Hindus and makers of the leaf-platters used at Hindu feasts. The name of the caste is derived from the Hindi bâlna, or bârna, which means “to set a thing alight,” as one of their chief occupations is acting as torch-bearers. According to Mr. Nesfield, “they are an off-shoot from the semi-savage tribes known as Banmânush and Musahar. He still associates with them at times, and if the demand for plates and cups (owing to some temporary cause, such as a local fair or an unusual number of marriages) happens to become larger than he can at once supply, he gets them secretly made by his ruder kinsfolk, and retails them at a higher rate, passing them off as his own production.” That the origin of the caste is functional is very probable; but there is as yet no satisfactory evidence, such as that based on anthropometry, which would conclusively establish their connection with the jungle races; and if they are ultimately akin to the Musahar, the type must have been very considerably changed. The Bâri, in fact, looks very much like the ordinary Chamâr of the plains, and he has lost in a great measure the distinctive cast of features which characterises the Musahar.
Traditions of origin. 2. In the Eastern Districts the Bâris have a curiously naïve legend to account for their origin. “Once upon a time,” so the legend runs, “Parameswar was offering rice milk to the spirits of his ancestors. In the course of this duty the celebrant has to make a gift known as Vikraya dâna, which no one cares to accept. Parameswar offered the gift to some Brâhmans, who refused it. Then he made a man of clay, and blowing upon the image invested it with life. Parameswar asked the man whom he had created to accept the offering, and he agreed on condition that all men should drink with him and recognise his claim to caste. Parameswar then told him to bring water in a cup, and drank of it in the presence of all the castes. Ever since Hindus drink water from the hands of the Bâri, though he himself eats the leavings of many castes.” They say that this first ancestor of theirs was named Sundar on account of his personal beauty. According to the Oudh legend, when Bhagwân had created the world he took a survey of it and reflected that he had created all manner of men except the menial, who would consume the [[202]]leavings, which would otherwise be wasted. To remove this defect, he made a man of sand and called him Sundar. The caste derives its name from having been made of sand (bâlu bâru), a folk etymology which is probably at the bottom of the story. They say that the descendants of this Sundar lived at Ajudhya until the reign of Râja Dasaratha; after that they dispersed all over the country. The Purânic legend represents them as descended from a barber and a tobacconist girl. In Oudh they fix their head-quarters at Tulasipur, in the Kheri District.
Marriage rules. 3. The Census returns include no less than five hundred and three exogamous sections. Of these the most important locally are the Bilkhariya, who take their name from Bilkhar in Oudh, the Hinduiya and the Kariya in Ballia; the Kanaujiya, in Gorakhpur: the Desi and Sarwariya in Basti; the Dakkhinâha and Sarwariya in Râê Bareli; the Ghorcharha or “riders on horses,” and in Gonda and Bahrâich the Chauhân. Besides these, are the Donwâr, which is also the name of a sub-tribe of Bhuînhârs; the Mathuriya from Mathura; the Pattariha or makers of leaf-platters (pattar); the Râwat, and Sundar, whose name is that of their founder. To the east the rule of gotra exogamy appears to be reinforced by the condition that they do not intermarry with a family with whom previous relationship by marriage is established and admitted. In Mathura persons of the same gotra cannot intermarry, and the gotras of a man’s mother and grandmother are also barred. Marriage with two sisters is permitted. Sexual license before marriage is everywhere prohibited. Polyandry is nowhere recognized; and, while polygamy is allowed, it is restricted to cases when the first wife is barren or permanently disabled by disease. The actual marriage ceremony is of the usual low caste type. In the eastern districts, prior to the marriage, they have what is known as the panchmangari or timangari performed, as the name implies on the fifth or third day before the wedding, when the women bring clay from the village clay pit and lay it in the nuptial shed (mâro), where it is used for making the fireplace on which the food for the wedding feast is cooked. In the respectable form of marriage, called charhaua, where the bride is given away by her father, and the pair revolve round the sacred fire; there are in Oudh three stages—Barrachha or Barraksha, “fixing or holding of the bridegroom,” in which the father of the bride gives the boy a rupee as a sort of earnest money; the actual [[203]]betrothal known as “the cup” (katora), because the friends on both sides drink sharbat together. Then follows what is the binding part of the function—the rubbing of the parting of the bride’s hair with red lead, and the walking round the sacred fire.
Widow marriage. 4. From Mathura it is reported that the caste now prohibits widow marriage. This is not the case elsewhere. In the Benares Division widows marry by sagâi, and the levirate is recognised but not enforced; in Oudh, irregular connections of widows are allowed. It is not called marriage; she is merely said to “take her seat” (baith jâna) in the house of her paramour. She is not obliged to form such a connection unless she pleases, and the preference is given to the younger brother of the late husband; those widows who set up house with an outsider are known as Urhari, a term which seems usually to bear a contemptuous meaning.
Disposal of the dead. 5. The dead are cremated, but only those who are well off are careful about disposing of the ashes in the Ganges or Jumna.
Religion. 6. The Bâris are Hindus. To the east of the Province they are seldom initiated into any recognised sect; if they are initiated they give the preference for the Saiva or Sâkta. They worship various local deities. Thus, in Jaunpur, they worship a form of the female energy known as Bibiha Devi, “Our Lady”; in South Mirzapur, Hardiha Deva or Hardaul Lâla, the cholera godling; and many of them worship Mahâbîr. Sacrifices of rams and goats are offered to Hardiha, with sweetmeats and a Brâhmanical thread (janeû). To Mahâbîr is offered a head-dress (muraith), a small loin cloth (langot), sweet bread (rot), and sweetmeats. Those only are allowed to worship Mahâbîr who do not eat the leavings of other people. Another local deity, Birtiya, receives a sacrifice of a young pig, once a year, in the month of Sâwan. The worship of all these clan deities is performed annually in the month of Sâwan (July–August) and Kuâr (September–October). Their family priests are Tiwâri Brâhmans, who are, as a rule, not received on equal terms by their brethren. In Mathura they worship Devi in the months of Chait and Kuâr with an offering of flowers and sweetmeats, the latter being consumed by the worshippers after dedication. They follow the tenets of the Vaishnava sect. In Unâo their clan deities are Bhitarihâi Devi, “the goddess of the inner house,” and Nara Sinh or [[204]]the man-lion incarnation of Vishnu. These deities are worshipped on the eighth day of the waxing moon in the months of Chait and Kuâr. The offering to Devi consists of the sacrifice of goats and the burning of incense. Nara Sinha prefers the offering of parched barley mixed with treacle. This worship is done by the eldest son of the family. Their priests are Brâhmans, who are received on terms of equality by their brethren.
Occupation. 7. Their primary occupation is the making and sale of leaf-cups (dauna, pattari, gadaura) used at Hindu feasts, and in which articles such as sweetmeats, curds, etc., are commonly sold in bâzârs. They serve respectable Hindus as domestic servants and hand round water. They light and carry torches at marriages, entertainments, and on journeys, and perform many of the functions discharged by our house bearers. Their occupation as domestic servants seems to be on the decline, and many are taking to cultivation. Their women act as maids to high caste Hindu ladies, and, as they are always about the zenâna, they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation. To the east of the Province they certainly eat the leavings of Brâhmans, Banyas, Râjputs and, it is said, now-a-days even of Kâyasths. In Mathura they seem to be abandoning the practice of eating the leavings of other castes. In Mirzapur all Hindus drink water touched by them, and all, except Sarwariya and Kanaujiya Brâhmans, eat food cooked by them in the form of pakki, i.e., cooked with butter. Kachchi roti or food cooked in water by them is eaten by Chamârs and other menial castes. In Unâo, it is said that they will eat kachchi and pakki from the hands of a barber, but that no high caste Hindu takes anything but water from their hands. In Mathura they will eat kachchi cooked by a Banya or Kâyasth. Their loyalty and fidelity to their master is proverbial, and they rank high among the classes of Hindus who devote themselves to domestic service. [[205]]
Distribution of the Bâris according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Donwâr. | Mathuriya. | Pattariha. | Râwat. | Sundar. | Others. | Total. |
| Sahâranpur | … | … | … | … | … | 19 | 19 |
| Meerut | … | … | … | … | … | 88 | 88 |
| Bulandshahr | … | … | … | 43 | … | 61 | 104 |
| Aligarh | … | … | … | 51 | … | 239 | 290 |
| Mathura | … | … | … | 10 | … | 139 | 149 |
| Agra | … | 2 | … | 123 | 2 | 828 | 955 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 7 | 15 | … | 119 | 125 | 705 | 971 |
| Mainpuri | 65 | 385 | 3 | 169 | … | 309 | 931 |
| Etâwah | 1 | 57 | 12 | 152 | 19 | 1,773 | 2,014 |
| Etah | 30 | 14 | … | 42 | 2 | 195 | 283 |
| Bareilly | … | … | … | … | … | 450 | 450 |
| Bijnor | … | … | … | … | … | 43 | 43 |
| Budâun | … | 8 | … | 24 | … | 269 | 301 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | … | … | … | … | 224 | 224 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 2 | … | … | 35 | 182 | 279 | 498 |
| Pilibhît | … | … | … | … | 40 | 122 | 162 |
| Cawnpur | … | 12 | 217 | 52 | 22 | 2,323 | 2,626 |
| Fatehpur | … | … | … | … | 83 | 599 | 682 |
| Bânda | … | … | 2 | 53 | 1 | 62 | 118 |
| Hamîrpur | … | … | … | 28 | … | 87 | 115 |
| Allahâbâd | … | … | 26 | 7 | 393 | 1,024 | 1,450 |
| Jhânsi | … | … | … | 37 | … | 84 | 121 |
| Jâlaun | … | … | … | 185 | 2 | 578 | 765 |
| Lalitpur | … | … | … | 4 | … | 45 | 49 |
| Benares | 174 | … | 10 | 175 | … | 1,971 | 2,330 |
| Mirzapur | … | … | … | … | 16 | 1,906 | 1,922[[206]] |
| Jaunpur | 351 | … | 390 | 673 | 68 | 578 | 2,060 |
| Ghâzipur | 214 | … | … | 73 | 127 | 1,577 | 1,991 |
| Ballia | 597 | … | … | 38 | 10 | 1,457 | 2,102 |
| Gorakhpur | 3,280 | 4 | 21 | … | 205 | 4,454 | 7,964 |
| Basti | 379 | … | 3,612 | … | … | 1,615 | 5,606 |
| Azamgarh | 418 | … | … | … | 59 | 2,992 | 3,469 |
| Lucknow | … | … | … | … | 918 | 382 | 1,300 |
| Unâo | 69 | 2 | 127 | … | 374 | 1,581 | 2,153 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | 318 | 24 | 1,214 | 1,901 | 3,457 |
| Sîtapur | … | … | 26 | … | 921 | 601 | 1,548 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | … | 211 | 299 | 510 |
| Kheri | … | … | … | … | 821 | 211 | 1,032 |
| Faizâbâd | 1,946 | … | 138 | … | … | 165 | 2,249 |
| Gonda | 2,574 | … | 1,635 | … | … | 2,138 | 6,347 |
| Bahrâich | 338 | … | 537 | … | 455 | 2,297 | 3,627 |
| Sultânpur | … | … | … | 196 | 263 | 1,879 | 2,338 |
| Partâbgarh | … | … | … | … | 31 | 2,182 | 2,213 |
| Bârabanki | … | … | 362 | 22 | 471 | 1,219 | 2,074 |
| Total | 10,445 | 499 | 7,436 | 2,335 | 7,035 | 41,950 | 69,700 |
Barua, Barwa.—A tribe of mendicant Brâhmans who are found in Sahâranpur and the neighbourhood. They bear an indifferent reputation on account of the vileness of the abuse which they shower on people who refuse to give them alms.
Barwâr.[107]—A notorious criminal tribe found in Northern Oudh. There is much difference of opinion as to the meaning of the word. [[207]]According to one theory it means “a bearer of burdens” (bârwâla); according to others it comes from the Hindi Baryara in the sense of “violent.”
Traditional origin. 2. The story the Barwârs tell of themselves is as follows:—Some centuries ago the ancestor of the tribe, a Kurmi by caste, lived at the village of Yahyapur, which is said to be situated in the Sâran District, east of the river Nârâyani. One day he was ploughing his field near the river when the wife of a rich Mahâjan came down to bathe. She took off her pearl necklace and stepped into the water. A kite swooped down, and, carrying it off, dropped it in the field where the Kurmi was ploughing. When he saw the treasure he began to think that it was easier to live by thieving than by farming. From that time his prosperity increased, and his clan became known as Suvarna or golden. They began then to be known as Barwâr or men of violence. It happened one day that a Kingariya or Nat musician attended the death ceremony of a Barwâr at Yahyapur, and was given an empty purse as a present by the relatives of the deceased. By chance the Kingariya came to the village where the purse with two gold coins had been stolen. The owner recognized it; and enquiries proving that the theft had been committed by the Barwârs, they were expelled from Yahyapur. After this they divided into two sections. One went to Basti, in the North-Western Provinces, and settled at Barauli, which is four miles west of Basti. The other gang went to Hardoi, in Oudh, and settled there. After their arrival in Hardoi that section were given the name of Gânjar, which is said to mean “hoarders,” and by which they are still known. In Barauli the Barwârs lived for some two centuries, and supported themselves by thieving. At last, one day, they robbed the camp of the Râja of Basti, and he had them expelled from his territory. They then came to Gonda and settled at Dhanaipur, thirteen miles north of Gonda. They now occupy fifty-four villages in the Gonda District. They were again at one time forced to change their quarters by the influence of a money-lender named Sobha Sukl, whose name is still held in abhorrence among them. Another legend makes the Barwârs to be the descendants of a woman of low caste named Goli, by a Kurmi father. There seems nothing improbable in the story that they are a branch of the Kurmis, who separated from the parent stock owing to their bad character, or for some other reason. That the tribe is very [[208]]much mixed is admitted on all sides. The Barwârs, in former times, were certainly in the habit of recruiting their numbers by kidnapping young children of various castes. These became a separate class known either as Ghulâm, an Arabic term meaning “slave,” or Tahla, a Hindi word meaning “one who walks about in attendance,” “a follower.” In contradistinction to this servile class the pure Barwâr calls himself Swâng, which in their slang means “master.” It would appear that the recruitment of these Ghulâms has ceased in recent years, and that the pure Barwârs and the Ghulâms no longer intermarry. While the custom prevailed among the Gonda branch the other divisions of the tribe would not intermarry with them. At present it is said that they neither give their daughters in marriage nor take girls from the Ghulâms, who have become themselves an endogamous section. Below the Ghulâms again is another section known as Tilâms or Talâms, who are the descendants of children kidnapped by the Ghulâms. These ostracised Ghulâms and Tilâms are the only members who have been as yet allowed by the tribe to enlist in the Police. Ghulâms will eat food prepared by Barwârs, but the latter will not touch a dish prepared by the former. Male Ghulâms and Tilâms both get their equal share of plunder from the thieving gangs they join. A dowry is given with the Ghulâm bride, but not with the bridegroom. The Tilâms possess the same privileges in every way as their kidnappers, the Ghulâms. The Ghulâms are still believed occasionally to seduce girls of other castes, such as Brâhmans, Chhatris, Murâos, Kurmis, Ahîrs and Kahârs. These are received and adopted into the community. The more respectable Barwârs are also known as Thakuriya in Gonda.
Marriage rules. 3. The marriage of two sisters is permitted, provided the elder sister is married before the younger. The custom of exchanging girls in marriage does not prevail among them. The bride is admitted into the family of her husband without any special ceremony; but it is significant that every Barwâr, on marrying, is obliged to give to the landlord four hundred betel leaves or the equivalent value in money, which looks as if it were a commutation of the jus primæ noctis, if it be not one of the ordinary dues levied by a landlord on his tenants. They may take two wives at one time. The favourite wife for the time being rules the household. Concubinage with women of the tribe is allowed; polyandry is prohibited. [[209]]Marriage is both adult and infant. Divorce is permitted in case of infidelity on the part of the woman. The husband merely assembles the clansmen, and announces to them the fact of the divorce. Divorced wives cannot be re-married; but they may be kept as concubines by other men in the caste. They have a peculiar rule of inheritance by which the property is divided, half going to the children of the regularly married wife or wives, and the other half to the children of the concubines, provided they belong to the Barwâr caste. The offspring of a woman of a strange tribe have no rights of inheritance. When a pure Barwâr marries or keeps a woman of another caste he is excommunicated and sinks to the rank of a Ghulâm. Illicit intrigues within the caste are also punished by expulsion; but the offending parties can be restored on giving a tribal feast. Widow marriage is allowed. The only ceremony is that the man puts a set of bangles (chûri) on the woman and feeds the community. The levirate is permitted, not enforced, and the widow may, if she pleases, accept an outsider. In such cases she loses the right of guardianship over the children of the first marriage, and has no rights of succession to the estate of her first husband.
Birth ceremonies. 4. The mother is attended by a woman of the Kori caste, who acts as midwife. She attends for five days and then the barber’s wife acts as nurse for eight days. On the twelfth day after a birth the father purchases spirits and treats the brotherhood, and puts silver and gold ornaments on the child. This is supposed to bring luck in thieving. If a Barwâr fails to bring home plunder he is taunted by his comrades that his father did not perform the twelfth-day ceremony. If a child is thus initiated, he gets his share of the spoil; but if born after the Dasahra of Jeth he does not share till the next Dasahra of Kuâr. Similarly, during the rainy season, each man keeps his own plunder and has to share only with those who are incapacitated from thieving by blindness, old age, or some physical defect. But, as a rule, they seldom thieve in the rains from the Dasahra of Jeth to the Dasahra of Kuâr; and after the latter date the partnership of the whole community is revived, and every soul becomes entitled to a share in the spoil, whether he goes on a thieving excursion or remains at home. Widows and women who live in retirement get no share; but if a Barwâr is in prison his share goes to his wife. [[210]]
Betrothal. 5. The girl’s father with some friends goes to the house of the boy, and pays his father a couple of rupees. He entertains his guests and sends to the bride, in return, some curds, fish, sweetmeats and a bottle of liquor. This settles the betrothal. This generally takes place when the girl is between three and seven.
Marriage ceremonies. 6. The marriage ceremonies begin with the lagan or fixing of the wedding day, which is carried out in the ordinary way. The actual ceremonies are of the usual type. The binding portions of the ritual are the kanyâdân or giving away of the bride, the pairpûja or worship of the feet of the bridegroom by his future father-in-law, and the bhanwar or walking of the pair round the sacred fire.
Funeral ceremonies. 7. The young are buried; adults are cremated, or the corpse is thrown into a river. After the cremation is over they bathe and then plant a piece of kusâ grass in the ground to act as a refuge for the spirit until the funeral rites are completed. The man who fired the pyre pours water on this for nine days; on the tenth day he is shaved, on the eleventh the Mahâbrâhmans are feasted; on the twelfth day the friends and relatives are fed; on the thirteenth the Brâhmans are fed. After this one Brâhman is fed for a year on the day of each month when the death occurred. On the anniversary there is a feast, and at this the family priest (purohit) receives five articles of wearing apparel—a jacket (angarkha); a loin cloth (dhoti); a turban (sâfa); a sheet (châdar); bedding (bistar); and five cooking utensils—a pot (lota), a tray (thâli), a cooking pot (batloi), a tongs (dastpanah), a spoon (karchhul). Besides these things he gets a cot (chârpâi); wooden sandals (kharaun); a pair of shoes (jûta); and a stool (pîrha). When the corpse cannot be found the ceremonies are performed on an effigy made of barley and sânwan.
Religion. 8. Their special deity is Bhâgawati. The household sacrifice is held on the third or fifth day of the first half of Bhâdon, when the master sacrifices a fowl and bakes thin cakes called lubra. These, with cooked gram, are given to a Muhammadan beggar as an offering to the Pânch Pîr. They make an annual pilgrimage to the tomb of Bâla Pîr, at Bahrâich, and offer a banner. They also worship Devi-Bhawâni; but in their depredations spare only the tomb at Bahrâich and the temple at Jagannâth. When a goat is sacrificed to Bhâgawati, the head is [[211]]given to a gardener (mâli), and the rest of the meat is eaten by the worshippers. Sometimes a pumpkin (lauki) is substituted for a goat.
Festivals. 9. They observe all the ordinary Hindu festivals, and also some which are not so common—the Bahura on the fourth light half of Bhâdon, when the girls eat curdled milk and cucumbers; on the Barka Itwâr or “great Sunday,” the last Sunday of Bhâdon, they fast and drink milk at night; on the Sakat Chauth, or fourth light half of Mâgh, they eat sweet potatoes, sesamum, and new raw sugar. No spirits or intoxicating drugs of any kind are used at the Barka Itwâr, but at the other festivals they are freely consumed.
Omens. 10. Omens are much regarded on their expeditions. Tuesday, Friday, and Sunday, are lucky days, and sometimes Thursday. The ass is a lucky animal, and so are a dead body met on the road, a washerman, a woman, or a Pandit. Tuesday is, however, regarded by some as an unlucky day, and a jackal, a Gusâîn, an oilman, are also unlucky. A jackal or a fox crossing the road from right to left is lucky; the reverse is unlucky. When they go out to thieve they prefer to wear good clothes and a turban. When children are unhealthy they are given opprobrious names as a protection.
Taboos. 11. When worship is being done to keep off evil spirits, children are not allowed to be present. Any intercourse between the husband’s father and the wife’s relations is tabooed. The husband does not name his wife, and vice versâ. A father will not call his eldest son by his name, nor a disciple his Guru.
Social rules. 12. They eat the flesh of sheep and goats; they reject fowls, and will eat fish. Flesh of monkeys, beef, pork, crocodiles, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin, are not eaten. Spirits are freely drunk; they will eat the leavings of no one but a parent. Men and women eat apart. Before they eat they say Jay Thâkurji, “Glory to the Lord!” To Brâhmans they use the salutation Pâ lagan, to Banyas, Kalwârs, etc., Râm! Râm!; to Sâdhs Pranâm and Namaskâr; to Gusâîns Nâmonârâyan; to Aughars, Dandwat. Elders bless their juniors with Jiyo, “Long may you live.” Juniors say to their seniors Pâ lagan. Those who are equal in rank say Râm! Râm! [[212]]
Occupation. 13. Of those who have been brought under the Criminal Tribes Act some are cultivators and some field-labourers. Like the Sanaurhiyas, they do not commit dacoity, theft with burglary, theft at night, or cattle-lifting. The Sanaurhiya leaders are known as Nal, and those of the Barwârs, Sahua. The leaders of the Barwârs enjoy no rights or privileges from their zamîndârs, unlike the Sanaurhiyas. The Barwârs consult astrologers and go on predatory expeditions after the Dasahra; the Sanaurhiyas after the Diwâli. Among the Sanaurhiyas if any one renounce the profession of thieving, he is debarred from marrying in the caste; but a Barwâr under similar circumstances is debarred only from a share in the booty. The Sanaurhiyas associate with the children of any caste, even Chamârs, but the Barwârs jealously exclude outsiders. The Sanaurhiya gangs consist of not less than forty or fifty men; those of the Barwârs from twenty to fifty. The Sanaurhiyas teach their children thieving, and punish them if they forget their sleight of hand; but the Barwârs leave their children to learn themselves. The Sanaurhiyas have an umpire called Nahri, who settles disputes and divides the plunder. This is not the case with the Barwârs. The Sanaurhiyas administer oaths to each other to prevent misappropriation of stolen property; the Barwârs do not do this, but excommunicate the offender. The Sanaurhiyas go in for zamîndâri and cultivation, of which the Barwârs do little. In emergencies the leader is expected to feed his gang; but he usually stays at home and looks after the families, and whatever property is acquired is left to the Sahua or actual commander to be divided. The Sahua is generally a Barwâr, but he may be a Brâhman or Râjput, and is often the headman of the village. Another official is the Dhebra or Naliha (a term also applied to a Barwâr who gives up thieving and is excommunicated). He carries a spade, a knife, or dagger, and some leaf-platters, on which he serves meals to the gang. He receives three rupees per mensem in addition to his share of the spoil. He does not join in thieving. Some go out in smaller gangs, and these are usually more successful than those who go in large bodies. If a single Barwâr brings in plunder he keeps it for himself, and any articles of clothing he acquires are his own at whatever season he gets them. During the rains they engage in drinking and amusement and do not work, the house and farm work being done by the women. A Barwâr who secretes property which should go to the gang is [[213]]called Kabkatta. If he readily surrenders his spoils he is known as Khiliya. One who holds an influential position in the community is called Jûsar, and one who, from poverty, is obliged to take service is called Rih. A person in ordinary circumstances is Rotikhâha. If within a year a Barwâr does not secure property of some value he does not return home through shame and mortification. Each man has a bag of net-work secured at both ends with a strong cotton string. It is kept tied to the waist and holds jewelry and valuables. It is so carefully concealed that it often escapes detection. The slang phrase for the mode of tying this bag is langri bigâna. The women are usually employed in service with the village zamîndârs, and receive very petty remuneration. If a Barwâr is dissatisfied or suspects misappropriation on the part of his Sahua, he can leave his gang or can discharge his Dhebra from his service, provided in the month of Asârh he clears up accounts with both Sahua and Dhebra.
Morality. 14. As might have been expected, when the women are left to themselves for a large part of the year adultery is very prevalent. If a woman be detected in a lonely or retired place or in a field or jungle in sexual intercourse with a man, whether it be compulsory or by consent, no Barwâr will take offence at it, nor will the woman be excluded from the brotherhood, and a child born in adultery is not considered illegitimate, but admitted to all rights and privileges as if it were legitimate. But if detected otherwise in the act of adultery, both the woman and her paramour are both excommunicated, and are re-admitted only after giving a feast to the community.
Modes of theft. 15. When they get booty, they return in November or December. When they go to a fair they always sojourn in the vicinity and some dress as devotees, Brâhmans, Mahâjans, soldiers, tradesmen, etc. Some mark their foreheads, wear the Brâhmanical thread, wear the dress, beads, etc., of learned Brâhmans, and shave their beards and moustaches. They generally keep a brass vessel with a string tied to it, and a stone pot tied up in a cloth. They generally go about with their backs naked, and carry some meal or dry gram in a bag and a stick in their hands. Thus they stroll about in a simple, dejected way intended to excite compassion. When interrogated they claim to be Brâhmans or Râjputs, and when arrested call [[214]]themselves Kurmis, Bâris, or Tamolis, and say that they are going on a pilgrimage to some famous shrine. They never divulge their real names. When they see valuable goods in a shop they pretend to barter or buy. If they observe the shop-keeper to be suspicious, they say Biroh hai budah rahê deo,—“He is on his guard; let him alone.” When they conceal some article and say Buthahr hai dhokar, pherai kar laê,—“The shop-keeper is suspicious; take off the booty,” then those who are near snatch up the article and run away, while those who are at the shop pretend to disagree about the bargain and leave. If a Barwâr wishes to call his friends to his aid he waves his handkerchief, or puts as many fingers to his cheek as he wants Barwârs to help him. At this signal those in the neighbourhood collect. When he wishes his confederate to carry off an article he puts his hand on his neck. In fact they have a more complete language of signs than any other thieving fraternity. When a Barwâr sees a man bathing with his clothes on the bank he puts his own bundle of rags close to it and changes his articles for it. Sometimes another Barwâr assists, and in this case the signal is Teri âi dâl,—“Leave your own bundle and take his.” For a single garment the signal is Roto,—“Leave your own cloth and take his.” Whenever they see a crowd and property scattered in different places two of them join the crowd, while a third keeps watch. The signal is Anchri sahâike chânsi râg lâi,—“Throw the covering of your sheet over the property and make off with it.” They tell how a soldier once concealed some jewelry under his shield and sat upon it. A Barwâr with studied inadvertence dropped two gold coins near him, and as the soldier stretched out his hand to seize them a confederate carried off the jewels. Another plan is to get up a mock fight among themselves in a bâzâr, under cover of which thefts are committed. The Barwâr women also frequent fairs like Ajudhya, Devi Pâtan, etc., and in rich dresses attend shrines and rob the worshippers. They also adopt the disguise of Brâhman women, and thus gaining admission to the private apartments of native ladies, commit depredations. Barwârs freely use the railway, and rob travellers.
Disposal of the booty. 16. Formerly they used always to take the stolen property home; but this has been in a great measure discontinued, since the police began to make searches and the tribe has come under special supervision. Some is [[215]]left with receivers in the chief places frequented by them. With some they come home after sunset, and keep it that night at their houses, and next day make it over to the Sahua for distribution. First a deduction is made of 3¾ per cent.—1¼ for Mahâbîr or Hanumân, 1¼ for Bâlapîr, 1¼ for Deviji. Out of the remainder, 28 per cent. is made over to the Barwâr who stole the property, and the balance is equally divided among the whole clan, including the thief himself. Out of the 28 per cent. paid to the thief, the Sahua appropriates half, and also receives his own share as a member of the gang. Thus the gains of the thief and Sahua are equal. It is also a rule that if a Barwâr returns with gold muhars the Sahua pays him Rs.12 for each, and retains them himself. The rate is the same whatever the value of the coin may be, and this Rs.12 is divided. Again, for silver bullion the Sahua pays only 10 annas for each rupee. Cloth and arms are the property of the thief. As to coral beads, one-sixth is given to the thief and five-sixths to the Sahua, who pays one anna for each bead; and this sum is divided among the clan, including the thief and the Sahua. For pearls, the Sahua pays Re.1–4–0 for each lot of 24, and the sum is divided. Then, when the spoils are divided, the Sahua produces his account and charges from Re.1–8–0 to Re.1–12–0 for each rupee he has advanced to the thief’s family during his absence. For any balance due the Sahua takes a bond for a year at 100 per cent. All Barwârs are always in debt to the Sahua. The zamîndârs of villages in which Barwârs live realise from them a poll-tax of Re.1–8–0 per head, known as subhâi, and 3 per cent. on the value of property known as chaunâi. They also get R1 per house known as mûnr-ginni. Besides this the zamîndâr gets presents after a successful raid, and on occasion of births, marriages, etc., in his family. This tribute is known as kavaila. In the same way the zamîndâr takes fees for bailing a Barwâr.
This account has been mainly taken from a report prepared shortly after the Mutiny on the methods of the Barwârs. Their criminality has much diminished since they have been brought under the Criminal Tribes Act; but the details are so interesting from an ethnographical point of view that they deserve reproduction.
Thieves’ patois of the Barwârs. 17. The Barwârs have an elaborate thieves’ Latin of their own. The following list has been prepared by M. Karam Ahmad, Deputy Collector of Gonda, with the assistance of the police officers at present in charge of the [[216]]tribe. It would be easy to show that many or most of the words are corrupted Hindi:—
- Sahua—the leader of a gang.
- Dhebra—the attendant of a gang.
- Kabkatta—a man who conceals part of the property.
- Khiliya, Nalhiya—a man who faithfully gives up all he steals.
- Jûsara—a rich Barwâr.
- Rih, Sajurha—one who works for wages.
- Roti khâha—one in ordinary circumstances.
- Langri bigâna—to tie a purse round the waist.
- Nal budâna—to fix a lucky day for a journey.
- Phânr chhûrna—to put on the Brâhmanical thread.
- Lût âi ao khankhur âte hain—clear out; the police are coming.
- Bhûnk âi âo—disperse.
- Langri lagâo—conceal the goods in your belt.
- Wahi tir mâl dabâva hai—let us go where there is much to gain.
- Akauti na kurais—don’t betray your companions.
- Murih ka asrâi deo—I am caught; give up hope for me.
- Mâti lai—roll on the ground.
- Chhâwa kuchâyo na nehti na kîno, nahîn tau uthai jâo gâi—do not reveal anything or you will be put to death.
- Anchari sahâike châns râg lâe—throw your sheet over the goods and escape.
- Pohina hai khâli lâi na—let us dig the property from the ground.
- Subâi—tax paid by the Barwârs to the zamîndâr.
- Chaunâi—tax paid on value of stolen property.
- Mûnr ginni—house-tax paid by Barwârs.
- Kavaila—presents given to zamîndârs at marriages.
- Namut—man.
- Bân—woman.
- Bahub—Barwâr man.
- Bahuban—Barwâr woman.
- Kiryâr—son.
- Chhâwa—grandson.
- Tiryâr—boy of another tribe.
- Dhûchar—old man.
- Dhûchari—old woman.
- Chhâi—Barwâr’s daughter.
- Kûsar—Brâhman.
- Tenwâr—Râjput.
- Phairu—Musalmân.
- Chorka—British officer.
- Baijarâi—a Râja.
- Sahâjan—a merchant.
- Muskâr—a Kâyasth.
- Sûgha—a goldsmith.
- Savat—a Bhât.
- Kitiha—a blacksmith.
- Lûdukha—a confectioner.
- Kârikha—a torch-bearer.
- Maskâta—a barber.
- Chipta—an oil-man. [[217]]
- Matiha—a potter.
- Leduha—a Kurmi or Lodha.
- Sisuha—a washerman.
- Bamâr—a sweeper; tanner; shoe-maker.
- Suldaha—a bearer.
- Guvaha—a cowherd.
- Benu—a tailor.
- Pûtaha—a liquor seller.
- Aluhya—a beggar.
- Satûrya—a dancing girl.
- Benâri—a prostitute.
- Lumit—a Kurmi or Barwâr.
- Bisni—valuable property.
- Guga—
- various kinds of Barwârs.
- Pachhâdha—
- Auhiriya—
- Udh—
- Ruh—a poor Barwâr.
- Siyâhi—a money-changer.
- Kula dhânsu—officer in charge of a police station.
- Nahkiar—a head police officer.
- Churga—a constable.
- Chuktahwa—a peon.
- Bingar—a slave.
- Pân—one acquainted with the Barwâr language.
- Bantikhar—a handsome woman.
- Karchhi—a cowry.
- Beng—pice; a Barwâr’s fees.
- Chikain—a gold muhar.
- Bikâsu—four annas.
- Telahi—eight annas.
- Kinâra—ten or fifteen rupees.
- Sût—twenty rupees.
- Bhîta bhâri—one hundred rupees.
- Audh durgani—fifty or five hundred rupees.
- Bajâr—a thousand rupees.
- Ganda—twenty-four rupees.
- Kajari—night.
- Kaira—a garden.
- Dîp—day.
- Nehâi—a fair; collection of people.
- Dari—a highway.
- Bepur—an unfrequented road.
- Butahar—simple, careless.
- Birah—wide awake.
- Mudhar—not on guard.
- Thûk—a gang.
- Tikhurki—valuable things.
- Ghavar—an army.
- Chhulu—be silent.
- Bel—head.
- Bûl—face.
- Chandrukh—eyes.
- Pâlu—hand.
- Sunghni—nose.
- Gavana—shoe, foot.
- Lutakha—breast.
- Thâru—grove, timber.
- Chanduph—wood.
- Sukhar—river.
- Laupju—water, fish.
- Keli—fire.
- Bhâbhi—box, well, pit.
- Sonra—chair, stool.
- Tinra—bundle.
- Basuth—book.
- Benâcha—looking-glass.
- Gudara—shrine, bathing place.
- Sunrhi—boat, elephant.
- Nât—temple.
- Pheru swâmi—Mosque.
- Belâcha—Hindu temple. [[218]]
- Songala—European bungalow.
- Mâr—dwelling-house.
- Chivâri—thatch, cot.
- Sullu—gate.
- Aijâpu—priest.
- Kalhâri—wheeled carriage.
- Dehânu—bribe.
- Chikâri—cattle.
- Putâi—lamp.
- Kunkhar—village watchman.
- Chânsu, Khalna, Milavi—theft.
- Lûni—plunder.
- Uthai dâlna—to murder.
- Tipaha—murder by poison.
- Khurkana—kidnapping of children.
- Kailiyâna—arson.
- Bumv—affray, riot.
- Jhumni—flogging.
- Chamgaya—imprisonment.
- Dîp—term of imprisonment.
- Benbi—cohabitation.
- Urso—comfortable sleep.
- Gudhana—to eat.
- Gânth—to drink.
- Dîb—to sit.
- Nusi—to plunder.
- Phona baikali—to dig property out of the ground.
- Lutiâna—to come hastily.
- Bhaunkana—to leave the road.
- Debidina—to conceal stolen property.
- Gainjai lâna—to call up the whole gang.
- Kachhana—to be afraid of.
- Patâkhu—a gun.
- Dharâr—a sword or other weapon.
- Khopuri—a shield.
- Unâva—corn.
- Churki—milk, butter.
- Pitâri—pepper.
- Phurvâni—garlic, onion.
- Lang—meal.
- Dutar—intoxicating liquor.
- Bhagâvati—meat.
- Chupra—butter, oil.
- Pharoti—pickles, vegetables.
- Rasosi—salt.
- Gurni—rice, bread, and pulse.
- Lingi—parched grain.
- Digna—to smoke and chew tobacco.
- Lurhi—a camel.
- Phûnk—bullock, a buffalo.
- Nikûlha, Dautâra—a horse.
- Chukarahwa—a mule or ass.
- Sûnha—a tiger, a wolf.
- Nemi—a sheep, a goat.
- Sithâi—sweetmeats.
- Bakalsithâi—coarse sweetmeats.
- Sethar—pearls, precious stones.
- Chuksar—silver.
- Rih—copper.
- Sul, Bakhil—bell metal.
- Dharârwâla—iron.
- Phoridata—corn.
- Kharâi dâlna—to sell stolen property.
- Nikra—gold and silver ornaments.
- Phûdiha—pearl or coral necklace. [[219]]
- Sunhi, Banthi—gold bead necklace.
- Tungani—nose ring.
- Betâl—gold necklace.
- Tevaki—a bangle.
- Gulchimni, Putpata—an ear ornament.
- Gûna—a wrist ornament.
- Bisendhi—metal plates, etc.
- Chunti—a lota.
- Bugna—a tub.
- Dagana—a huqqa.
- Ghaigha—a large metal vessel.
- Biguli—a metal dish.
- Kadenla—a vessel.
- Munhlagani—grass.
- Bhambhi—a bucket.
- Kaili—a lamp stand.
- Banauti—a metal box.
- Chihu—a large metal pot.
- Bijra—cloth.
- Lamaicha—apparel.
- Phutkan—a turban or waist-band.
- Chappar—a sheet.
- Dûna, Agasi—a cap.
- Tilauthi—a waist cloth.
- Sirki, Sulga—a small cloth worn over the head.
- Padangarer—trousers.
- Banri—a woman’s head dress.
- Salaicha—a woollen carpet.
- Datta—a handkerchief.
- Murghumana—a petticoat.
- Thâphu, baklas—a quilt.
- Tikhuri—rich clothes.
- Selva—a small bag.
- Kulahi—a large bag for cash.
- Basîth—a bundle of cloth.
- Davaiwâla—a carpet.
- Chîn—brocade.
- Bambu—tents.
- Sûnvi—a double shawl.
- Betachha—an umbrella.
- Rutika—gold and silver articles.
- Lugra—money offered to the gods.
| Guga— |  | various kinds of Barwârs. |
| Pachhâdha— | ||
| Auhiriya— | ||
| Udh— |
Distribution of the Barwârs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 11 |
| Mathura | 206 |
| Agra | 73 |
| Bareilly | 361 |
| Morâdâbâd | 664 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 190 |
| Cawnpur | 284 |
| Allahâbâd | 445 |
| Jhânsi | 145 |
| Hardoi | 6 |
| Faizâbâd | 42 |
| Gonda | 2,579 |
| Bahrâich | 76 |
| Total | 5,082 |
[[220]]
Barwâr.—A sept of Râjputs of whom Mr. Carnegy writes[108]:—“They are said to be an offshoot of the Bais, and to have come from Dundiyakhera, about three hundred years ago, under two leaders, Baryâr Sinh, from whom they take their name, and Châhu Sinh, whence the Châhu clan. These two brothers were imprisoned by the Emperor Akbar at Delhi. The elder of the two brothers, during his incarceration, had a dream by night, in which he saw a deity who announced himself as Kariya Deota, and promised them deliverance and future greatness, and at the same time pointed out the spot where his effigy was buried in the earth. Soon after, on their release, they sought for and found the effigy and carried it off to the village of Chitâwan in Pargana Pachhimrâth, where they set it up as the object of their domestic adoration, and where it is still worshipped by both branches. Their sacred place is Râmghât at Begamganj, which was selected by their chieftain, Dilâsi Sinh, in consequence of their being excluded from Ajudhya by the enmity of the Sûrajbansi Thâkurs. Another account makes them an offshoot of the Bais who came from Mûngipâtan or Pathânpur, south-west of Jaypur, where their Râja Sâlivâhana, had a fort. Thence they came to Chitâwan Kariya and expelled the Bhars. There is a romantic legend describing how ten heroes of the clan carried off Padmani, the lovely queen of Kanauj, and made her over to the Emperor of Delhi, who in return gave them rent-free lands fourteen kos in circumference. These Barwârs were notorious for the practice of infanticide. Two daughters of the chief of the family who were permitted to live have married, one the Janwâr ex-Râja of Gonda, and the other the Raikwâr Râja of Râmnagar Dhimari, in the Bârabanki District; the Barwârs generally selected wives from the Palwâr, Kachhwâha, Kausik, and Bais septs, which is curious, as they claim Bais origin. These Barwârs are probably of equivocal aboriginal descent, and the heroic legend given above has probably been appropriated from some other clan.” The Barwârs of Ballia are reported to take brides from the Ujjaini, Haihobans, Narwâni, Kinwâr, Nikumbh, Sengar, and Khâti, and to give girls to the Haihobans, Ujjaini, Narwâni, Nikumbh, Kinwâr, Bais Bisen, and Raghubansi. Their gotra is Kasyapa.
2. They are elsewhere known under the name of Birwâr and Berwâr. In Ghâzipur they say they first came from Delhi, and [[221]]take their name from Bernagar, their leading village. They are said to have come under the auspices of the Narauliyas, whom they helped to expel the Cheros.[109] There is a sept of them in the Chhapra District. In Azamgarh[110] they are said to be both Chhatris and Bhuînhârs, and not to rank high among either. “Each set ignores the origin of, or any connection with, the others. The Bhuînhârs can only say that they came from the westward. The Chhatris say they are Tomars, and were led from Bernagar, near Delhi, to Azamgarh, by a chief, Garak Deo, who lived between 1336 and 1455 A.D. The Chhatri and Bhuînhâr branches are of the same origin, as at marriages and other feasts they refuse to take from their hosts or offer to their guests broken cakes of pulse (bara). The origin of the custom is said to have been that at a feast to which a number of the Birwârs had been invited by another clan, their treacherous hosts, on the password bara khanda chalâo (khanda means “a sword” as well as “broken”), slaughtered the Birwârs. Their name is probably connected with this custom. The Brâhman ancestor of the sept is said to have come from Kanauj; but its different branches are not unanimous as to his name or pedigree, or how they came to Azamgarh.”
Distribution of Barwâr Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Aligarh | 5 |
| Allahâbâd | 80 |
| Jâlaun | 34 |
| Benares | 50 |
| Jaunpur | 46 |
| Ballia | 7,603 |
| Gorakhpur | 300 |
| Basti | 1,716 |
| Azamgarh | 5,249 |
| Faizâbâd | 3,402 |
| Gonda | 54 |
| Sultânpur | 23 |
| Total | 18,562 |
[[222]]
Basor.[111]—A tribe found only in the Bundelkhand Division, and usually regarded as a sub-caste of Doms. Some of them are occasional visitors to Mirzapur and other towns, where the men work as musicians and basket-makers, and the women as midwives. The name of the tribe seems to mean “worker in the bamboo,” and to be the same as Bânsphor (q.v.). The Basors have a large number of exogamous sections, of which locally the most important are: in Hamîrpur, the Bâhmangot, Dhuneb, Gotela, Katahriya, Parauniya, Sakarwâr, Samangot, Sarmoriya, Sonach, and Sûpa or Supach Bhagat, the Dom hero; in Jhânsi the Barâr, Basgarh, Basobiya, and Dhânuk; in Jâlaun, the Baghela, Balâhar, Khangrela, and in Lalitpur, the Barâr, Morel, and Purabiya. In Mirzapur they name four exogamous sections,—Kulpariya, Katariya (named from the katâri or curved knife used in splitting the bamboo); Neoriya, which is also a section of Dharkârs (q.v.), and takes its name from newar, a young, soft bamboo; and Bamhila, who say that they are so called because they had once some connection with Brâhmans. In Jhânsi the Basors are also known as Barâr and Dhânuk. Barâr is apparently derived from the Sanskrit varataka kâra, “a maker of string.” Dhânuk is from the Sanskrit dhanushka, “a bow.” When a Basor abandons his regular occupation of working in bamboo and takes service with a land-owner as messenger or drum-beater, he becomes known in Jhânsi by the name of Barâr, and the Dhânuks seem to have been an offshoot from the original Basor stock, who took to the profession of bow-making. They now, however, work as much in bamboo as the regular Basors do; and all three—Basors, Dhânuks, and Barârs—intermarry and eat and drink together. In Jhânsi they have no traditions of their origin, but believe themselves indigenous to that part of the country. They name in Jhânsi, like so many of these menial castes, seven exogamous sections, Jhitiya, Loleri, Rasmel, Saina, Astiya, Bhardela, and Gursariya: of the origin, and explanation of these names they can give no explanation. A man must marry in Jhânsi in a section different from his own; he will not give his daughter in marriage into a section from which his own wife has come; but he can take wives for his sons, brothers, and brothers’ sons, etc., from that section. The prohibition against intermarriage lasts only for three generations. In Mirzapur the stray visitors who [[223]]occasionally come are said to be governed by the same rule of exogamy as in the case of the Dharkârs (q.v.). As far as religion goes the only bar to intermarriage is conversion to another creed, such as Islâm or Christianity. A man may have as many wives as he can afford to keep, and some in Jhânsi have as many as three or four. The first wife, known as Biyâhta or Jethi, manages the house, and the others are subordinate to her. Further than this the Basors admit the introduction of a woman of another tribe; but it is asserted that she is not allowed, at any rate at first, complete caste privileges, and if she comes of a caste lower than the Basor, such as the Bhangi, she is never so admitted. If she be of any superior caste, she is admitted to full tribal privileges if her husband give a feast (roti) to the clansmen.
Marriage rules. 2. Women are allowed full freedom before marriage, and fornication, if it do not become a public scandal, and particularly if the woman’s paramour be a fellow caste-man, is lightly regarded. They usually marry their girls at puberty at the age of ten or twelve; if they are orphans, they settle the marriage themselves, and in any case a considerable freedom of choice seems to be allowed. This choice, curiously enough, is always notified through a female relation, sister, mother, or aunt of the boy or girl, and she notifies it to the tribal council, who, if they agree, permit the marriage to proceed. Widows and widowers living by themselves have full freedom of choice. Some small sum of money, or some vessels, clothes, etc., are usually given by the parents of the bride as dowry, and these become the property of the husband. There is no regular divorce, but if a pair do not agree, or if the husband is dissatisfied with the conduct of his wife, they can separate at any time, and re-marry or take a partner by the sagâi form, within the caste. If the parties agree to separate, the case need not necessarily come before the tribal council unless there is some dispute about the property, or the woman protests against the charge brought against her and challenges her husband to prove it in the presence of the assembled brethren. In such case it appears to be the rule that no circumstantial evidence of adultery is accepted; if there are no actual eye-witnesses, the charge will be dismissed. Any child born by any woman or by any form of connection recognised by tribal usage is admitted as legitimate, and ranks as an heir to any property, which is seldom much, that may be left by his [[224]]father. If a Basor woman have a child by a man of a higher caste, such children will not be allowed to intermarry with a Basor of pure blood, but must find a husband or wife from among families which suffer from the same bar sinister. On the contrary, if a Basor keep a woman of a higher caste than his own, he has seldom any difficulty, particularly if he be a man of standing and substance in the tribe, in marrying his children in a family of pure blood.
Widow marriage. 3. As a rule all widows of marriageable age find a new partner. Such connection is fully recognised, and is known in Mirzapur as sagâi, and in Bundelkhand as dharauna or baithâna, “making her sit in the house.” There is no particular ceremony in widow marriage, except the announcement of the connection and the giving of a feast to the brethren. The levirate is recognised, but is not compulsory on the widow. In a recent case at Jhânsi the tribe excommunicated a man who formed a connection with the widow of his younger brother, and expressed extreme horror at such an act. If the children of a widow are very young she generally takes them with her to the house of her new husband, who adopts them as his own, and is held responsible for getting them married and starting them in the world. In this case they lose all rights to the property of their own father. But if the children are grown up they usually stay with the family of their late father, and are heirs to his estate. If the widow is old and does not form a new connection, she is entitled to a life maintenance in the house of her late husband. If a widow forms a connection with the younger brother of her late husband, he takes all the property and adopts his nephew or nieces as his own. In Mirzapur there is a regular bride-price fixed by tribal custom: this is nine and a half rupees in cash, liquor to the value of three rupees, two sheets, three sers of coarse sugar, and two sers of sweetmeats. More or less than this cannot be given without leave of the council. An outsider marrying a virgin widow has to pay twenty-two rupees, and it is a peculiarity among them that the man, as in other castes, does not go to fetch his wife, but her relatives bring her, realise the marriage fee, and then make her over to her new partner.
Birth customs. 4. A woman during delivery is attended by a woman of the tribe. With the umbilical cord a few pice are buried, and at the door of the delivery room a broken shoe or the horn of some animal is burnt to ward off evil from [[225]]mother and child; the foul smelling smoke thus produced is supposed to be particularly offensive to evil spirits. They have the usual sixth (chhathi) and twelfth day (barahi) ceremony, and on the latter a young pig is sacrificed in the name of some godling, about whom they are most reluctant to give any information or even to mention him by name. After her purification the mother worships the family well by rubbing red lead on the platform and pouring some water and a few grains of rice near it. Children have their ears bored and are ceremonially shaved at the age of five or six.
Marriage ceremonies. 5. In Mirzapur the betrothal is arranged by the husband of the father’s sister of the boy, possibly a survival of the matriarchate. The betrothal (mangni) is concluded by sending a skirt (ghaghri) and a sheet (orhni) with some liquor and treacle for the bride, after which the clansmen are feasted on pork and liquor. Some time after is a second ceremony in which the two fathers exchange leaf-platters filled with water or spirits, into one of which the boy’s father drops a rupee or two. In Jhânsi the marriage is first arranged by the women, and then a day is fixed on which the friends of the bride send a turban and a rupee for the bridegroom. This is received in the presence of the brethren, who are entertained with tobacco and spirits, which last in the case of poor people is replaced by sharbat. When the present has once been accepted, the engagement is held final, and either party repudiating it is suitably dealt with by the tribal council. Then follows the matmangara ceremony common to all low castes in the Eastern Districts. Among the Basors the earth, on this occasion, is dug by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father and the father of the bride, in which, again, we seem to find a survival of the matriarchate. In the centre of the marriage shed is a bamboo, and some wooden images of parrots are fixed up, with a jar full of water covered with a saucer filled with rice. Then one of the senior men of the tribe makes a fire offering (hom) in honour of the deceased ancestors, and the clothes of the pair are knotted together, and they are made to walk seven times round the sacred fire. In Jhânsi an old man says this prayer: “Ye godlings (deota), stand witness that this pair are joined by the knot. Keep them as closely joined in love as the knot which ties their raiment.” On the fourth day is the chauthi chhorna, when the marriage pitchers (kalsa) are thrown into water by the mother of the bridegroom. The binding part of [[226]]the ceremony is the giving away of the bride (kanyâdân) by the bridegroom.
Death ceremonies. 6. When they can afford it, they burn the dead in the usual way; poor people simply fling the corpse into running water; if no river be convenient, it is buried. Some sacrifice a hog in the name of the dead man; some do not. After six months the brethren are feasted. Some kill a pig, cut off its legs, and bury the trunk (thûnth, thûthan) in the court-yard, in the belief that this prevents the ghost of the dead from giving annoyance to the survivors. In Mirzapur it appears that, as among the Doms, the sister’s son of the dead man acts as priest at his obsequies; but this is denied at Jhânsi. At any rate it is quite certain that no Brâhman officiates, and that all the ceremonies are performed by some old man of the tribe. The death impurity lasts only three days, and is then removed by bathing.
Religion. 7. The tribal deities are Kâli-Bhawâni and Ganga Mâi, or Mother Ganges. To the east of the Province they offer sacrifices of pigs to Vindhyabâsini Devi, at Bindhâchal. In Jhânsi they offer to Kâli or Jagadamba Devi, during the Naurâtra of Chait and Kuâr, or in other months, on a Monday or Friday, cocoanuts, sweets, spirits, betel leaves, and sometimes a goat. In Jhânsi they also worship various deified persons who are called Bâba. Thus there is Gusâîn Bâba, who has a platform under a pîpal tree near Moth Tahsîl, in the Jhânsi District. He is said to roam about in his ascetic costume in the neighbourhood, and sometimes speaks to people. Nat Bâba has no special shrine; but his platform is to be seen in many villages with a little niche for holding a light, which is occasionally lighted in his honour. Many curious tales of this worthy are told, one being that after his death he attended the marriage of his grand-daughter, and made all the arrangements for the reception of the guests. Mahton Bâba is the ghost of some celebrated village headman of the olden time, of whom little is known except that he is now a guardian of villages, and wards off famine and pestilence from men and cattle if he be duly propitiated with some sweets and cocoanuts. The Sayyid, or Shahîd Mard, is some Muhammadan martyr, whom they greatly reverence, and another worthy of the same class, Jîwan Shâh Bâba, is also much respected. In no part of this worship are the services of Brâhmans required; but the Joshi or village astrologer is occasionally consulted to [[227]]select lucky days for weddings and the like. Their holidays are the Phagua or Holi, the Kajari, the Panchaiyân, Naumi, and Dasmi, at all of which they get drunk, if they can afford to do so. They are much afraid of the ghosts of those who die a violent death by drowning or some other accident. Such ghosts haunt the scene of the accident, and need careful propitiation. They have a very vague idea of the other world. They believe in a sort of hell into which evil-doers are flung and fall into a pit full of human ordure and urine.[112] This place they call Narak, of which Manu enumerates twenty-one varieties. Some of them who are becoming more enlightened have now begun to perform some rude kind of srâddha. Women who are tattooed on the arms, wrists, breast, and below the knee, become holy, and the door-keepers of Bhagwân admit them into his paradise.
Social customs. 8. The women wear nose-rings (nathya, phurhur), ear-rings (bâli), ear ornaments (karanphûl), bangles (chûri, kara), ankle ornaments (pairi, sânkar). They swear by the Ganges, Kâli-Bhawâni, and on their sons’ heads. They will eat almost any meat, including beef and pork, and all kinds of fish, but not monkeys, vermin, and the like. They will not eat other people’s leavings, nor food touched by a Musahar, Dom, Chamâr, Dhobi, Halâlkhor, or Dharkâr. Like all of the Dom race, they have a hatred for Dhobis, and consider them the vilest of all castes. They have the usual taboos. They will not touch their younger brother’s wife, their child’s mother-in-law (samdhin), nor will they mention their wives by name. The elder brother’s wife can eat out of the same dish as her husband’s younger brother; but no wife or younger brother’s wife will eat with a husband or his elder brother or father. Their salutation is Râm! Râm! and the juniors touch the feet of their elders. Women seem, on the whole, to be fairly well treated; but they are soundly beaten if they misbehave themselves. No one, not even a Dom or Mehtar, will drink water from their hands. They will eat food cooked by a Nâi or any higher caste.
Occupation. 9. They live by making baskets and other articles manufactured out of bamboo, and playing on the flute (bânsuli), or the tambourine (dafla), at marriages. Their women are midwives. [[228]]
Distribution of the Basors according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Cawnpur | 42 |
| Bânda | 12,264 |
| Jhânsi | 7,912 |
| Jâlaun | 5,231 |
| Total | 25,447 |
Bâwariya.[113]—A hunting and criminal tribe practically found only in Muzaffarnagar and Mirzapur. Various explanations have been given of the name. Colonel Dalton would connect it with the Sanskrit barbara, varvara, which appears to be the Greek barbaros, and applied to any outcaste who cannot speak Sanskrit. Others take it to be another form of the Hindi bâola, bâora (Sanskrit, vâtûla, “inflamed with wind”). It is most probably derived from the Hindi banwar, “a creeper” (Sanskrit bhramara), in the sense of a noose made originally from some fibrous plant and used for trapping animals, which is one of the primary occupations of the tribe. The Bâwariyas in these provinces seem to fall into two branches—those resident in the Upper Duâb, who still retain some of their original customs and manners, and those to the east, who assert a more respectable origin, and have abandoned their original predatory life.
The Western Bâwariyas. 2. The best account of the western branch is that given by Mr. J. Wilson[114]:—“The Bâwariyas of Sirsa are divided into four sections—(1) the Bidâwati from Bikâner territory, claiming connection with the Bidâwat Râjputs, giving Chithor as their place of origin; (2) the Deswâli, living in the country about Sirsa; (3) the Kapriya to the west about Delhi; (4) the Kâlkamaliya, or “black blanket people,” who (especially the women) wear black blankets, and are found chiefly among the Sikhs of the jungle and Mâlwa country. These four sections do not eat together or intermarry; but say they all came originally from the country about Bikâner. They are most numerous in Râjputâna and the districts bordering upon it, but extend up the Satlaj to Fîrozpur and Lahore. The name of the [[229]]tribe seems to be derived from the banwar or snare with which they catch wild animals, but many of them despise this their hereditary occupation; and, indeed, it seems now to be practised only by the Kâlkamaliya or Panjâbi section. The Bâwariyas are seemingly an aboriginal tribe, being of a dark complexion and inferior physique, though resembling the Bâgri Jâts. Many of them are fond of a wandering life, living in wretched huts, and feeding upon lizards, foxes, and other jungle animals, but they say they will not eat fish. In other districts they are known as a criminal tribe, but here many of them are fairly respectable cultivators, some are employed as village watchmen, and many of them are skilled in tracking. They are divided into clans (got, nak) with Râjput names, such as Chauhân, Panwâr, Bhâti. The Bâwariyas who live among the Sikhs (Kâlkamaliya) wear the hair long (kes), and some of them have become regular Sikhs, and have received the pahul. The black blanket Bâwariyas speak Panjâbi, and the Bidâwati Bâgri; but they have besides a dialect peculiar to themselves, and not understood by the ordinary peasants. Bâwariyas consider themselves good Hindus, and say that regular Brâhmans officiate at their marriage ceremonies—the same Brâhmans as officiate for Jâts and Banyas. They hold the cow sacred and will not eat beef; they burn their dead and send their ashes to the Ganges. They are said sometimes to admit men of other tribes to their fraternity, and an instance is given in which a Banya for love of a Bâwariya woman became a Bâwariya himself.”
Manner of hunting practised by the Western Bâwariyas. 3. “Whole families of Bâwariyas come South in the rains for a lizard hunt, and may be seen returning with baskets full of their game, which live for days without food, and thus supply them with a succession of fresh meat. The lizard has a soft fat body and a broad tail with spikes along each side. He lives on grass, cannot bite severely, and is sluggish in his movements, so that he is easily caught. He digs a hole for himself of no great depth, and the easiest way to catch him is to look out for the scarcely perceptible air-hole and dig him out; but there are various ways of saving oneself this trouble. One, which I have seen, takes advantage of a habit the lizard has in cold weather (when he never comes out of his hole) of coming to the mouth for air and warmth. The Chûhra or other sportsman puts off his shoes and steals along the prairie till he sees signs of a lizard’s hole. This he approaches on tiptoe, raising over [[230]]his head with both hands a mallet with a round, sharp point, and fixing his eyes intently upon the hole. When close enough, he brings down his mallet with all his might on the ground just behind the mouth of the hole, and is often successful in breaking the lizard’s back before he awakens to a sense of his danger. Another plan, which I have not seen, is to tie a wisp of grass to a long stick and move it over the hole, so as to make a rustling noise. The lizard within thinks “Oh here’s a snake! I may as well give in,” and comes to the mouth of the hole, putting out his tail first that he may not see his executioner. The sportsman seizes his tail and snatches him out before he has time to learn his mistake.
4. “Again, a body of them, men, women, and children, go out into the prairie in search of game. When they have sighted a herd of antelope in the distance, they choose a favourable piece of ground and arrange their banwars, which are a series of many running nooses of raw hide tied together and fastened loosely to the ground by pegs; from the banwars they rapidly make two lines of bogies by sticking bits of straw with black rags tied to them into the ground at distances of a foot or two apart. These lines widen away from the snares so as to enclose a V-shaped piece of ground with sides perhaps a mile in length, the unsuspecting herd of antelope being enclosed within the V, at the pointed end of which are the snares. All this is arranged in a wonderfully short space of time, and when it is all ready, the main body of hunters, who have meanwhile gone round the herd of antelope and formed a line across the open mouth of the V, suddenly start up, and by unearthly yells drive the herd inwards towards the point. The first impulse of the antelopes is to rush directly away from their tormentors, but they soon come to the long lines of fluttering bits of rag which forms one line of the V. They are thus directed into the place occupied by the snares. It is interesting as one of the methods by which an ignorant tribe with the simplest means can by their superior cunning circumvent the swift antelope on his native prairies.”
Dialect of the Western Bâwariyas. 5. “The Bâwariyas have a dialect of their own, which has sometimes been considered a sort of thieves’ slang kept up to facilitate their combination for purposes of crime; but the great mass of the Bâwariyas in this district are not at all given to crime, and have no desire to conceal their dialect; moreover it is spoken most generally by the women and children, while the men, at all events in their intercourse with [[231]]their neighbours, speak in ordinary Bâgri or Panjâbi. It seems probable that it is simply the dialect of the country of their origin, kept up by them in their wanderings. I had not much time to make much enquiry about it, but was given the following as their names for the numbers by their leading men—ek, bai, tren, châr, pânch, chhau, hât, âth, nau, daukh, vik, (20) and the following words—khakhra for susra (father-in-law), khakhu for sâsu (mother-in-law), hândo for sândo (lizard), manukh (man), châro (antelope), haru (snake), laukra (fox), nauri (jackal), jamna (right hand), dava (left hand). Some of these words may be Bâgri, and they are not much to go upon, but the use of h, for s, and the peculiar kh for the Sanskrit palatal sibilant should afford some clue to the origin of the dialect; for this kh sound, like the Arabic kh in khâwind, is not found in any dialect indigenous in this part of India.” The numerals are obviously of Sanskrit origin, and so are most of the words—châro, harina; haru, sarpa; laukra, lomasa; nauri, nakula; jamna is the direction of the river Yamuna, Jumna; dava, dakshina.
The Bâwariyas of the North-Western Provinces. 6. A body of Bauriyas or Bâwariyas who were, many years ago, interrogated as to their customs and kindred, gave the following account of themselves[115]:—“The Mugîns and Baguras who reside in Mâlwa and on the Chambal river commit dacoity, burglary, and theft; they stick at nothing. They go in large parties (kâfila), sometimes as carriers of Ganges water, sometimes as Brâhmans, with the sacred string round their necks. The Hâbûras commit theft. The Gûjars call us Gidiyas, and the Jâts call us Bauris. Gidiya is merely a local name of our tribe; there is no distinct class of people of that name. The Sânsiyas are not of our tribe; they are a distinct class; they are thieves, but seldom ascend to dacoity—(this is certainly incorrect). The Kanjars are all thieves; they cut grass and make thatches, and bivouac in suburbs under huts of long grass (sirki), but always thieve. Our caste was originally Râjput, and our ancestors came from Mârwâr. We have seven clans (got)—Punwâr, Soharki, Dabas, alias Dâbi, Chauhân, Tunwar, Dhandara, alias Dhandal or Koli, and Gordhi, with the Châmi, making eight in all. Two or three centuries ago, when the Emperor of Delhi [[232]]attacked the fortress of Chithor and besieged it for twelve years for the sake of the Princess Padmani, the country became desolate, and we were obliged to emigrate in search of employment, and disperse. Those that came into the Delhi territory were called Bauris; those that went into the Gwâlior territory were called Mugîns and Bagûras. To the eastward they were called Baddhiks, and in Mâlwa Hâbûras. We are not people of yesterday; we are of ancient and illustrious descent. When Râvana took away the wife of the god Râma, and Râma wanted to recover her, men of all castes went to fight for him in the holy cause. Among the rest was a leader of the Bauris called Pardhi. When Râma vanquished his enemy and recovered Sîta he asked Pardhi what he could do for him. ‘Grant,’ said Pardhi, ‘that I may attend your Majesty, mount guard, and hunt in the intervals of leisure, and I shall have all that my heart wishes.’ The god granted him his request, and his occupation has come down to us. If any Prince happens to have an enemy that he wishes to have made away with, he sends for some of our tribe and says,—‘Go and bring so and so’s head.’ We go, steal into his sleeping apartments, and take off the person’s head without any other person knowing anything about it. If a Prince wanted, not the head of his enemy, but the gold tassels of the bed on which he lay asleep, we brought them to him. In consequence of our skill in those matters we were held everywhere in high esteem, and we served Princes and had never occasion to labour at tillage. This was before the emigration and dispersion of the tribe. We, who have come to the Delhi territory and are called Bauris, took to the trade of thieving. Princes still employed us to take off the heads of their enemies and rob them of their valuables. At present the Bauris confine themselves almost exclusively to robbing tents; they do not steal cattle or break into houses, but they will rob a cart on the highway occasionally; any other trade than robbery they never take to. They reside in or near villages under the protection of landlords, and while out for a long period at their vocation, they leave their wives and children under their care. They give them the means of subsistence, and for these advances we are often indebted to them three hundred or four hundred rupees by the time we return. When we are about to set out on our expeditions we get a loan of twenty or thirty rupees from the landholders or merchants of the place, and two days before starting we sacrifice a goat and make burnt offerings to the goddess Devi, sometimes to [[233]]her of the fiery furnace of Jawâla, in the Himâlaya, and sometimes to our old tutelary god of Chithor. We present sweetmeats and vow unwearied devotions if we are successful. After this we take our auspices thus:—We go in the evening into the jungle, and there in silence expect the call. If the partridge or jackal call on the left we set out without further ceremony; the bark of a fox even will do. If any of them call on the right, we return home and try again the day following. As soon as we get a good omen we set out. If we take it in the morning it must be before sunrise, and the fox, partridge, or jackal, must cry on the right to be good. If a deer cross from the left to the right it is a good omen. We have a couplet on this subject signifying that if the crow and the deer cross from the left to the right and the blue jay from left to right, even the wealth that has gone from us will come back.”
Present condition in the Upper Duâb. 7. The Census returns give the sections as Badniyâr, Banwâr, Bardhia, Barmâr, Chauhân, Dalê, Dhandin, Dyâs, Garali, Gaur, Gûjar, Kori, Madniyâriya, Pahari, Panwâr, Râjput, Solankhi, Saurangi, and Topiwâl. Those best known in the Upper Duâb are, Turai, Pachhâda or “Western,” Gola Kori, and Khâgi. These gotras, as they are called, are exogamous, but the Turai marry only with the Pachhâda and the Gola with the Khâgi. This rule of exogamy they reinforce with the rather vague formula that marriage with relatives by blood (dûdh kê nâtêdâr) is prohibited. They can marry two sisters in succession. They have now settled down and abandoned their wandering habit of life. They admit strangers into the caste. The only ceremony is that the convert has to eat and drink with his new clansmen. Some say that candidates for admission must be of high caste themselves; but they do not appear to be very particular, and these new admissions are treated at the outset with some contempt, and are not all at once admitted into full tribal privileges. Marriage usually takes place in infancy. The standard of morality is very low, because in Muzaffarnagar[116] it is extremely rare for a Bâwariya woman to live with her husband. Almost invariably she lives with another man; but whoever he may be, the official husband is responsible for the children. Divorced wives and widows can marry in the clan by the karâo form, and a man can have two or three wives at a time. The marriage ceremony is [[234]]carried out by the brother-in-law (dhiyâna) of the bride, and he makes them walk round the marriage shed, and promise to be faithful to each other. The relative, in fact, does all their religious and quasi-religious ceremonies. Infidelity, contraction of a fatal disease, and loss of religion and caste warrant either husband or wife giving up cohabitation, and if the separation is approved of by the clansmen, the woman can re-marry by the karâo form. It is also said that a wife can be discarded when she loses her good looks.
Religion and customs of the Western Bâwariyas. 8. They are Hindu by religion and worship Kâli-Bhawâni and Zâhir Dîwân. The women in particular worship Kâli-Bhawâni. As already stated, they do not employ Brâhmans, but get their religious business done by the brother-in-law. They usually burn the adult dead, and bury those who have not been married. They are in constant fear of the ghosts of the dead, and lay out food for them in platters made of leaves. They now principally live by catching birds of all kinds. Those that are eatable, they sell; others they take to the houses of rich Jain merchants, and make an income by releasing them from their cages. They do not prostitute their married women or girls. They will eat almost any kind of meat except beef, and indulge freely in liquor. They will eat and drink from the hands of any Hindu except Nats and the regular outcaste tribes.
The Eastern Bâwariyas of the North-Western Provinces. 9. In direct contrast to this disreputable branch of the tribe are the Eastern Bâwariyas of Mirzapur. They are very possibly an offshoot of the Bauris of Western Bengal, of whom Mr. Risley writes[117]:—“They are a cultivating, earth-working, and palanquin-bearing race, whose features and complexion stamp them as of non-Aryan descent, although evidence is wanting to affiliate them to any particular tribe now in existence. Their meagre folk-lore throws no light on their origin. According to one story they were degraded for attempting to steal food from the banquet of the gods; another professes to trace them back to a mythical ancestor named Bâhak Rishi (the bearer of burdens), and tells how, while returning from a marriage procession, they sold the palanquin they had been hired to carry, got drunk on the proceeds, and assaulted their Guru, who cursed them for the sacrilege, and compelled them to rank thenceforward [[235]]among the lowest castes of the community. Another name for this ancestor is Rik Muni, the same as the eponym of the Musahars and Bhuiyas; but it would be straining conjecture to infer from this any connection between the Bauris and the Bhuiyas.” At any rate the Mirzapur Bâwariyas admit no connection with such people. According to their own account they were originally Bais Chhatris, and come from Baiswâra, a tract of country which Sir H. M. Elliot defines as lying between Cawnpur on the west, the Sâi river which, running through the Partâbgarh District, joins the Gûmti some twenty miles south-east of the town of Jaunpur; and between the Chhuâb rivulet on the south, and Dikhtân, or the land of the Dikhit Râjputs, on the north.
10. They tell their story as follows:—There were two Chhatri brothers named Sûrê and Bîrê, who left Baiswâra in search of employment, and went to Chayanpur, in the Shâhâbâd District. There they took service with a Râja who had a lovely daughter. When her suitor, a neighbouring Râja, came to woo her, the two brothers challenged his wrestlers. To show their prowess they took a well-burnt tile and crushed it into dust, with which they rubbed their bodies as athletes do before they enter the arena. Then they tore up a great tamarind tree by the roots, and the rival wrestlers ran away in fear. This so pleased their master that he gave them a village called Bâwari or Chân Bâwari, from whence they take their name. They appear now to be fully recognised as Chhatris, and marry in the Chauhân, Jethi, and Gaharwâr clans.
11. They have now no landed property, but settle as tenants wherever they can find land. They do not admit outsiders into the tribe. Their marriage rules are of the type common to the more respectable tribes, but their special worship of Dulha Deo at marriages suggests a connection with some of the non-Aryan races. This is done on the eve of the marriage. The house kitchen is plastered, and the oldest woman of the family draws a lota full of water from the well, but in doing this she must use only her right hand. A burnt offering is then made with one-and-a-quarter sers of butter, and the water is poured on the floor in honour of the godling. Widow marriage is forbidden, and a woman caught in adultery must be discarded. They are generally initiated into either the Saiva or Sâkta sect, and specially worship Dulha Deo and one Sinha Bâba, who was a Nânak Shâhi faqîr. To him is made a burnt offering of sugar and butter once a year; the butter [[236]]must be of the weight of one pice and the sugar one quarter pice. A goat is also sometimes offered in the house court-yard. The priests of the clan are known as the Pânres of Machhiâwan, who have come with them from their original settlement. Their death ceremonies are such as are performed by the higher castes. They abstain from spirits, and their women are kept under careful control. They eat the flesh of deer and goats, and all kinds of fish except the gûnch or Gangetic shark. Brâhmans will eat pakki from their hands, and they will eat kachchi cooked by their Brâhman spiritual guides. They smoke only with their clansmen. Lower castes, like Kahârs and Nâis, will eat both kachchi and pakki from their hands.
The criminal Bâwariyas. 12. The Western Bâwariyas of these Provinces are best known to District Officers as a criminal tribe. When they go on their predatory excursions, which extend over a large part of Northern India, they usually assume the garb of faqîrs, and the only way of finding them out is by a peculiar necklace of small wooden beads, which they all wear, and by a kind of gold pin which they wear fixed to their front teeth.[118] It seems, however, doubtful whether this last test is always conclusive. In cases of doubt their mouths should be examined, for under their tongues a hollow is formed by constant pressure from their younger days, in which they can secure from fifteen to twenty silver bits. The women are believed to possess secrets for charms and medicines, and sell the roots and herbs which they collect in the jungles. They are said to be expert in making patchwork quilts, which they sell. Whenever they wander they sleep on a bed and not on the ground. One peculiarity about their thieving is that, like the Alâgiris of Madras,[119] when they enter a house they take with them some dry grain, which they throw about in the dark, so as to be able by the rattle to ascertain the position of brass vessels and other metal articles. In Central India they are said to be greatly wanting in intelligence and timid in their intercourse with their fellowmen. They are there divided into five tribes—the Râthaur or Mewâra, Chauhân, Sawandiya, Korbiyâr, Kodiyâr; and each tribe has a separate hunting ground. They are governed by Chiefs called Hauliya, who attain their office by descent. [[237]]“Game is divided into three shares—one for the god of the wilds, one for the god of the river, and the remainder is divided among those present at the capture. At the Holi they all assemble at the Hauliya’s residence, when he collects his income, one rupee per head. For the first five years after the beard first appears, it and the hair are cut once a year; but ever after that they wear both unshorn, and their long shaggy locks add to their uncouth appearance. Few attain sixty years of age, and ten is the greatest number of children they have known one woman to bear. They call themselves a branch of the Dhângar or shepherd class.[120]”
Distribution of Bâwariyas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindu. | Musalmân. | Total. |
| Muzaffarnagar | 1,107 | … | 1,107 |
| Agra | 40 | … | 40 |
| Mirzapur | 1,333 | … | 1,333 |
| Gorakhpur | 1 | … | 1 |
| Tarâi | 9 | … | 9 |
| Ballia | … | 239 | 239 |
| Total | 2,490 | 239 | 2,729 |
Beldâr.[121]—(One who works with the bel or mattock.)—A general term for the aggregate of low Hindu tribes who make their living by earth-work. But, besides these, there appears to be a real endogamous group of this name found chiefly in Bareilly, Gorakhpur, Basti, and Pilibhît. Mr. Risley[122] describes under the same name a wandering Dravidian caste of earth-workers and navvies in Bihâr and Western Bengal, many of whom are employed in the coal mines of Râniganj and Barâkar. “Both men and women labour, the former digging the earth and the latter removing it in baskets carried on the head. The Beldârs regard this mode of carrying earth as distinctive of themselves, and will on no account carry earth in baskets slung from the shoulders.” Whatever may be the [[238]]case in Bengal, in these provinces at least, the practice of carrying earth and other burdens on the head and not on the back or shoulders is habitual among all the castes who do this kind of labour.
Internal organization. 2. The Beldârs of these provinces classified themselves at the last Census under three sub-castes—Bâchhal, Chauhân, and Kharot. The two former are, of course, well known Râjput tribes. The Kharot appear to take their name from khar (Sanskrit, khata), “grass.” They are described as a tribe of mat-makers in Basti, and a number have entered themselves separately at the last enumeration. Besides these, among the most important local sub-castes, we find the Mahul and Orh of Bareilly; the Desi, Kharêbind, and Sarwariya, or “dwellers beyond the Sarju,” of Gorakhpur; and the Kharêbind and Maskhauwa, or “flesh-eaters,” of Basti. The Census returns give 186 sub-castes of the usual type. Some taken from the names of existing well known tribes, such as Bachgoti, Bâchhal, Baheliya, Bindwâr, Chauhân, Dikhit, Gaharwâr, Gaura, Gautam, Ghosi, Kurmi, Luniya, Orh, Râjput, Thâkur; others, local terms of the usual type, like Agarwâl, Agrabansi, Ajudhyabâsi, Bhadauriya, Dehliwâl, Gangapâri, Gorakhpuri, Kanaujiya, Kashiwâla, Purabiya, Sarwariya, and Uttarâha. The Beldârs have no definite traditions of their origin, save that they were once Râjputs who were compelled by some Râja to work as navvies, and were in consequence degraded. There can, however, be little doubt that they are an occupational offshoot from the great Luniya, Orh, or Bind tribe, who are certainly to a large extent of non-Aryan origin.
Occupation and status. 3. Besides their trade of doing earth-work, they also make their living by fishing. They are very fond of field rats, which they dig out of the rice fields after the harvest is over, and boil down with the grain which they have collected in their granaries. They also eat pork, but in spite of this it is reported from Gorakhpur that Brâhmans and Kshatriyas drink water from their hands. Their widows marry by the sagâi form, and a man may discard his wife for adultery; but if she marries her paramour, the council compels him to repay the original cost of her marriage to her first husband.
Religion. 4. To the east of the province they worship the Pânchonpîr, to whom they offer a turban (patuka) and a sheet (patau) made of coarse country cloth, and occasionally a fowl. The sheets before being offered are marked [[239]]by a streak of red. Another form of offering is what is known as kâra, which is made of flour and urad pulse. Some worship Mahâdeva once a year in the month of Phâlgun or at the Sivarâtri.
Distribution of Beldârs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Bâchhal. | Chauhân. | Kharot. | Others. | Musalmâns. | Total. |
| Sahâranpur | … | … | … | 32 | 5 | 37 |
| Muzaffarnagar | … | … | … | … | 29 | 29 |
| Mathura | … | … | … | 2 | … | 2 |
| Etâwah | … | … | … | 222 | … | 222 |
| Bareilly | 5,688 | … | … | 748 | … | 6,436 |
| Budâun | … | … | … | 17 | … | 17 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | … | … | 160 | … | 160 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 62 | 350 | … | 369 | … | 781 |
| Pilibhît | 627 | 149 | … | 1,579 | … | 2,355 |
| Cawnpur | … | … | … | 56 | … | 56 |
| Fatehpur | … | … | … | 96 | … | 96 |
| Bânda | … | … | … | 148 | 3 | 151 |
| Hamîrpur | … | … | … | 212 | … | 212 |
| Allahâbâd | … | … | … | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| Jhânsi | … | … | … | 246 | … | 246 |
| Jâlaun | … | … | … | 586 | … | 586 |
| Lalitpur | … | … | … | 248 | … | 248 |
| Ghâzipur | … | … | … | 2 | … | 2 |
| Ballia | … | … | … | 35 | … | 35 |
| Gorakhpur | … | … | 9,782 | 5,463 | 3 | 15,248 |
| Basti | … | … | 3,623 | 3,162 | … | 6,785 |
| Azamgarh | … | … | … | 31 | 1 | 32 |
| Tarâi | 973 | … | … | 42 | … | 1,015 |
| Lucknow | … | … | … | 69 | … | 69[[240]] |
| Unâo | … | … | … | 79 | 5 | 84 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | … | 122 | 2 | 124 |
| Sîtapur | … | 59 | … | 115 | … | 174 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | 216 | … | 216 |
| Kheri | … | … | … | 336 | … | 336 |
| Faizâbâd | … | … | … | 110 | … | 110 |
| Gonda | … | … | … | 170 | … | 170 |
| Bahrâich | … | … | … | 226 | … | 226 |
| Sultânpur | … | … | … | 148 | 1 | 149 |
| Partâbgarh | … | 16 | … | 92 | 10 | 118 |
| Bârabanki | … | 520 | … | 249 | … | 769 |
| Total | 7,350 | 1,094 | 13,405 | 15,389 | 61 | 37,299 |
Belwâr, Bilwâr.—A tribe in Oudh of whom no satisfactory account has been received. According to Mr. Nesfield, they take their name from bela, “a purse”; but this is very uncertain. They are said to deal in grain and cultivate.
2. According to the last Census their chief sub-caste is the Sanâdh. In Kheri the chief sub-castes are Baghel, Bhonda, and Gaur.
Distribution of the Belwâr according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Sanâdh. | Others. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | … | 42 | 42 |
| Etâwah | 7 | 35 | 42 |
| Lucknow | … | 22 | 22 |
| Sîtapur | 1,255 | 793 | 2,048 |
| Hardoi | 605 | 146 | 751 |
| Kheri | 1,269 | 1,412 | 2,681 |
| Bahrâich | … | 608 | 608 |
| Total | 3,136 | 3,058 | 6,194 |
[[241]]
Benawa.—(“Without provisions,” “destitute.”)—A class of Muhammadan faqîrs, the chief of the Beshara or unorthodox orders. They are said to be followers of Khwâja Hasan Basri. Mr. Maclagan[123] says:—“The term is sometimes apparently applied in a loose manner to Qâdiri and Chishti faqîrs, but is properly applicable only to a very inferior set of beggars, men who wear patched garments and live apart. They will beg for anything except food, and in begging they will use the strongest language, and the stronger the language the more pleased are the persons from whom they beg. Many of the offensive names borne by villages in the Gujrânwâla District are attributed to mendicants of this order, who have been denied an alms. The proper course is to meet a Benawa beggar with gibes and put him on his mettle, for he prides himself on his powers of repartee, and every Benawa wears a thong of leather, which he has to unloose when beaten in reply, and it is a great source of shame for him to unloose this thong” (tasma khol dena).
Distribution of the Benawas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Dehra Dûn | 3 |
| Sahâranpur | 2,347 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 2,620 |
| Meerut | 1,620 |
| Bulandshahr | 24 |
| Mathura | 63 |
| Agra | 31 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 10 |
| Mainpuri | 8 |
| Bareilly | 451 |
| Bijnor | 655 |
| Morâdâbâd | 755 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 32 |
| Pilibhît | 8 |
| Bânda | 8 |
| Lalitpur | 4 |
| Benares | 5 |
| Ghâzipur | 212 |
| Gorakhpur | 84 |
| Basti | 1,134 |
| Tarâi | 293 |
| Râê Bareli | 45 |
| Sîtapur | 13 |
| Faizâbâd | 62 |
| Bahrâich | 10 |
| Sultânpur | 201 |
| Partâbgarh | 5 |
| Bârabanki | 32 |
| Total | 10,735 |
[[242]]
Benbans.—(“Of the stock of Râja Vena.”)—A small sept of Râjputs in Mirzapur and Rîwa. The sept is interesting as an example of the development in quite recent times of a new Râjput sept. There seems to be little doubt that only a couple of generations ago they were Kharwârs, a purely Dravidian tribe, and have developed into Râjputs since they obtained the chiefship of that part of the country. The present Râja has now married into a respectable Chandel family, and his claim to be a pure bred Râjput will doubtless soon cease to be disputed.
Beriya,[124] Bediya.—A caste of vagrants found in various parts of the Province. They are very closely allied if not identical with the Sânsi, Kanjar, Hâbûra, Bhântu, etc. In Bengal the term is applied to a number of vagrant, gypsy-like groups, of whom it is difficult to say whether they can properly be described as castes. Of these Bengal Beriyas a very full account has been given by Bâbu Rajendra Lâla Mitra.[125] According to him, they show no tendency to obesity, and are noted for “a light, elastic, wiry make, very uncommon in the people of this country. In agility and hardiness they stand unrivalled. The men are of a brownish colour like the bulk of Bengâlis, but never black. The women are of lighter complexion, and generally well formed; some of them have considerable claims to beauty, and for a race so rude and primitive in their habits as the Bediyas, there is a sharpness in the features of their women which we see in no other aboriginal race in India. Like the gypsies of Europe, they are noted for the symmetry of their limbs; but their offensive habits, dirty clothing, and filthy professions, give them a repulsive appearance, which is heightened by the reputation they have of kidnapping children and frequenting burial grounds and places of cremation. Their eyes and hair are always black, but their stature varies much in different individuals. They are a mixed race, and many outcastes join them. Some of them call themselves Mâl, and live by snake-catching and sale of herbs. Though known as Bediyas, they keep distinct, and do not intermarry or mix with the pure Bediyas, who, unlike European gypsies, keep themselves distinct. They seldom build houses, and take to [[243]]agriculture, but wander about with a few miserable wigwams. Like all gypsies, they dress like the people of the country. They cook in a pipkin in common. Their women and children eat promiscuously, except when placed among Bengâlis, when the women eat separately. They eat whatever they can get, and nothing comes amiss to them, whether it be a rotten jackal or a piece of beef or mutton.
2. “Familiar with the use of bows and arrows, and great adepts in laying snares and traps, they are seldom without large supplies of game and flesh of wild animals of all kinds. A variety of birds they keep dried for medical purposes; mungooses, squirrels, and flying foxes they eat with avidity as articles of luxury. Spirituous liquors and intoxicating drugs are indulged in to a large extent, and chiefs of clans assume the title of Bhangi or drinkers of hemp (bhang) as a mark of honour.” They practise all the usual gypsy trades. “In lying, thieving, and knavery he is not a whit inferior to his brother of Europe, and he practises everything that enables him to pass an easy life without submitting to any law of civilized Government or the amenities of social life. The women deal in charms for exorcising the devil, love phylters, palmistry, cupping with buffalo horns, administering moxas and drugs for spleen and rheumatism. She has a charm for extracting worms from carious teeth by repeating indecent verses. They are the only tattooers. At home she makes mats of palm leaves, while her lord alone cooks. Bediyas have no talent for music; Nats and Banjâras have. Firdausi says this was the reason they were exiled to Persia. Bediya women are even more circumspect than European gypsies. If she does not return before the jackal’s cry is heard in the evening, she is subject to severe punishment. It is said that a faux pas among her own kindred is not considered reprehensible. Certain it is that no Bediyâni has ever been known to be at fault with any one not of her own caste. They are fond husbands, kind parents, affectionate children, and unswerving friends. Attachment to their nationality is extreme, and no Bediya has ever been known to denounce his race. Whenever a Bediya is apprehended by a police officer, his clansmen do their best to release him, and if condemned to imprisonment or death, they invariably support his family. He is a Hindu or Musalmân according to the population he lives in. Some are Deists, some Kabîrpanthis, or Sikhs; some take the disguise of Jogis, Faqîrs, Darveshes, Santons, etc. [[244]]Hence he is called Panchpîri. His dead are usually buried, and his marriage contract is solemnized over country arrack without the intervention of priests, the only essential being the consent of the elders of the clan. Marriage is restricted to his own clan; but kidnapped children brought up in camp are not prohibited. He is very sparing of ceremony; in reply to the exhortations of the bride’s relatives to treat her kindly, he simply declares,—‘This woman is my wedded wife,’ marking her head at the same time with red lead. The bride replies,—‘This man is my husband.’ Incestuous marriages are believed to be common among them. It is said that all Bediyas, whether professing Hinduism or Muhammadanism, worship Kâli. Like the gypsies, they never go to court. Their chiefs (sardârs) have supreme power, and manage their affairs with the help of tribal councils (panchâyat). The punishments are fine, stripes with a shoe, expulsion from caste. The fines are spent in liquor. The chief is generally hereditary, and he is invested with authority over his clansmen, wherever they may be located. This is possible, as the Bediya, though a vagrant, is much attached to his birthplace, and often returns there.”
The Beriyas of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. 3. The Beriyas of these Provinces are in a much more degraded condition than their brethren in Bengal. At the last Census they recorded themselves under three main sub-castes—Chauhân and Raghubansi, the titles of well known Râjput sub-divisions, and Kâmchor or “loafers.” But in the Central Duâb, like so many of the tribes of the same social rank, they pretend to have seven sub-castes. By one enumeration these are given as Khâlkhur, Chhâhari, Bhains, Gunnar, Nâritor, Rattu, and Kachhâr. Another list adds Mahish. The complete returns show 250 sections of the Hindu, and 12 of the Muhammadan branch. These are of the usual type, many taken from the names of existing castes, such as Bais, Banya, Bangâli, Chauhân, Chhatri, Gaur, Ghosiya, Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Kânhpuriya, Raghubansi, Râwat, Teli, and Thâkur; others of local origin like Amrapuriya, Baiswâri, Bhadauriya, Deswâl, Jaiswâr, Mainpuriya, Multânwâri; others again common to them and similar vagrant and prostitute tribes, such as Brijbâsi, Dhânuk, Gandharb, Gidhmâr (“kite-killers”), Jangali, Kuchbandhiya, Kapariya, Karnâtaki, Nat, Paturiya, Râjnat, and Tawâif. They believe themselves indigenous in the Central Duâb, and profess to have some unexplained connection, like their kinsmen the [[245]]Hâbûras, with the old ruined city of Nohkhera, in the north of Pargana Jalesar, in the Etah District. All the camps (gol) which frequent that part of the country meet there during the rainy season, and hold tribal councils at which marriages and all matters affecting the caste are settled. Regular marriages seldom occur among them, because nearly all the girls are reserved for prostitution, and the men keep concubines drawn from any fairly respectable caste. So far is this the rule, that in Farrukhâbâd, it is alleged that if a man marry a girl of the tribe, he is put out of caste; and in Etâwah, if a man marry a girl who has been prostituted, he is obliged to pay a fine to the tribal council. This is a good example of what Sir John Lubbock[126] calls “Communal marriage.” “In many cases,” he says, “the exclusive possession of a wife could only be legally acquired by a temporary recognition of the pre-existing communal rights.” While, however, concubinage is a tribal institution, connections with a woman of the menial tribes, such as Chamâr, Bhangi, Kori, or Dhânuk, are prohibited; and a man offending in this way is expelled from the caste. The only ceremony in selecting a concubine is the presenting to her a suit of clothes, and eating with her and the clansmen. There seems, however, to be an increasing tendency towards the more respectable form of marriage, and some of them not only profess to have a law of exogamy to this extent that they will not give their boys to, or take a bride from, a family with which within memory they have been allied by marriage, but they also pretend to allow the levirate under the usual restrictions, and permit widow marriage. When they do marry in the caste continence is compulsory on the wife, and her husband can put her away for infidelity proved to the satisfaction of the tribal council.
Domestic ceremonies. 4. During pregnancy the mother generally vows that if she gets over her confinement in safety, she will have the head of the child shaved at some shrine. She is attended at delivery by the Chamârin midwife, and after that by the women of her family. All Beriyas do the chhathi or sixth day ceremony after delivery; some do the barahi or twelfth day rite as well, and if the child be a boy, feed the tribesmen. Adoption is common among them; usually a sister’s son [[246]]is adopted. There is no ceremony except the distribution of sweets to the kinsmen, and the formal announcement that the adoption has taken place. There is no initiation rite for males; but when a girl reaches puberty, and is prostituted for the first time, the money she earns is spent in drinking and in feeding the other unmarried girls of the tribe, while Satya Nârâyana is worshipped, and verses in honour of him are recited. In a marriage of a virgin girl of the caste, which is very unusual, they follow the orthodox form; when they get hold of some other woman or of a widow there is no ceremony except feeding the clansmen, and until this is done the husband cannot eat the food cooked by her.
5. The caste is in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Farrukhâbâd they touch the left foot of the corpse with fire and then bury it. In Etâwah they cremate the dead and collect the ashes, which they put into an earthen pot, and then bury this in the ground, raising over it a small earthen platform. When they can afford it, they offer at this place some cakes in honour of the dead, which they subsequently consume themselves. They do not employ the Mahâbrâhman; all the death ceremonies are done by the sister’s son or son-in-law of the deceased. They have no regular srâddha; but once a year, on any convenient date, they offer up cakes in the name of their dead ancestors in general, and invite a few of the brethren to a feast.
Religion. 6. Their tribal deities are Devi, Kâliji, and Jwâlamukhi. Many of them also worship a deity called Sayyid, which they understand to represent Muhammad, the prophet. Others visit the shrine of Madâr Sâhib. They seem to depend more on ancestor worship than on any other form of belief. They hardly employ Brâhmans at all except for giving omens at marriages, and it is, of course, only the very lowest Brâhmans who serve them.
Occupation and social status. 7. The Beriya, as we have seen, supports himself to a large extent by prostituting his women. His women loaf about villages and procure information about valuable property for their male relations. He is a pilferer and petty thief, and will steal crops from fields and any uncared-for property which he can find lying about. He makes almost a speciality of stealing the clothes and brass vessels of men who labour in the fields, and a camp of these people is such a pest in a neighbourhood that they would meet with short shrift from [[247]]the villagers if they were not protected by some landowners, who intrigue with their women, and by goldsmiths and others, who receive stolen property from them. They have also been known to commit more serious crime and attack camel carts and wedding parties at night. They usually begin the attack on a travelling party with a shower of stones, and if this fail to compel them to abandon their goods, they assail them with their bludgeons. In Farrukhâbâd the Gunnar sub-caste carry the regular Kanjar spud (khanti,) with which they dig out young jackals and pass them off as wolf cubs for the sake of the Government reward. They have a vague tradition that they were once Râjputs, and were forced to take to their present means of living by the Muhammadans after the siege of Chithor. But their appearance and physique certainly indicate that they are a branch of the Indian gypsy race, and closely allied to the Sânsiya and his kinsfolk. The women who are prostitutes salute with the word salâm; those who are married use Râm! Râm! When they take an oath they turn to the river and swear by mother Ganges. They are steady believers in the demoniacal theory of disease. When a person falls sick they call in a wizard (syâna), who smokes a huqqa, and with a few incoherent words waves a broom over the patient, and thus scares the ghost. When a patient is attacked by the Evil-eye, they put some thorns of the babûl (acacia arabica) in an earthen pot face downwards; then a shoe is waved over it, and they call out—“Evil glance! leave the sick man!” They eat mutton, goat’s flesh, and pork; not beef, fowls, fish, vermin, or the leavings of other people. But there is reason to believe that when in camps by themselves they are much more catholic in their diet. No respectable caste will eat from their hands, they will eat both kachchi and pakki from the hands of all but the very lowest menials.
Distribution of the Beriyas according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Chauhân. | Kâmchor. | Raghubansi. | Others. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Sahâranpur | … | … | … | … | 11 | 11 |
| Meerut | … | … | … | … | 6 | 6 |
| Bulandshahr | … | … | … | … | 3 | 3[[248]] |
| Aligarh | … | … | … | 7 | 1 | 8 |
| Mathura | … | … | … | 2 | … | 2 |
| Agra | 59 | 140 | … | 926 | 96 | 1,221 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 24 | 8 | 25 | 662 | 22 | 741 |
| Mainpuri | … | 32 | 49 | 600 | … | 681 |
| Etâwah | 26 | … | … | 779 | … | 805 |
| Etah | 1 | 39 | … | 156 | … | 196 |
| Bijnor | … | … | … | 9 | 1 | 10 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | … | … | 10 | … | 10 |
| Cawnpur | 57 | … | … | 1,033 | … | 1,090 |
| Fatehpur | 90 | … | … | 631 | … | 721 |
| Bânda | 54 | … | … | 190 | … | 244 |
| Hamîrpur | 53 | … | … | 368 | … | 421 |
| Allahâbâd | 7 | … | … | 1,015 | 2 | 1,024 |
| Jhânsi | 14 | … | … | 113 | … | 127 |
| Jâlaun | 4 | … | … | 38 | … | 42 |
| Lalitpur | 1 | … | … | 147 | 4 | 152 |
| Mirzapur | 19 | … | … | … | … | 19 |
| Jaunpur | … | … | … | 108 | … | 108 |
| Ghâzipur | … | … | … | … | 4 | 4 |
| Gorakhpur | … | … | … | 19 | … | 19 |
| Basti | 4 | … | … | 83 | 701 | 788 |
| Azamgarh | … | … | … | 89 | … | 89 |
| Lucknow | … | … | … | 192 | 9 | 201 |
| Unâo | 171 | … | … | 90 | 12 | 273 |
| Râê Bareli | 794 | … | … | 676 | 1 | 1,471 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | 90 | … | 90[[249]] |
| Faizâbâd | 227 | … | … | 455 | 2 | 684 |
| Gonda | … | … | … | 30 | … | 30 |
| Bahrâich | 48 | … | … | 105 | 7 | 160 |
| Sultânpur | 773 | … | … | 709 | 2 | 1,484 |
| Partâbgarh | 516 | 8 | … | 537 | … | 1,061 |
| Bârabanki | 856 | … | … | 452 | 9 | 1,317 |
| Total | 3,798 | 227 | 74 | 10,321 | 893 | 15,313 |
Berwâr, Birwâr.—A Râjput sept found in the Districts of Ghâzipur, Azamgarh, and Faizâbâd. In Ghâzipur they say that they are emigrants from the neighbourhood of Delhi, and take their name from Bernagar, their leading village. They are supposed to have come under the auspices of the Narauliyas, whom they assisted to expel the Cheros.[127] In Azamgarh they are said to be both Râjputs and Bhuînhârs, and not to rank high among either. Each set ignores the origin of, or any connection with, the other. The Bhuînhârs can only say that they came from the westward. They Chhatris say they are Tomars, and were led from Bernagar, near Delhi, to Azamgarh, by a chief named Garak Deo, who lived between 1393 and 1512 of the Sambat era (1536–1455 A.D.). In Faizâbâd they call themselves Bais of Dundiyakhera. The Chhatri and Bhuînhâr branches are of the same origin, as at marriages and other feasts they refuse to take from their hosts or offer to their guests broken cakes of pulse (bara). The origin of the custom is said to be that at a feast where a number of the Berwars had been invited by another clan, their treacherous hosts, on the pass-word bara khanda chalâo (khanda means “a sword” as well as “broken”), slaughtered the Birwârs. Their name is possibly connected with this custom.[128] The Brâhman ancestor of the sept is said to have come from Kanauj; but its different [[250]]branches are not unanimous as to his name or pedigree, or how they came to Azamgarh.[129]
Bhadauriya.—An important sept of Râjputs who take their name from the village of Bhadâwar, near Ater, south of the Jumna. The eastern branch have some traditions which point to a Meo origin;[130] but according to Sir H. M. Elliot[131] they are a branch of the Chauhâns; but the Chauhâns are disposed to deny this relationship, now that for motives of convenience the two tribes have begun to intermarry. They are divided into the six clans of Athbhaiya, Kulhiya, Mainu, Taseli, Chandraseniya, and Râwat. He further remarks:—“The high claims which have been put forward in favour of the family are somewhat unreasonable, and were indeed entirely needless, as its respectability for many years past has been unquestionable. Bhatûla, or bread made from the grain of arhar, chana, and mûng, is notorious for its hardness, and is, therefore, seldom eaten by those who can afford to grow or purchase the better grains. It is said to have been the cause of the elevation of the Bhadauriyas, and the story, absurd as it may appear, is commonly believed in the neighbourhood of Bhadâwar, and is not denied by the Bhadauriyas themselves. One of the Bhadauriya chiefs, Gopâl Sinh, went to pay his respects to the King, Muhammad Shâh. The chief had very large eyes, so much so, as to attract the attention of the King, who asked him how he obtained them. The chief, who was a wit, replied that in his district nothing but arhar was grown, and that from the constant practice of straining at swallowing bhatûla, his eyes had nearly started out of his head. The King was pleased at his readiness, and bestowed upon him other Parganas in which he could grow the finer grains. The immediate cause of their aggrandisement is obscure, but it is as likely to have been a pair of large eyes as the capture of a fort. It is clear that their political importance lasted no longer than for a few years at the beginning of the last century; that their illustrious lineage even now invests them with consideration in the eyes of the surrounding Râjas, who allow the Bhadauriya to sit higher than themselves; who receive from him the investiture, or rather impress of the tilak, who confess that he alone can cover with grain the lingam at Batesar (the Râna of Gohag having tried twenty-one [[251]]maunds in vain); and that, though influential, they are not of that high importance which they would arrogate to themselves. It is to be feared also that they are much addicted to infanticide; so that when we take all these circumstances into consideration, there seems some reason to acknowledge that the indiscriminate bounty of the British Government might perhaps have been more worthily bestowed.” The last Census Returns give some colour to the supposition that infanticide prevails among them. There are 16,312 males to 12,715 females.
2. Of the clans above enumerated the Chandraseniya, Kulhiya, Athbhaiya, and Râwat marry girls of the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, Râthaur, Chandel, Sirnet, Panwâr, Gautam, Raghubansi, Gaharwâr, Tomar, and Gahlot septs. The Taseli intermarry with Râjputs of rank inferior to these. The high class Bhadauriyas give their daughters to the Chauhân, Kachhwâha, and Râthaur septs.
Distribution of the Bhadauriya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 4 |
| Meerut | 54 |
| Aligarh | 62 |
| Mathura | 54 |
| Agra | 4,034 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 1,490 |
| Mainpuri | 1,936 |
| Etâwah | 5,387 |
| Etah | 239 |
| Bareilly | 398 |
| Budâun | 300 |
| Morâdâbâd | 165 |
| Shâhjahânpur | 1,130 |
| Pilibhît | 257 |
| Cawnpur | 2,533 |
| Fatehpur | 933 |
| Bânda | 169 |
| Hamîrpur | 116 |
| Allahâbâd | 421 |
| Jhânsi | 371 |
| Jâlaun | 596 |
| Lalitpur | 36 |
| Benares | 363 |
| Ballia | 232 |
| Gorakhpur | 68 |
| Basti | 19[[252]] |
| Azamgarh | 93 |
| Lucknow | 162 |
| Unâo | 521 |
| Râê Bareli | 1,417 |
| Sîtapur | 1,112 |
| Hardoi | 609 |
| Kheri | 1,266 |
| Faizâbâd | 50 |
| Gonda | 340 |
| Bahrâich | 516 |
| Sultânpur | 910 |
| Partâbgarh | 366 |
| Bârabanki | 298 |
| Total | 29,027 |
Bhagat.—(Sanskrit, bhakta, “a worshipper.”)—A term usually applied to men of any caste who take a vow of abstinence from meat, wine, etc. This they usually do as they advance in life, and wear a necklace of beads as a mark of the vow. It is also applied to a Sâkti sect, not Vaishnavas, as the ordinary Bhagats are, who are worshippers of Devi. Some of them eat meat, but abstain from wine. To the west of the province they are chiefly devotees of the Bajesri Devi of Kângra, whose temple was plundered by Mahmûd of Ghazni and Fîroz Tughlaq. At Jwâlamukhi, in the same District, is another and equally famous temple, where jets of gas proceeding from the ground are kept ever burning, and the crowds of pilgrims provide a livelihood for a profligate community of Gusâîns and Bhojkis. “The days most holy to Devi are the first nine days of the moon in the months of Chait and Kuâr. Some persons will fast in the name of Devi on the eighth lunar day (ashtami) of every month, and perform special ceremonies on that day. Sometimes they will light lamps of flour, and when a Brâhman has read the Devipâtha, will prostrate themselves before the lamps. Sometimes it is customary to distribute rice and sweetmeats on this day to unmarried girls; and goldsmiths will often close their shops in honour of the day. The greatest Ashtamis of all, however, are those in the months above mentioned; and of the two [[253]]great yearly festivals, the Naurâtra is the greatest, following as it does immediately after the completion of the annual srâddha or commemoration of the dead. It is the custom in some parts of the country for worshippers of Devi on the first day of this festival to sow barley and water it, and keep a lamp burning by it, and on the eighth day to cut it and light a sacrificial fire (homa), breaking their fast next day.”[132]
2. The name is also applied to a class of dancing girls in the Agra Division.
Distribution of the Bhagats according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Sahâranpur | 1 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 185 |
| Mainpuri | 7 |
| Etâwah | 12 |
| Etah | 127 |
| Bareilly | 14 |
| Budâun | 11 |
| Bânda | 4 |
| Benares | 124 |
| Total | 485 |
Bhâlê Sultân.—(“Lords of the spear:” Sanskrit, Bhâla, “a kind of arrow or spear.”)—According to the tribal tradition in Sultânpur,[133] between two and three hundred years ago Râê Barâr, son of Amba Râê, brother of the then Râja of Morârmau, commanded a troop of cavalry recruited entirely from the Bais clan in the Imperial service, and was deputed to exterminate the troublesome Bhars in the Isauli Pargana. Having accomplished his task he returned to Delhi and presented himself at the head of his troop before the Emperor, who, struck with their manly bearing, exclaimed, “Ao, Bhâlê Sultân,” “Come, spears of the Sultân.” Thence they adopted the name. Another story is that it was as link-bearers (Bâri), and not the lance, which they so dexterously wielded, and that they were made Râjputs by Tilok Chand as a reward for their diligence. A third account connects them with the Balla, who are included in the royal races and were lords in Saurâshtra. “But this lays stress [[254]]on the first factor of the name, and leaves the other, an equally perplexing one, altogether unexplained. That it is a corruption there is little doubt. The Bhâlê Sultâns are either not mentioned by Abul Fazl at all, or they are the Bais Naumuslim of Sâtanpur. In either case the suspicion is raised that they did not take their modern name till after the time of Akbar, and, if so, it hardly bears the ring of Imperial coinage. ‘From this time’ (1507 A.D.), says Bâbar, ‘I order that I should be styled Padshah,’ and from him downwards this, and not Sultan, appears to have been the title affected by the Mughal Emperors. It is very probable that the Bhâlê Sultâns are the Naumuslim Bais of Sâtanpur, for they now occupy that locality, and Palhan Deo, great grandson of Râê Barâr, is said to have been converted to Islâm in Shîr Shâh’s time; and the only thing against this view is that the Gandeo Bais may have held territory thus far east, and as they, too, had a Musalmân branch, they would then answer equally well to the description given.”
Bhâlê Sultân of the North-West Provinces. 2. The Bulandshahr[134] branch, according to one story, claim descent from Sidhrâo Jai Sinh, a Solankhi Râjput of Parpatan in Gujarât. After the defeat of Prithivi Râja, Sawai Sinh, the ancestor of the family, obtained the title of Bhâlê Sultân, or “Lord of the lance,” from Shahâbuddîn Ghori. Another story is that they are descended from Sârang Deo, a nephew of the Râja of Gujarât, who took service under Prithivi Râja of Delhi, with whom he was distantly connected, and perished in the war against Kanauj, when his descendant was rewarded with lands in Bulandshahr. It was his grandson, Hamîr Sinh, who took service with the Râja of Kanauj, and obtained through him and Shahâbuddîn the title of Bhâla Sultân. The seventh in descent from him, Kirat Sinh, distinguished himself in the campaign of Ghayâsuddin against the Meos, and got their lands. The seventh in descent from him, Khân Chand, became a Musalmân to please the Muhammadan Governor under Khizr Khân, the protegee of Timûr.
The Oudh branch. 3. In Faizâbâd[135] the Bhâlê Sultân claim descent from Râo Mardan Sinh of Bais, of Dundiya Khera, who was a horse-dealer by profession. He chanced to visit Gajanpur, in Isauli Pargana, of the Sultânpur District, where there was a fort of the Râjbhars, whom he overcame. His [[255]]son, Râo Barâr, entered the service of the King of Delhi, and as he was a good horseman and clever spearsman, he obtained the title of Bhâla Sultân. One of his descendants, Baram Deo, ambitious of obtaining the title of Râja, became Khânzâda to the King of Delhi, and since then his descendants have been called Khânzâda. In Râê Bareli the tradition runs that they were Ahîrs who were raised to the rank of Râjputs by Tilok Chand.
4. In Sultânpur they are said to marry girls of the septs of the Bhâratipur Chauhâns, Kath Bais and Kath Bisen, and to give girls to the Tilokchandi Bais, Chauhâns of Mainpuri, Sûrajbansis of Mahul, Gautams of Nagar, Bisens of Majhauli, Gahlot, Sombansi, Râjkumâr, Bandhalgoti, and Bachgoti. In Faizâbâd they marry girls of the Gargbansi and Raghubansi septs, and give girls to the Sombansi, Bachgoti, and Bais.
Distribution of the Bhâlê Sultân Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Sahâranpur | 17 | 27 | 44 |
| Meerut | 20 | … | 20 |
| Bulandshahr | 6,370 | 4,790 | 11,160 |
| Agra | 59 | 3 | 62 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 9 | 6 | 15 |
| Mainpuri | 36 | … | 36 |
| Budâun | 11 | … | 11 |
| Shâhjahânpur | … | 9 | 9 |
| Pilibhît | 19 | 4 | 23 |
| Cawnpur | 11 | 75 | 86 |
| Fatehpur | 3 | … | 3 |
| Bânda | … | 1 | 1 |
| Allahâbâd | 324 | 18 | 342 |
| Lalitpur | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Benares | 15 | 86 | 101 |
| Jaunpur | 25 | 3 | 28[[256]] |
| Ghâzipur | … | 7 | 7 |
| Gorakhpur | 35 | 64 | 99 |
| Basti | 155 | 53 | 208 |
| Azamgarh | 122 | 29 | 151 |
| Lucknow | 17 | 283 | 300 |
| Unâo | 5 | 38 | 43 |
| Râê Bareli | 377 | 372 | 749 |
| Sîtapur | 20 | 23 | 43 |
| Kheri | 3 | 108 | 111 |
| Faizâbâd | 757 | 687 | 1,444 |
| Gonda | 406 | 352 | 758 |
| Bahrâich | 108 | 271 | 379 |
| Sultânpur | 8,016 | 4,607 | 12,623 |
| Partâbgarh | 49 | 17 | 66 |
| Bârabanki | 329 | 735 | 1,064 |
| Total | 17,320 | 12,670 | 29,990 |
Bhând, Bhânr.[136]—(Sanskrit, Bhanda, a jester.)—The class of story-tellers, buffoons, and jesters. They are sometimes known by the Muhammadan title of Naqqâl, or actor. The Bhând is sometimes employed in the courts of Râjas and native gentlemen of rank, where, at entertainments, he amuses the company with his buffoonery and imitations of European and Native manners, much of which is of a very coarse nature. The Bhând is quite separate from, and of a lower professional rank than, the Bahrûpiya. They appear now to be practically all Muhammadans, but retain numerous Hindu usages. There are two recognised endogamous sub-castes—[[257]]the Chenr, which seems to mean little (Hindi, chenra), and the Kashmîri. The former trace their origin to the time of Taimûrlang, who, on the death of his son, gave himself over to mourning for twelve years. Then one Sayyid Hasan, a courtier of the Emperor, composed a humorous poem in Arabic which gained him the title of Bhânr. Sayyid Hasan is regarded as the founder of the caste. Though he was a Sayyid, the present Bhânrs are either Shaikhs or Mughals; and the difference of faith, Sunni and Shiah, is a bar to intermarriage. The Kashmîri Bhânrs are said to be of quite recent origin, having been invited from Kashmîr by Nasîr-ud-dîn Haidar, King of Oudh. The Chenr Bhânrs fix their headquarters at Karra in Allahâbâd, and Lucknow. In Farrukhâbâd they profess to have twelve-and-a-half sub-divisions, all of which, except the half sub-division, intermarry. Many of these are derived from the names of castes from which they are, or pretend to be, sprung: thus Kaithela (Kâyasth); Bamhaniya (Brâhman); Kamarhas; Ujharha; Banthela; Gujarha (Gûjar); Nonela (Luniya); Karraha (from Karra); Pitarhanda. The Census returns give the sub-caste of the Hindu Bhânrs as Baraha, Nakhatiya, and Shâhpuri, and of the Muhammadan branch as Bakarha, Bhandela, Burkiya, Desi, Gâorâni, Hasanpuri, Harkha, Jaroha, Jaroyân, Kaithla, Kâyasth, Kâniwâla, Kashmîri, Kathiya, Katila, Qawwâl, Kha, Kharya, Khatri, Kheti, Monkhra, Musalmâni, Naqqâl, Naumuslim, Pathân, Patua, Purabiya, Râwat, Sadîqi, Shaikh, and Târâkiya.
2. Girls are married at the age of twelve or fourteen, and unlimited polygamy is allowed. Widows re-marry generally in the family of their late husband, and if a match then is impossible, they marry an outsider, and the levirate in the usual form prevails. A wife can be put away for infidelity, and cannot then marry again in the caste. The marriage ceremonies are conducted in the standard Musalmân form. Bhânrs are generally Sunnis, except in Lucknow, where they are mostly Shiahs, and respect the Pânchonpîr (of whom the most regarded is Ghâzi Miyân) and Sayyid Hasan. To the Pânchonpîr are offered cakes (malîda), sharbat, garlands of flowers, and perfumes. Sayyid Hasan receives cakes, sweetmeats, flowers, and perfumes, at any time during the year. Food is offered to the sainted dead at the Shab-i-barât festival. The chief offering consists of the halwa sweetmeat, and cakes. The Chenr Bhânrs play on the small drum (dholak), and Kashmîris on the drum (tabla) and fiddle (sârangi). A popular proverb describes the Bhânr to be as [[258]]essential at an entertainment as a tiger in a forest,—Mahfil vîrân jahân Bhânr na bâshad; Jangal vîrân jahân sher na bâshad. They are notoriously exacting and abusive if offended. A proverb runs,—Rânr, Bhânr, Sânr, bigrê burê,—“The rage of a widow, a Bhânr, and a bull is terrible.” Another classes them with the monkey,—jaisê Lakkho bandariya vaisê Manva Bhânr—“Lakkho, the monkey, is like Manva, the actor”—“six of one and half a dozen of the other.” Dr. Buchanan quaintly describes them as “impudent fellows who make wry faces, squeak like pigs, bark like dogs, and perform many other ludicrous feats. They also dance and sign, mimicking and turning into ridicule the dancing boys and girls, on whom they likewise pass many jokes, and are employed on great occasions.”[137]
Distribution of the Bhânds according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Hindus. | Musalmâns. | Total. |
| Sahâranpur | … | 12 | 12 |
| Muzaffarnagar | … | 50 | 50 |
| Meerut | … | 27 | 27 |
| Bulandshahr | … | 167 | 167 |
| Aligarh | … | 105 | 105 |
| Mathura | … | 20 | 20 |
| Agra | … | 180 | 180 |
| Farrukhâbâd | 8 | 101 | 109 |
| Mainpuri | … | 80 | 80 |
| Etah | … | 112 | 112 |
| Bareilly | … | 23 | 23 |
| Bijner | … | 32 | 32 |
| Budâun | … | 21 | 21 |
| Morâdâbâd | … | 75 | 75 |
| Shâhjahânpur | … | 57 | 57 |
| Pilibhît | … | 11 | 11[[259]] |
| Cawnpur | … | 12 | 12 |
| Fatehpur | … | 79 | 79 |
| Hamîrpur | … | 40 | 40 |
| Allahâbâd | … | 52 | 52 |
| Jhânsi | … | 8 | 8 |
| Jâlaun | … | 9 | 9 |
| Lalitpur | … | 9 | 9 |
| Jaunpur | … | 33 | 33 |
| Ghâzipur | … | 84 | 84 |
| Gorakhpur | … | 47 | 47 |
| Lucknow | … | 43 | 43 |
| Unâo | … | 5 | 5 |
| Râê Bareli | … | 21 | 21 |
| Sîtapur | … | 294 | 294 |
| Hardoi | … | 58 | 58 |
| Kheri | … | 203 | 203 |
| Gonda | … | 1,325 | 1,325 |
| Bahrâich | 6 | 385 | 391 |
| Sultânpur | … | 75 | 75 |
| Partâbgarh | … | 25 | 25 |
| Bârabanki | … | 120 | 120 |
| Total | 14 | 4,000 | 4,014 |
Bhangi.[138]—The sweeper tribe of Hindustân. About the derivation of the word there is some difference of opinion. It is usually [[260]]derived from the Sanskrit bhanga, “hemp,” in allusion to the drunken habits of the tribe. Mr. Nesfield would derive it from the same word in the sense of “interruption,” as a Hindu must give up whatever he is doing when he is touched by a sweeper. The Benares sweepers say that the word is a corruption of sarbhanga (sârva-bhanga), in the sense that while part of the Hindu community they are isolated from it. There are various titles used to designate the tribe. Thus they are known in the Western districts of the province and in the Panjâb as Chûhra, Chûra, or Chûhara, which is by some derived from their business of collecting or sweeping up scraps (chûra-jhârna), while Mr. Nesfield, with perhaps less probability, connects it with chûha, “a rat,” which would make them eaters of rats and mice like the Musahars of the Eastern districts. They are also known as Mehtar or “prince,” which is a honorific title of various classes, such as Bhatiyâra, Mochi, Qasâi, etc., and seems to have been used ironically, as cooks, tailors, or barbers are called Khalîfa. In connection with this it is important to note that the Bediyas of Bengal call their leaders Bhangi or hemp-drinkers, as a title of honour.[139] The name Mehtar was commonly applied to the servants of the Emperor Humâyun.[140] Another title for them is Halâlkhor, “one who eats what is lawful, one whose earnings are legitimate.” This euphemistic title is said to have been introduced by the Emperor Akbar.[141] They are also known as Khâkrob, or “sweepers of dust,” and Bâharwâla, “one who is not admitted into the house.” Another euphemistic name for them in the Punjâb is Musalli, “one who prays.” From their religion and patron saint they are sometimes known, collectively, as Lâlbegi, which is really the name for one of their sub-castes.
Origin of the tribe. 2. The modern Bhangi is apparently the representative of the Chandâla of Manu,[142] who is said to be descended by a Sûdra from a Brâhmani woman. He ordains that they must live without the town, whence the name Antavâsin or Antevâsin, “one who dwells near the boundaries.” Their sole wealth must be dogs and asses; their clothes must consist of the cerecloths of the dead; their dishes must be broken pots, and their ornaments of rusty iron. No one [[261]]who regards his duties must hold any intercourse with them, and they must marry only among themselves,—a prohibition which takes us back to the very beginning of the caste system. By day they may roam about for the purposes of work, be distinguished by the badges of the Râja, and they must carry out the corpse of any one who dies without kindred. They should always be employed to slay those who by the law are sentenced to be put to death, and they may take the clothes of the slain, their beds, and their ornaments. The term Chandâl is now-a-days used only in the sense of contumely, and the so-called Chandâls of Bengal invariably call themselves Nâmasûdra,[143] “and with characteristic jealousy the higher divisions of the caste apply the name Chandâl to the lower, who in their turn pass it on to the Dom.” The word Chandâla, which, if it really comes from an Aryan root, may be connected with chanda, in the sense of “evil or mischievous,” was possibly the designation of some of the meaner non-Aryan or Dravidian races who were at an early time reduced to servitude, and compelled to perform the vilest functions of the Aryan commonwealth,[144] but that the term Bhangi can be applied to any definite ethnological unit is more than doubtful. Many of the special duties of the Chandâla of Manu, such as the conveyance of corpses and the task of acting as public executioners, are now vested in the Dom and his kindred, with whom the Bhangi, as we now see him, is doubtless closely allied. But the modern names seem to imply that the present organisation of the caste may have been contemporaneous with the early Muhammadan conquest, and there seems reason to believe that the tribe, as we now find it, is made up of a number of different elements. This is corroborated by the divergent physical appearance of the race. Some Bhangis have the dark complexion, stunted figure, and peculiar dark flashing eye which is so characteristic of the Dom. Others, again, are of a much taller form and fairer complexion. This may be perhaps accounted for partly by the fact that their admittance as servants into the higher class families facilitates illicit connection with superior races, and partly that the tribe habitually recruits itself by the admission of outcastes from the superior tribes. It has [[262]]also been suggested that the names of some of their sub-castes point to the supposition that the caste may be made up of menials attached to various Râjput, Jât, or Musalmân tribes, the Hâris, with the Haras, the Dhe, with the Dhe Jâts, and the Râwats with the higher tribe of the same name. But of this there is no distinct evidence.
Tribal legends. 3. The tribal legends do not throw much light on their history. Of these a whole cycle centres round Lâl Beg.[145] The common legend, as told by the Chaudhari or headman of the Lâlbegis in Benares, runs as follows:—In the city of Hastinapur lived the five Pândavas, whose mother’s sister had one hundred and one sons. The Pândavas quarrelled with their cousins, who were all killed. In order to celebrate their victory, the Pândavas invited their gods to a banquet, but the gods refused to come, on the ground that the Pândavas had killed so many of their Brâhman kinsmen. The penance imposed upon the Pândavas was that they should be dissolved in the snows of the Himâlaya. They agreed to this, but as they were starting one of their cows died. They did not know how to dispose of the carcase, as it was a sin to touch it. So the other four conspired to induce their brother, Nakula, to perform the hateful duty. They addressed him thus: “Good lad (bâlnîk, whence his name Bâlnîk), remove the carcase, and we promise not to excommunicate you.” He obeyed, and hid the carcase under some leaves by the bank of a stream. But when he returned his brothers refused to admit him until he brought some mango wood to perform the fire sacrifice (hom), and while he was away in search of it they started on their journey to the Himâlaya. When Nakula found himself deserted, he returned to the place where he had buried the dead cow and wept, when lo! by the grace of the Almighty, the cow was restored to life.
4. So Nakula lived on the milk of the cow in the jungle until he grew up, and then the cow died. As he was lamenting her loss, a voice came from heaven, “Do not grieve! You, Bâlnîk, are destined to be the progenitor of those who make fans (sûp) and sieves (chhalni) from the hide of the cow. These you will sell and teach the world the art of grinding and sifting flour for bread.”
5. Thus Nakula or Bâlmîk became an ascetic, and taught the people the art of making bread; so he was called Sûpach Bhagat, [[263]]from the sûp or winnowing fan, which he invented. Here it may be incidentally remarked that Sûpach appears to represent the Sanskrit Svapâka or “dog-cooker,” who in early Hindu literature is one of the most degraded classes, and is ranked with the Chandâla.
6. When he had accomplished his mission he retired from the world and entered the hole of a snake. When Râma was on his journey to Ceylon in search of Sîta, he halted near the place. The smoke of his fire disturbed the holy man, who came out in a rage, and the followers of the hero worshipped him in the form of Bânbhisûr, “the lord of the ant-hill” (bânbhi, Sanskrit, Vâlmîka, an ant-hill). When Bâlmîk heard of the capture of Sîta he was consumed with rage, and began to kill every Brâhman who came within his reach. He started for Prayâg (Allahâbâd), and halted somewhere near Gopiganj, in the Mirzapur District, and thence he was called Chandâla. Parmeswar took pity upon him, and, in order to save his soul, sent Guru Nânak from heaven, who won his confidence by relating to him all the events of his past life. He then asked Chandâla, “For whose sake dost thou commit these excesses?” “For the sake of my wife and children,” he answered. Guru Nânak then said:—“Go and ask your wife if she is willing to lay down her life for your sake.” She refused, and Chandâla was so disgusted with the world that he turned his thoughts to Parmeswar, and settled down at this place as an ascetic, and from him the place was called Chandâlgarh, the present Chunâr. He was known by the Muhammadans as Gada, or “the mendicant,” and the hillock on which he lived is known as Gada Pahâr to the present day, and is one of the places of pilgrimage of the Bhangis.
7. Remembering the sins of his life, no one would touch Chandâla; so Guru Nânak brought him to the Triveni, or sacred junction of the Ganges and Jamuna, at Prayâg. There he told him to stand in the water and utter the words Râma! Râma! But all he could say was, Mâra! Mâra! “Stricken! Stricken!” So Nânak went to Chandâla’s wife and told her that as long as she lived her husband had no chance of absolution. She consented to die for his sake, and by the mercy of Parmeswar, she and her husband were transported to heaven. She left two sons, Kâlu and Jîwan.
8. In those days Râja Kesava reigned at Kâshi or Benares. A relation of his, who bore a bad character, died, and no one would remove his corpse. The servants of the Râja suggested that this [[264]]duty might be imposed on the sons of Chandâla. The Râja sent for Kâlu, who consented to perform the task. In return for his services he was given the monopoly of burning all the bodies on the Benares Burning Ghât. He married a poor woman, and, in default of issue, adopted two sons to follow his profession. In time he became very rich, and then he succeeded in making a slave of Râja Hari Chand or Haris Chandra. He was so pious and god-fearing that he used daily to pay the expenses of the marriage of a poor Brâhman’s daughter. One day, as he was hunting, a poor Brâhman asked him to pay for the marriage of his daughter. He replied:—“My treasury is at your service.” “This will not suffice,” answered the Brâhman, “without the wealth of Kâlu as well.” So the Râja said:—“Sell me to Kâlu for all his wealth.” Thus the Râja became Kâlu’s slave, and his Râni wandered over the world. After some time Râotâr, son of Hari Chand, died, and the Râni, his mother, brought his corpse to the Ghât, where her husband was a slave, to be burned. The Râni could not pay the usual fee, and she at last offered to give half her sheet instead. But, before she could perform this last act of piety, Parmeswar was moved to pity, and carried off the Râja, Râni, and Kâlu, to heaven, where they are still. Their adopted sons became the progenitors of the race of the Doms or Chandâlas. The Bhangis are the descendants of Jîwan, the elder brother.
9. Jîwan, in want of a livelihood, began to wander in the jungle. By chance he came across the army of Alexander the Great, and was employed by him to remove the filth and night-soil of his camp. When the Greek army was at Delhi, one day, Lâl Beg, an incarnation of the Almighty, came and begged alms at the door of Jîwan. He treated him so hospitably that Lâl Beg said—“How can I requite your kindness?” “I am childless,” answered Jîwan, “bestow on me a son.” So Lâl Beg kicked Jîwan seven times, and said:—“For every kick thou shalt have a son;” and so it was. Alexander, who was also childless, when he heard of this miracle, called Jîwan, and giving him a horse ordered him to fetch Lâl Beg to his presence. Lâl Beg refused to go, and calling for the Qâzi of Delhi, ordered him to sacrifice the horse of Alexander, and when he had done so gave him a leg for his trouble. Then Lâl Beg disappeared, and when Alexander heard what had happened he threatened to hang Jîwan unless he could produce either Lâl Beg or the horse. Lâl Beg appeared, restored the horse [[265]]to life, and rode it to the palace. He ordered Jîwan to bring the three-legged horse before Alexander. When the Emperor saw the horse he asked what had become of the fourth leg. “It is with your Majesty’s Qâzi,” answered Jîwan. The Emperor was wroth, and ordered them to drown Jîwan in the Jumna. One of his sons became a Muhammadan like Alexander, and he was the progenitor of the Shaikh or Musalmân Bhangis. Another disappeared on the way (râh) to the river, and his descendants are the Râwat Bhangis. A third hid himself in a paddy (dhân) field, and from him are sprung the Dhânuks. The fourth hid in a grove of bamboos (bâns), and from him came the Bânsphors. The fifth saved his life by swimming (helna), and his descendants are the Helas. The sixth son escaped by holding on to an earthen pot (hânri), and he was the father of the Hâris. Jîwan and his seventh son walked beneath the water till they came to Amritsar, and from them come the Lâlbegi Bhangis.
10. By another equally veritable tale Lâl Beg was the son of the King of Ghazni. Being old and childless, the King devoted himself to the service of the saint Dâdagir Jhonpra, who blessed him with four sons on condition that he should receive the eldest. But Lâl Beg, the eldest, was so lovely that the King tried to pass off his second son on the saint. But he refused the exchange, and threatened that if Lâl Beg were not made over to him, he would strike him with dumbness. So the King was obliged to keep his word, and made over the prince to the saint, giving him kingdoms and palaces. When the prince came to the saint, the latter discovered his desire to rule. He sent him back and presented him with the wonderful cup which gave him all he wished, one of the wonder-working vessels like the sack or cap or jar which appears all through the range of folk-lore.[146] Lâl Beg succeeded his father as King of Ghazni and, with the aid of the cup, worked such miracles that he was deified after his death.
11. According to another legend, in the beginning was chaos; the Almighty created Bâlmîkji, and he was placed on duty to sweep the stairs leading to the heavenly throne. One day God, out of compassion, said to Bâlmîkji:—“Thou art getting old; I will give thee something to reward thee.” Next day Bâlmîkji went as usual to sweep the stairs, and there, through the mercy of Providence, he [[266]]found a boddice (choli). He brought it to his house, and laying it aside attended to his other work. By the omnipotence of God, from this boddice was born a male child. When Bâlmîkji heard the voice of the child he went to the foot of the heavenly staircase and said—“Almighty God! a son has been born from the boddice given to thy servant.” He was told in reply—“This is a Guru given unto thee.” Bâlmîkji then said that he had no milk for the child. He was directed to go home, and whatever animal crossed his path to get it to nurse the child. God, moreover, said that he had created out of Lâ illâha ill allâho (“there is no God but God”) Lâl Beg, and his name should be Nûri Shâh Bâla. Bâlmîkji descended from heaven and came to this earth and saw a female hare (sassi) suckling her young. He caught and brought her with her young ones, and Lâl Beg drank her milk, and was nourished and grew up. From that time sweepers are forbidden to eat the hare, a prohibition possibly based on totemism. The Almighty declared Lâl Beg to be the Guru, and that in every house a temple of two-and-a-half bricks would be reared to him, and for this reason a temple of two-and-a-half bricks is built in front of the house of every pious sweeper.
12. Another legend tells how the holy prophet (Hazrat Paighambar), saint (Mehtar) Ilias, or the Prophet Elias, attended at the Court of Almighty God, where many prophets were sitting. Mehtar Ilias coughed, and finding no room to spit in, he spat upwards, and his spittle fell upon the prophets. They all felt disgusted and complained to Almighty God, who directed that he should serve throughout the world as a sweeper. Mehtar Ilias begged that some prophet should be created in the world to intercede for him, and it was ordered that such a one should be born. According to the order of the God of Mercy he came into the world and took to sweeping, and passed many days in the hope of forgiveness. One day, the great saint, Barê Pîr Sâhib, Pîr-i-Dastagîr, or Sayyid Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, took his coat (chola) off, and gave it to Mehtar Ilias to wear. Mehtar Ilias put it into an earthen pitcher (matka), and intended to wear it at some auspicious time. One day the great saint asked him why he did not wear the coat. He answered—“My work is to sweep, and it would become dirty. I will wear it on some lucky day.” The great saint said—“Wear it to-day, and come to me.” He agreed, and went to open the pitcher, but it was shut so fast that he could not open it. He came to the saint and said that the pitcher would not open. The saint said—“Take my name and say to the pitcher [[267]]that the Pîr Sâhib calls you.” Mehtar Ilias went and did as he was bidden, and putting the pitcher on his head brought it to the saint. The saint said, Nikalâo, Lâl Beg, “Come out quickly, my boy” (Lâl is “My dear boy,” beg means “quickly”). Immediately out of the pitcher came a fair man wearing red clothes, and the saint said to Lâl Beg:—“This was the order of Almighty God that you should be the prophet of the sweepers and intercede for them at the day of judgment.” Mehtar Ilias took him home, and placing him under a nîm tree filled his pipe for him (a custom of the sweepers to the present day towards their religious teachers) and worshipped him. Lâl Beg became at once invisible, and Mehtar Ilias went to the great saint and told him the story. The great saint said that Lâl Beg had disappeared because he did not approve of his religion. “However, worship him, and he will intercede for you.” He then ordered Mehtar Ilias to do penance, and said—“In the first age the ghatmat (vessels worshipped to represent Lâl Beg) will be golden; in the second, they will be of silver; in the third, copper; in the fourth, earthen.” This is why the sweepers now worship vessels of earth, and believe in Lâl Beg as their prophet.
13. Another form of the legend connecting Lâl Beg with Benares and Chunâr is thus told:—In the beginning Bâlmîk went to Ghazni Fort and did penance there. A barren Mughal woman came to visit him and ask for a son, and promised that if one were given her, she would dedicate him to his service. In short, by the intercession of Bâlmîk, she gave birth in due time to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When he grew up she took him and dedicated him to Bâlmîk, according to her promise. Bâlmîk afterwards took him to Benares. The ninety-six millions of godlings that inhabit Benares had turned the Chandâlas out of the home of the gods, and placed them at Chandâlgarh or Chunâr. When Bâlmîk was in Benares he saw that in the mornings when the sweepers came from Chandâlgarh to sweep the city, they used to sound drums before entering it, and that the inhabitants, who were really godlings, used to hide themselves in their houses to avoid seeing them. When they had finished sweeping they again sounded drums, and then the people came out of their houses and went on with their business. When Bâlmîk saw this, he could not hide himself, and asked the people why they avoided seeing sweepers. The people answered—“Because they are sweepers it is unlawful for us to look upon them.” Bâlmîk out of pity gave up his life [[268]]for them. When he died, blood and matter oozed from his body, so that no Hindu could touch it. So one of the inhabitants of Benares went to Chandâlgarh to call a sweeper, and saw them all there. The sweepers came into Benares and threw the body of Bâlmîk into the Ganges. But the Hindus found the body lying in the same condition in another house, and called the sweepers again. Again the sweepers threw the body into the Ganges and went home. A third time the body was found in a house in Benares, and the people were astonished, and calling the sweepers saw all their faces. Afterwards Bâlmîk appeared in a dream to an inhabitant of Benares, and told him that as long as the people refused to see the sweepers his body would not leave the city. Ever since then the people have not hidden themselves from the sweepers. The sweepers took the body from the city, for the last time, and Bâlmîk told them to take it to Chandâlgarh. And it is said that when the body reached Chandâlgarh all the mat huts of the sweepers turned into houses of gold; but this was in the age of gold.
14. Still another Panjâb legend of Lâl Beg tells that he was the son of Shaikh Sarna, a resident of Multân, who left that place in the train of his spiritual master for Sadhaura, in the Ambâla District, where he devoted himself to the worship of the saint Pîran Pîr, Abdul Qâdir Jilâni, who lived from 1078 to 1166 A.D. Shaikh Sarna had no child, and some one referred him to Bâlmîk, who then resided at Ghazni. Whereupon the Shaikh set out for Ghazni, taking his wife with him. As he approached the place he came across a girl, named Pundri, feeding swine, and when he asked her where Bâlmîk was, she said that she was his daughter. On this the Shaikh offered to watch her swine if she would take his wife to her father, to which she agreed. When she returned she saw that two young pigs had been born during her absence, and asked the Shaikh Sarna to carry them home for her, which he did. Meanwhile his wife had so won over Bâlmîk by her devotion, that he asked her what she wanted, and she answered, “a son.” So Bâlmîk promised her a son, whom she was to call Lâl Beg. After nine months she gave birth to a son, and called him Lâl Beg. When Lâl Beg was twelve years old his mother dedicated him to Bâlmîk, and sent him to the saint on an elephant. He served Bâlmîk with heart and soul, and the saint was so pleased with him that he made him chief of all his disciples. Lâl Beg then [[269]]proceeded to Kâbul and Kashmîr, accompanied by Bâlmîk and all his followers. On arrival at Kâbul and Kashmîr, Lâl Beg told his followers to go and beg in the cities, but the people would not allow it. So they complained to Lâl Beg, who told them, after consulting Bâlmîk, to fight the people, and with the help of the saints and all the gods Lâl Beg gained the victory and took possession of Kâbul and Kashmîr.
15. After establishing his authority Lâl Beg placed one of his followers, named Sultâni, a native of the place, on the throne, and then went to Thanesar, where Bâlmîk died. His tomb is still worshipped as a shrine. Lâl Beg subsequently went with all his followers to Delhi and founded the Lâl Begi religion, dividing his followers into five sects—Lâl Begi, Shaikhri, Dumri, Heli, and Râwat.
16. Another legend shows more decided traces of Hindu influence. One day Siva became very drunk, and the procreating principle (madan) escaped from him. Parameswar took it in his hand and assumed the form of a man, put some of it in the ears of Anjana, and so Hanumân was born. He then rubbed some of it on a red stone, and Lâl Beg sprung forth. Then he rubbed it on a sarkanda reed (saccharum procerum), whence came Sarkandnâth. Then on some cow-dung (gobar), whence came Gobarnâth. And lastly he washed his hands in a river, where a fish swallowed some of the principle, and brought forth Machhandranâth, the preceptor of Guru Gorakhnâth.
17. To close this long account of sweeper hagiology, Lâl Beg’s father was a Mughal, and had no children. He heard that Bâlmîk, who could help him, was living in a jungle not far from him; so he prayed to him and had in due time a son, whom he named Lâl Beg. About this time the Pândavas were making a great sacrifice (jag) which they could not complete, and a saint (Mahâtma) had told them that the sacrifice would be useless unless Bâlmîk came to complete it. So one of them mounted a heavenly chariot and found Bâlmîk in the jungle covered with leprosy; but he took him in his chariot, and brought him to the sacrifice. Draupadi had prepared all the food necessary for the sacrifice, and had distributed it to all present. Everybody but Bâlmîk had a taste of the thirty dishes in turn; but Bâlmîk collected all his share together and gobbled it down in two-and-a-half mouthfuls. Now, properly, the sound of a shell (sankha) from heaven ought to have been heard [[270]]for every grain of food eaten before the sacrifice was properly completed. But now only two-and-a-half sounds were heard, when Bâlmîk consumed his share. The reason for this was that Draupadi was angry because Bâlmîk would not eat. However, as a sound had been heard, the sacrifice was considered complete. After this Bâlmîk gave power to Lâl Beg over all Hindustân, and ordered all the sweepers and scavengers to worship him for the accomplishment of their prayers.
18. Out of this mass of legend, which might be easily increased, very little can be gathered as to the actual personality of Lâl Beg. According to Sir H. M. Elliot, Lâl Guru is the name of the Râkshasa Aronakarat; but it is very doubtful who this personage was. Aruna is the title of the dawn, and Lâl or “red” may be a translation of this word. Major Temple hazards the speculation that Lâl Beg may represent Lâl Bhikshu, or the “red mendicant,” which would bring the origin of the cultus to the era of Buddhism. The connection, again, of the worship with Bâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, who is said to have received the banished Sîta into his hermitage on the Chitrakûta hill, in the Bânda District, where he educated her twin sons, Kusa and Lava, is at present inexplicable. But it serves as an additional example of the extraordinary mixture of all the mythologies out of which so much of modern Hinduism is made up.
Tribal organization. 19. As might have been expected from what has been already said, the ethnological classification of the Bhangis is not very easily fixed. The last Census classifies them under five main sub-castes: Bâlmîki, derived from the tribal saint whose legends have been already given; Dhânuk, which, though allied to the Bhangis, has been treated as a distinct tribe; Hela, Lâl Begi, and Patharphor, or “stone-breaker.” Of the word Hela more than one explanation has been given, of which none can be regarded as certain. We have given already the folk etymology, which makes it out to mean a person who saved his life by swimming (helna). Others say that hela means a “cry,” and that they were so called because they were town criers, a function which the Bhangi usually still discharges in Northern India. According to another theory, again, it is derived from hilna, in the sense of “to be domesticated”; others again derive it from hel, “a basket load,” or hel or hil, “filth, mud.” One list from Benares divides the caste into nine endogamous sub-castes,—Shaikh, Hela, [[271]]Lâl Begi, Ghâzipuri Râwat, who trace their origin from Ghâzipur, and take their name from the Sanskrit râja-dûta, or “royal messengers,” Hânri or Hâri, who appear to be so called because they pick up bones (Sanskrit, hadda) and other rubbish, Dhânuk, Bânsphor, and Dhê. Of these, according to the Benares account, the Lâl Begis have their head-quarters at Amritsar and Delhi; the Râwats at Agra, Mainpuri, Meerut, Ghâzipur, and Dînapur; the Shaikhs at Mirzapur and Delhi, and the Helas at Calcutta.
20. The detailed Census lists supply no less than thirteen hundred and fifty-nine sub-castes of Hindu and forty-seven of Muhammadan Bhangis. It is impossible with our existing knowledge to attempt anything approaching a complete analysis of this mass of names. Many, however, fall into two groups: first those connected by name at least with some tribe or occupational and well-known caste. Such are the Bâgri, Bais, Baiswâr, Bâlakchamariya, Bargûjar, Barwâr, Bhadauriya, Bisensob, Bundeliya, Chamariya, Chandela, Chauhân, Chhîpi, Dhelphor, Gadariya, Jâdon, Jâdubansi, Jaiswâr, Jogiya, Kachhwâha, Kâyasthbansi, Kinwâr, Sakarwâr, Tânk, Thâkur Bais and Turkiya. Others, again, clearly take their names from their places of origin, such as the Antarbedi, “those of the Duâb,” Bilkhariya, Banaudh, Baranwâr, Bhojpuri Râwat, Ghâzipuri Râwat, Jamâlpuriya, Jamunapâri, Janakpuri, Jaunpuri, Kânhpuriya, Katheriya, Manglauri, Mânikpuri, Mainpuri, Mathuriya, Mehtarânpuri, Mukundpuri, Multâni, Nânakpuri, Sayyidpuri, Sarwariya, and Ujjainwâl or Ujjainpuriya.
21. Of the more important local sub-castes, we find in Dehra Dûn, the Badlân and Nânakshâhi; in Sahâranpur, the Barlang, Chanahiya, Machal, and Tânk; in Muzaffarnagar, the Bhilaur, Deswâl, Gahlot, and Soda; in Bulandshahr, the Bachanwâr, Baiswâr, Bhadauriya, Bhagwatiya, Bhokar, Chandâliya, Chauhân, Chauhela, Chunâr, Dhakauliya, Garauthiya, Janghârê, Jasnubali, Nauratan, Nirbâni, Panwâri, Phûlpanwâr, Râthi, Rolapâl, Shaikhâwat, Tarkhariya, Turkiya, Ujjainpuriya, and Ujjainwâl; in Aligarh, the Chutelê, Kalawata, Kharautiya, Kothiya, Kausikiya, and Mathuriya; in Mathura, the Soda; in Mainpuri, the Pattharwâr; in Etah, the Churelê, Katheriya, Mathuriya, and Patthargoti; in Bareilly, the Bargûjar, Dankmardan, Janghârê, Katheriya, and Rajauriya; in Bijnor, the Gangwati; in Morâdâbâd, the Barchi, Bargûjar, Bhumiyân, Deswâli, Multâni, and Rajauriya; in Shâhjahânpur, the Katheriya; in Cawnpur, the Basor and Domar; in Fatehpur, the [[272]]Sûpa Bhagat; in Allahâbâd, the Bilkhariya; in Jhânsi, the Domar; in Ghâzipur, the Râwat; in Basti, the Audhiyâr, Desi, and Dom; in Lucknow, the Bânsphor; in Unâo, the Turaiha; and in Sultânpur, the Dom.
22. Of the Benares sweepers, Mr. Greeven writes:—“In Benares, only the Lâl Begi, Shaikh Mehtar, and Hela, with a few Râwats, are found. All sub-castes, including Lâl Begis, who acknowledge a Musalmân hero, claim to be Hindus, with the exception of the Shaikh Mehtars, who call themselves Muhammadans. These pretensions are, however, equally rejected by Hindus, who exclude them from temples, and by Musalmâns, who exclude them from mosques. The distinction between Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars is purely religious, and an elaborate legend admitting the common origin has been invented to explain why Mazhabis, who are Lâl Begis converted to Nânakshâhi doctrines, do not object to eating with Shaikh Mehtars. Only Lâl Begis and Râwats eat food left by Europeans, but all eat food left either by Hindus or Musalmâns. The Shaikh Mehtars alone, as Musalmâns, circumcise, and reject pig’s flesh. Each sub-caste eats uncooked food with all the others, but cooked food alone (kachchi, pakki). Only Helas refuse to touch dogs. Shaikh Mehtars and Lâl Begis alone admit proselytes. No sweeper touches the corpse of any other caste, nor, within his caste, of any sub-caste, except his own. While to the west of Delhi they are willing and regard it as their function to sweep streets and burn corpses, in Benares they profess, on the authority of a legend, to abandon streets to Chamârs, corpses to Doms. In fact, sweepers by no means endorse the humble opinion entertained with respect to them; for they allude to castes, such as Kunbis and Chamârs, as petty (chhota); while a common anecdote is related to the effect that a Lâl Begi when asked whether Musalmâns could obtain salvation, replied—“I never heard of it, but perhaps they might slip in behind Lâl Beg.”
23. Further he goes on to say:—“Each sub-caste of sweepers is endogamous, but within each sub-caste are certain exogamous stirpes (gotra). Thus the Lâl Begis admit three exogamous stirpes—Kharaha, ‘hare’; Pattharâha, ‘stone’; and Chauhân.” These sections, it may be noted, are almost certainly totemistic. Thus the Kharaha section will not eat the hare; the Pattharâha will not eat out of stone vessels. We shall notice later on another explanation of this; in fact, as in the case of the Dhângars, each of these minor castes is constantly working out fresh explanations of their [[273]]totemistic sections, and this is probably the explanation why it is now so difficult to trace this form of tribal organisation among the castes of Upper India. Mr. Greeven adds that besides these sections a special section has been created by spiritual ministers (bâba), who proudly declare that, just as kingship is not confined to any special classes, so they have abandoned their section, but not their sub-caste. This special section, though recruited from three exogamous sub-divisions, is endogamous.
24. Another account of these Benares sections may be given. These are said to be Chauhân, who connect themselves with the Râjput sept of the same name; Chuhân, who are named from chûha, “a rat”; Kharaha, “a hare”; Patthara, “a stone”; Pathrauta, who profess to derive their name from a kind of vegetable known as pathri-kâ-sâg.
25. This, however, does not exhaust the tribal organisation of the sweepers of these provinces. Thus, in Kheri, they are reported to be divided into two endogamous groups, with various exogamous sections. In the first group are the Mehtar, Bhangi, Lâl Begi, Chaudhari, and Rangreta. The second group consists of the Hathîlê, Râwat, Domra, Dhabâê, and Bânsphor. Most of these names have been already discussed. But in connection with the Rangreta section Mr. Ibbetson’s remarks[147] may be quoted:—“The terms Mazhabi and Rangreta denote Chûhras who have become Sikhs. The Mazhabis take the pahul or formula of initiation, wear their hair long, and abstain from tobacco, and they apparently refuse to touch night-soil, though performing all the other offices hereditary to the Chûhra caste. Their great Guru is Tegh Bahâdur, whose mutilated body was brought back from Delhi by Chûhras, who were then and there admitted to the faith as a reward for their devotion. But though good Sikhs as far as religious observance is concerned, the taint of hereditary pollution is upon them; and Sikhs of other castes refuse to associate with them even in religious ceremonies. They often intermarry with the Lâl Begi or Hindu Chûhra. They make capital soldiers, and some of our regiments are wholly composed of Mazhabis. The Rangreta are a class of Mazhabi apparently found only in Ambâla, Ludhiâna, and the neighbourhood, who consider themselves socially superior to the rest. The origin of their superiority, I am informed, lies in the fact that [[274]]they were once notorious as highway robbers. But it appears that the Rangretas have very generally abandoned scavengering for leather work, and this would at once account for their rise in the social scale. In the hills Rangreta is often used as synonymous with Rangrez to denote the cotton dyer and stamper; and in Sirsa the Sikhs will often call any Chûhra whom they wish to please, Rangreta, and a rhyme is current, Rangreta, Guru ka beta, or “the Rangreta is the son of the Guru.”
26. Again, in Mirzapur, the Bhangis name seven endogamous sub-castes: Halâlkhora, who are said to be so called because they support themselves by honest labour and do not eat the leavings of others; Lâl Begi, Râwat, Domar, who are like Doms; Hinduaiya, who are supposed to be so called because they are Hindus and more precise in the observances of the faith than other Hindu sweepers; Kirtiya, who are said to have been originally Hindus and to have been converted (kirtiya) to Islâm.
27. In Lucknow, again, their endogamous sub-castes are given as Bânsphor, Hela, Râwat, Hâri, Dhânuk, Lâl Begi, Shaikh or Shaikhra, Chûhra, and Dom.
28. In Bareilly, the Bhangis are reported to have four exogamous sections,—Khariya, who are perhaps the same as the Kharaha of the Benares list, Dalwariya, Tânk Mardân, Singha.
29. In Mirzapur another name for the Hela sub-caste is said to be Mâlwar, which the members say is derived from their profession of keeping hogs. They may possibly be akin to the Mâl of Bengal.
30. Lastly, Sir H. M. Elliot names the Bhangi sections (gotra) as Baniwâl, Bilpurwâr, Tânk, Gahlot, Kholi, Gagra, Sarohi, Chandâliya, Sirsawâl, and Siriyâr. Some of these are the names of Râjput septs; others are apparently taken from the place of their origin. It has as yet been found impossible to identify the exact part of the country in which these sections prevail.
Traditions of origin. 31. Beyond the legends already given in connection with Lâl Beg, the Bhangis do not appear to have any very distinct traditions of their history. The Lâl Begis of Benares undertake occasional pilgrimages to Amritsar, which they consider to be their home. The Bhangis of Mirzapur refer their origin to Jaunpur. They make occasional visits to the village of Surhurpur, where they worship at the tomb of a Muhammadan Faqîr named Makhdûm Shâh. On the other hand, the [[275]]Hindu Helas make pilgrimages to the temple of Kâlika Mâi, in the village of Lokhari, in the Bânda District. They attend a special fair held in honour of the goddess on the thirtieth day of Chait, at which, as at the shrine of the goddess Vindhyabâsini Devi at Bindhâchal, they have the ceremonial shaving of their sons performed, and offer pigs, goats, rams, and a libation of spirits. They have also a preference for arranging marriages, and taking their barbers from this place, which they regard as their original home. The Benares Lâl Begis all collect at what is called the Panchâyat Akhâra sacred to Guru Nânak, near the Sivâla Ghât, in the city, for the decision of all social matters. There is, lastly, the Gada Pahâri at Chunâr, to which reference has been already made, which is a well-known resort for the Bhangis of the eastern part of the Province.
Tribal council and caste discipline. 32. The Bhangis have a most elaborately organised tribal council. Thus, the Lâl Begis of Benares, to follow Mr. Greeven’s account again, have a semi-military organisation modelled on that of the British Cantonment in which they are employed. Their headman is known as Brigadier Jamadâr, whose office, though in theory elective, is in practice hereditary, so long as the requirements are fulfilled. These are chiefly: on election to provide two dinners for the whole sub-caste, sweetmeats, to the value of fourteen rupees, to be distributed among them, and two turbans to each president as below described. Within the sub-caste the administrative unit is the “company” (bera), of which in Benares there are eight, viz., the Sadar, or those employed by private residents in Cantonments; the Kâlê Paltan, who serve the Bengal Infantry; the Lâl Kurti, or “Red Coats,” who are employed by the British Infantry; the Teshan, or those employed at the three Railway Stations of Cantonment, Râjghât, and Mughal Sarâi; the Shahr, or those employed in the City; the Râmnagar, who take their name from the residence of the Mahârâja of Benares, whom they serve; the Kothiwâl or “Bungalow men,” who serve residents in the Civil Lines; and lastly, the Genereli, who are the survivors of the sweepers who were employed at headquarters when Benares was commanded by a General of Division. Under the Brigadier each “company” has four officers (sardâr) as follows:—The Jamadâr or President, the Munsif or Spokesman, the Treasurer or Chaudhari, and the Nâib or Summoner. As with the Brigadier, these offices, though supposed to be elective, are practically hereditary, provided that the candidate can afford to [[276]]present one dinner to the whole sub-caste, and one turban to each of the Presidents. Under these officers every member of the company is designated a private soldier (sipâhi); and out of these a ministerial officer is appointed under the title of the messenger (piyâda).
33. At a meeting of the council a private may, with much respect, interrupt proceedings to direct attention to anything irregular. On the conclusion of the evidence, the three inferior officers in each company confer together until they arrive at a unanimous decision, which, through their spokesman, they submit to their President. When each President is unanimous with his assistants, he confers with the Presidents of the other companies, and when all eight Presidents are unanimous they confer with the Brigadier, who, if he agrees with them, delivers the final decision. In case of disagreement, the disputed question must be argued out, or further evidence adduced, until the disagreement is removed. Mr. Greeven adds:—“As there is no record or evidence of judgment, it may well be inquired how it is possible, except by accident, ever to obtain a unanimous decision amongst thirty-three human beings. In point of fact, however, the issues are of so simple a character and, therefore, so fully within the compass of the private soldiers, that public opinion is very powerful, and, as in cases of dead-lock, oaths are administered to the dissentient officers, the practical result follows that where an officer, in spite of an oath, persists in blocking the decision of a dispute by a corrupt, or perverse, or even unpopular verdict, he is liable to be dismissed from his office, or even expelled from the brotherhood. The subordinate officers decide according to the verdict of the private soldiers, and a President rarely persists in opposition to his subordinate officers, while the Brigadier accepts the opinion of the Presidents almost as a formality.”
34. When any dispute arises, the aggrieved party, depositing a process-fee (talabâna) of a rupee-and-a-quarter, addresses his summoner, who, in company with the Treasurer, and through the medium of the spokesman, refers the matter to the President. Unless the question is so trivial that it can be settled without caste punishments, the President fixes a time and place, of which notice is given through the messenger, to the summoners of the other seven companies. Within each company the messenger, who is remunerated with one-and-a-quarter annas out of the process-fee, carries round the notice to each private soldier. [[277]]
35. Only worthy members of the caste are allowed to sit on the tribal matting and smoke the tribal pipe (huqqa). The proceedings begin with the spreading of the matting, and the pipe is passed round. The members sit in three lines, and in the following order of precedence:—The Brigadier Jamadâr, each batch of four officers of the eight companies arranged as follows,—the President to the right, next the spokesman, treasurer, and summoner, and behind them all private soldiers. Each party to the dispute, in charge of the messenger of his company, is cross-questioned individually by the eight spokesmen, who then proceed to examine the witnesses adduced by the litigants, and any persons acquainted with the facts of the case.
36. The punishments inflicted by the council are of three kinds,—fines (dând); compulsory dinners (bhog, khâna); and outcasting (kujât karna). Non-compliance with an order of fine or entertainment is followed by expulsion. Fines are always multiples of one-and-a-quarter, which is a lucky number. The formal method of outcasting consists in seating the culprit on the ground and drawing the tribal mat over his head, from which the turban is removed. The messengers of the eight companies inflict a few taps with slippers and birch brooms from above. It is alleged that unfaithful women were formerly tied naked to trees and flogged with birch brooms, but that, owing to the fatal results that occasionally followed such punishment, as in the case of the five kicks among Chamârs, and a scourging with a clothes line, which used to prevail among Dhobis, the caste has now found it expedient to abandon such practices.
37. When an outcast is re-admitted on submission, whether by paying a fine or giving a dinner, he is seated apart from the tribal mat, and does penance (tauba, tobah) by holding his ears and confessing his offence. A new huqqa, which he supplies, is carried round by the messenger, and a few whiffs are taken by the clansmen in the following order.—The Bather, the Brigadier, the eight Presidents, the eight spokesmen, the eight summoners, and the private soldiers. The messenger repeats to the culprit the order of the council, and informs him that should he again offend his punishment will be doubled. With this warning he hands him the huqqa, after smoking which the culprit is admitted to the carpet, and all is forgotten in a banquet at his expense.
38. The officials and procedure of the councils of the other sub-castes [[278]]are very similar. Thus in Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats have a President (Chaudhari), a messenger or Chharibardâr, who announces the dates and purposes of the council meetings, and receives two annas for his trouble. The Shaikhs have a Chaudhari or President, a Sardâr or his assistant, a Qâzimdâr, whose functions are similar to those of the Chharibardâr. The Helas have two officials, the Chaudhari and the Piyâda or Chharibardâr. In the Shaikh council all the officials at the time of their appointment have to give a dinner to the members of their council. The Chaudhari and Sardâr are invested with turbans as a sign of office. The Qâzimbardâr receives a whip (kora), a mat (tât), and a jug and bowl (lota, katora) when he is invested with office. In the Hela council the Chaudhari receives a turban, but is not obliged to give a dinner. The rule among the Ghâzipuri Râwats is the same.
Marriage rules. 39. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares a man must marry within his own sub-caste, but not in the section (tar) to which he belongs. Thus he cannot marry in the house of his paternal or maternal grandfather. But he may marry a woman of any other sub-caste or caste, provided she be initiated duly into the Lâl Begi fraternity. The Lâl Begis are noted for their laxity in enforcing the rules of marriage. Thus they may marry even a Dom or Chamâr woman. He cannot marry two sisters at the same time without the consent of the first wife, or unless she has no hope of issue. But in no case can a man marry the elder sister of his wife, and he cannot marry the sisters of his phûpha or husband of his father’s sister, or of the husband of his mother’s sister. Among the Shaikhs the Muhammadan prohibited degrees are enforced, except that a man cannot marry outside his sub-caste; he can marry two sisters at the same time, but during the life-time of his wife he cannot marry her elder sister, and he cannot marry in the family of his paternal grandfather or of the husband of his father’s sister. But he may marry the daughter of his maternal uncle or of his mother’s sister. When a man has married into a certain family all his male relations will, as far as possible, avoid marrying in the same family. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats a man must marry in his sub-caste, but not in the family of his paternal or maternal grandfather. In fact, all relations whose fathers or mothers can be traced back to any common ancestor are barred. A man can marry two sisters, but not the elder sister of the wife while she is alive. The same rules apply to the Helas. [[279]]The Bânsphors, like the Shaikhs, will not marry in the family of the paternal grandfather, but that of the maternal grandfather is not excluded. The Helas, as a rule, marry very near relatives. There is no exclusion as regards marriage, and they use the proverb,—Dâm sê barh jawê, châm sê nahîn barhta—that is to say, one who is higher in social status is not necessarily elevated as regards caste.
40. The following rules regulate the marriage of outsiders. In Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas can marry any woman provided she does not belong to another Bhangi sub-caste, is not drawn from the lower castes, such as Doms, Dhobis, Dusâdhs, Dharkârs, Khatîks, and Chamârs, and that prior to marriage she has been properly initiated into the sub-caste of her future husband. When a man marries such a woman he has to give a dinner to his brethren, and pay a fine of twenty or thirty rupees, when the woman is being initiated. Such a marriage is not treated as the regular marriage (shâdi), but as the lower form (sagâi), and in spite of her initiation, the wife, but not her children, will always be considered as an out-caste (parjât). The Shaikhs will marry a woman of any caste, provided she embrace Islâm, but her original caste must have been respectable, and they will not marry a woman who was originally a Kunbi, Ahîr, Koeri, or the like. The husband in such a marriage is not obliged to pay any fine to the council, but he has to distribute sharbat to them. Such a woman will be admitted to full tribal rights. The Lâl Begis can marry a woman of any caste, provided that she is willing to be initiated as a Lâl Begi. Even the present Guru of the Benares Lâl Begis is reported to have a very low-caste woman as his wife. Such a marriage is not called shâdi but nikâh, but the wife is not treated as an out-caste.
Initiation. 41. The following is said to be the form of initiation among the Lâl Begis of Benares. The candidate has to prepare between one-and-a-quarter maund and five sers of malîda, or bread made of flour, milk, butter, sugar, and other condiments. This food, with sweetmeats to the value of seven-and-a-quarter rupees, is placed on a platform (chauki, chabûtra), in the presence of the assembled brethren, and the tribal genealogy or kursinâma is repeated over it. The man who recites the genealogy receives a fee of one-and-a-quarter rupees. Some sharbat is also prepared, and the members present dip their finger into it. This sharbat is drunk by the candidate, and the food and sweetmeats distributed among those present. This ceremony is [[280]]known as the chauki. Similarly, among the Shaikh Mehtars, an outsider is admitted on feeding the fraternity and giving alms to the poor. At the initiation of Sikh sweepers, the headman reads out to the initiate what is known as Nânak kî bâni, or the songs of Nânak, and he is made to drink the charnamrit, or water in which the feet of the headman have been washed, and he eats the prasâd, or halwa, which is prepared on such occasions and offered before the holy volume. The present head of the community at Farrukhâbâd is known as Vasudeva Mahârâj, who is a follower of Nânak, and he freely mixes with the Bhangis and eats and drinks with them. One of these incantations used at initiation by the Panjâb Bhangis runs—
Sonê kâ ghât; sonê kâ mât;
Sonê kâ ghorâ; sonê kâ jorâ;
Sonê kî kunjî; sonê kâ tâlâ;
Sonê kâ kiwâr; lâo kunjî; kholo kiwâr;
Dekho dâdâ Pîr kâ dîdar.
“Golden pitcher; golden pot; golden horse; golden dress; golden key; golden lock; golden door; put in the key; open the door; see the figure of the Holy Saint.”[148]
This is known as Sat jug ki kursi, and similar verses are used for the Dwâpar Jug, Treta Jug, and Kali Jug. But the words “silver,” “copper,” and “earthen” are used for each age respectively in place of “golden.” The usual ritual appears to be that the candidate brings with him mince pies (chûra) to the amount of five sers in weight, and the articles for the worship (pûja) of Lâl Beg, viz., ghi, betel, cloves, large cardamoms, incense, and frankincense. A kursi or genealogy is then recited over him, and finally he is patted on the back, and a little of the mince pies, some water, and a huqqa are given to him. A quantity of the pies are offered to Lâl Beg, and the rest distributed among the Lâl Begis present. A rupee-and-a-quarter is paid to the Guru, who is always a Mehtar, who performs the ceremony, and as much clothes as the initiate can afford.[149] The ceremony, such as it is, is always done in secret, and it is very difficult to induce Bhangis to give anything like a full account of it. Among some of the sweeper sub-castes it is commonly reported that a more disgusting form of initiation prevails, [[281]]part of which is that the initiate stands in a pit, and each member of the fraternity drops ordure on his head; but it is very doubtful how far this is true.
Marriage ceremonies. 42. The following account of the ritual in force in Bhangi marriages is mainly based on Mr. Greeven’s notes. The marriage customs of the Shaikh Mehtars are attempts to follow as closely as possible the Musalmân course (shâdi) of nuptial contract (nikâh) and dower (mahar bândhna). Among the Hindu sub-castes a match-maker (agua), spoken of by Lâl Begis as the “go-between” (bichauliya), is selected by either party. A marriage fee, settled by the match-makers, may be given for a bride, but not for a bridegroom, except by way of marriage portion (dahej). Where the bride’s father is wealthy, a form of Beena marriage prevails, and it is common for him to require or permit his son-in-law to reside with him (ghar damâdu).
The period between the conclusion of arrangements by the match-makers and the actual wedding is known as the lagan. It is inaugurated on the first evening by a dinner of raw sugar (gur) given by the parents of both parties jointly at the bride’s dwelling to all the clansmen. The next essential is to erect a marriage pole (mâcha) consisting of a plough shaft (haris) enwreathed in dûb grass and mango leaves on the first evening in the bridegroom’s, and on the second in the bride’s court-yard. A night wake (ratjaga) precedes each of these ceremonies, in which the women are feasted at the household concerned with pulse and rice, and occupy themselves in preparing comfits (gulgula) of raw sugar, flour, and oil, which on the following morning are distributed among all the clansmen at their houses. When the marriage pole is erected in the bridegroom’s court-yard, merely an earthen water-pot (gâghar), surmounted with a pot with a spout (badhana), is deposited beside it, and on the same evening all the members of the tribe, male and female, are feasted with rice and sugar and clarified butter. When, however, a second marriage pole is erected, after a second night wake, in the bride’s court-yard, it has a thatched canopy (chhappar) attached to it, and on this occasion, and under this canopy, the actual wedding is celebrated on the lucky date (sâit) given by the Brâhman astrologer.
43. Towards evening all the clansmen, both male and female, in procession escort the bridegroom, usually on horseback and with [[282]]music, to the bride’s dwelling. There is no hard-and-fast usage with respect to the shape and colour of the wedding garments, except that both bride and bridegroom must carry a head-dress (maur) made of flowers and palm leaves.
44. On arrival the bride’s father assigns the procession “a field” for sitting (janwânsa, khet dena), and placing an earthen jar (kunda) of boiled rice before the bridegroom, bestows a present on his father, usually consisting of a turban, which he has on his head, and a rupee which he places in his hand. Four or five of the bridegroom’s comrades taste the boiled rice, and into the remainder the bridegroom’s father drops some money, which should not be less than five copper coins.
45. Then comes the duâr bâr, when two sheets, one of the bride’s and the other of the bridegroom’s father, are held up before the doorway. From within the bride, and from without the bridegroom, approach each other, separated by the curtain. The bride’s mother waves seven times round the head of the bridegroom a winnowing fan or tray containing a lamp, some rice, turmeric, betel-nut, betel-leaf, and dûb grass. Next she waves again seven times round his head a pot of water, a wooden rice-pounder, and a pestle. Lastly, she applies a coin bedaubed with rice and turmeric in the manner of a caste mark (tilak) to the forehead of the youth, who receives the coin as his perquisite. The bridegroom’s father also drops a coin into the water-pot beside the marriage pole. On this the boy salutes his clansmen and returns to them, while the bride retires to array herself in wedding garments, and the sheets are lowered.
46. When the bride is ready, she is seated with the bridegroom under the marriage canopy. Four pegs of mango wood are driven into the ground before them, and a thread fastened around them. In the centre a fire is kindled by the father of the bridegroom, who, after raising a flare with a libation of ghi, reverses an earthen vessel over it, with the object, as is alleged, of conciliating the household deities. The bride’s father deposits at the feet of the couple the tray or fan which in an earlier ceremony the mother was seen waving over the head of the bridegroom. All the bride’s relatives, after taking some of the contents and touching the feet of the couple, apply it to their foreheads, and deposit as much money as they can afford by way of a present.
47. Next the gown (jâma) of the boy is knotted to the mantle [[283]](châdar) of the bride by the religious mendicant, who is by caste also a sweeper and is known as Bâbaji. This is the gath bandhan rite. In the absence of the Bâbaji the husband of the sister of the bridegroom, known as Mân, does this office.
48. Then the couple, with their left shoulders in the direction of the marriage pole, make seven circuits (bhaunri) round it. On the first four circuits the bridegroom, and on the last three the bride, is the leader. As each circuit is completed, it is usual, but not necessary, for the father, or in his absence the bridegroom’s sister’s husband, to hand over a strip of mango wood (tîli) to the leader, who, tapping his or her partner on the back with it, flings it back by way of record over the marriage canopy. The bridegroom, then conducting the bride to the doorway, removes his head-dress, and tenders it with a money present to the bride’s mother, who, in like manner, removing her daughter’s head-dress, tenders it with a money present to the father of the bridegroom. The bride retires into the house, and the bridegroom rejoins his clansmen who, male and female, are feasted with raw sugar and rice with ghi, and then retire in a body, with the exception of the bridegroom and his father.
49. On the following morning comes the parting (bida), when the four headmen (sardâr) attend to witness the giving and receiving of the marriage portion (dahej). The bridegroom’s father for this service pays over a fee of two rupees, which is, perhaps, the most important of all the rites, because it signifies that the marriage is complete.
50. Before the bridegroom removes the bride to her new home, her mother offers him pulse and rice (khichari), which he refuses to touch until he receives a present. At the moment of departure the bridegroom salutes the bride’s relatives and receives presents from them, while he bestows largess on female menials, such as the wife of the barber, washerman, and the village midwife. It is usual to remove the bride in a litter carried by Kahârs or Musahars. At the entrance of the bridegroom’s house, his sister, or, in her absence, her daughter, or else any other female relative, bars the way against the new wife, until appeased by a present.
51. For four days the bride remains with the women of her husband’s family. On the fourth day the womenfolk are collected, and the couple in their wedding garments are seated facing one another on a blanket, with a basket of fruit and flowers between [[284]]them. To overcome their modesty the women incite them to pelt one another with flowers. The bridegroom removes his ring from his finger and places it once on the parting of his wife’s hair, thereby sealing the moment when the bride (dulhin) becomes a matron (suhâgan). The bridegroom’s gown and the bride’s mantle are knotted together by the women, who tearing down the marriage pole, consign the materials with the marriage head-dress (maur) to the nearest water. On their return the newly-married couple assume their usual dress, and the wedding is ended.
Divorce. 52. Among the Lâl Begis impotency, leprosy, or lunacy in the husband warrants the wife in claiming a separation. Among the Shaikhs and Helas only impotency is a recognised ground. But the woman claiming a separation has to pay a fine of five or ten rupees, and give a dinner to the council. Among the Lâl Begis no marriage can be annulled without the sanction of the council, and among the Shaikhs without the joint consent of husband and wife. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats no physical defect, however serious, is recognised as valid cause for a separation. Unfaithfulness or loss of caste in the wife is a ground for her husband to repudiate her. Among the Lâl Begis when a man wishes to get rid of his wife he assembles the brethren, and in their presence says to her—“You are as my sister”; she answers—“You are as my father and brother.” When the divorce is sanctioned, the husband has to pay one-and-a-quarter rupees to the council and two-and-a-half rupees to the Sardâr. Among Shaikh Mehtars the Qâzi is called in, and in his presence the husband says the word talâq three times. If the wife be found in fault she cannot claim dowry. Among the Ghâzipuri Râwats intertribal infidelity is not regarded as a ground for divorce; but it will be so if her paramour be an outsider. The Lâl Begis do not recognise any distinction between children the result of illicit connections and those of regular marriage, provided they are Lâl Begis. The same rule applies among the Shaikh Mehtars; the Ghâzipuri Râwats call such children dogla or dunasla, and though they have full tribal rights as regards marriage and social intercourse, they receive a smaller share of the inheritance than legitimate children. Naturally illegitimate children find it less easy to marry than those of legitimate birth. If a woman of the Ghâzipuri sub-caste intrigues with a stranger to the sub-caste she is permanently expelled; if her paramour be a fellow caste-man she can be restored on payment of [[285]]the penalty imposed by order of the council. Among the Lâl Begis of Benares it is not necessary that the widow of the elder should marry the younger brother; but among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the widow must marry her younger brother-in-law if he be of suitable age and willing to take her. Among the Helas the matter is optional. If a Lâl Begi widow marry an outsider she continues to maintain her right over the property of her first husband, provided her second marriage was contracted with the consent of the council. Among the Shaikhs and Ghâzipuri Râwats the rule is different, and if the widow marry an outsider she loses all right to her first husband’s estate.
Birth ceremonies. 53. During pregnancy the woman wears a thread round her neck and a rupee tied round her head to scare evil spirits. In Lucknow the pregnant Lâl Begi woman counts seven stars as a spell to procure an easy delivery. She also has her lap filled with sweetmeats and fresh vegetables as an omen of fertility. This is known as godbhari. In the Western Districts the expectant mother worships Sati in the fifth or seventh month of her pregnancy. When delivery is tedious, it is a common practice to give her some water to drink over which a Faqîr has blown. When the delivery takes place the Chamârin is called in, who cuts the cord, buries it in the delivery room, and lights a fire over it. The phrase used is kheri jalâi jâti hai—“the after-birth is being burnt.” At the head of the bedstead she places some iron article, usually a penknife, and hands over to the mother an iron ring, which she reclaims on her dismissal, six days after. During that period a fire is kept smouldering at the door to repel the demon Jamhua, who takes his name apparently from Yama, the god of death. The most fatal disease from which Indian infants suffer is infantile lock-jaw, which is the result of the cutting of the umbilical cord with a blunt and perhaps foul instrument, like the common sickle used for this purpose. This disease, as is well known, generally appears on the sixth or twelfth day after birth, and this is the reason why these days have been, among most of the Indian castes, selected as the time for the rites of purification. This demon, like all his kin, detests foul smells, so they burn bran, leather, horns, and anything else which gives a fetid smoke in the neighbourhood of the mother, and all the foul clothes, etc., are carefully taken away by the midwife and buried in the ground, as, like all the lower tribes, the Bhangis have an intense dread of menstrual and parturition blood. [[286]]Among the Lâl Begis the rite of purification is complete on the sixth day, and after the mother has been bathed and dressed in clean clothes, she is taken outside at night to see the stars, while her husband stands close to her with a bludgeon to ward evil spirits from her. Then a tray full of food is brought, and all her women friends join in eating with the mother. In return, the friends send a coat and cap for the child. Among the Helas the rite of purification ends on the twelfth day. After the Chamârin is dismissed Bhangis do not, as other low castes do, call in the wife of the barber to attend the mother. A Brâhman is usually called in to select a name for the child, and then the birth hair is shaven. Some of the more advanced Bhangis are more careful in performing the rites of purification common to the superior castes. At the age of five or six many of them have their children’s ears bored at shrines like that of Kâlika Mâi and the Vindhyabâsini Devi of Bindhâchal. On this occasion they offer a goat or ram, or cakes, and pour some spirits on the ground. Among the Helas of Mirzapur, when the mother first leaves her room, she offers a burnt sacrifice (hom), and makes an offering to Ganga Mâi.
Death rites. 54. The Bhangis appear to be in the intermediate stage between burial and cremation. In Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, most of them are buried. The Lâl Begis and Shaikh Mehtars burn nothing; while the others scorch the face or hand and then bury. The funeral rites are the same for men and women. The body is bathed, according to sex, by the barber or his wife, but in perhaps most cases this is done by one of the relations. The two thumbs and the two great toes are fastened together with strips of cloth. It is then deposited, attired in a loin cloth, on a new mat, and sprinkled with camphor and water, or rose water. The Shaikh Mehtars use the ordinary Muhammadan cerecloths. The clansmen carry the body to the grave-yard on a bedstead, which each takes a turn in raising. With Musalmâns every member of the procession repeats the creed (Kalima), while with Nânakshâhis the Bâba advances in front reading the sacred volume (granth). Each sub-caste has its separate grave-yard; but the custodian is always a Musalmân. The Takyadâr or custodian receives four annas for reading the funeral prayers (janâza ki namâz); the grave-digger (beldâr) six annas for digging the grave; and the carpenter four annas for supplying a plank for the grave. Two clansmen descend into the grave to receive the [[287]]corpse as it is lowered. Either method of interment, lateral (baghli), or vertical (sandûqchi), is adopted. The sheet is withdrawn for a moment from the face of the corpse to allow it one last glimpse of the heavens, while with Musalmâns the face is turned towards Mecca. The sheet is replaced and the plank deposited, on which each clansman flings a handful of dust. A sheet is extended over the grave, and a viaticum, consisting of bread, sweetmeats, and some water, is laid upon it; each clansman sprinkles a little water and crumbles a little sweetmeats and bread on the mound. An earthen vessel is reversed over the grave; but sweepers do not observe the ceremony of withdrawing ten paces, nor, of course, is the Fâtiha recited, except for Musalmâns. At the moment of leaving the grave-yard it is not unusual for each mourner to fling a pebble over his shoulder to bar the ghost. The custodian pounces on the sheet as his perquisite, except in the case of sweepers who come from the Nawâbi Mulk (Delhi, Râmpur, and Lucknow), in which case he retains it, shut up in the pot which was reversed over the mound, until forty days after the funeral.
55. The more respectable Hindu sweepers sometimes burn the dead, and, if possible, induce some of the meaner class of Brâhmans to mutter a few spells while they burn the corpse themselves.
56. The subsequent ceremonies are more or less elaborate according to the means of the family. Thus, among the Shaikh Mehtars of Benares, according to Mr. Greeven, in the morning of the third day after the funeral, the clansmen, male and female, are collected at the house of the deceased, and a vessel is handed round containing sweetmeats, rose-water, and betel. In Musalmân households the children recite the Kalima, and count grains of the chick pea, like the beads of a rosary, to the name of the Almighty. On the same evening the clansmen with their women are feasted on boiled rice. No ceremonies are observed on the tenth (daswîn) or twentieth (bîswîn) day after death. On the fortieth day (chehlam, châliswân) the spirit of the departed, which has hitherto haunted the death chamber, is expelled in the following way:—The relatives, male and female, are feasted till about 11 P.M. An earthen vessel, half filled with water, is deposited, with bread, a few sweetmeats, and some boiled pulse, under a bedstead. Over this bedstead the sweepers from the Nawâb’s territory, as defined above, require the custodian of the grave to extend the sheet, which he has retained as described already. Over this, with Musalmâns, some low-class [[288]]mendicant, usually the custodian of the cemetery, repeats the Kalima or creed, while with Nânakpanthis the Bâbaji recites from the sacred volume (granth). At 4 A.M., as the mendicant ceases, the male relations should proceed to the cemetery, fling the earthen vessel upon the grave, and depart, leaving the provisions with the sheet, in the case of Nawâbi sweepers, to the custodian as his perquisite. The terror of ghosts usually prevents this rite being duly performed, and in most cases they content themselves with breaking the vessel at the cross roads, and when it has once been broken the ghost is released.
57. In Benares the Helas and the Shaikhs do the tîja and barsi rites, for the propitiation of the dead, like Musalmâns. The Lâl Begis and Ghâzipuri Râwats offer water for ten days. The vessel (hânri) containing water with a hole in the bottom is hung on a pîpal tree. They observe the pitrapaksha or fortnight of the dead. The worshipper stands in running water and offers some to his deceased ancestors. Some offer a kind of pinda or sacred ball of rice. No Brâhman takes part in this kind of srâddha. In fact, though Bhangis assert the fact, it does not appear certain that Brâhmans superintend any of their ceremonies. In the absence of a Brâhman, the son, grandson, or brother of the deceased officiates. Though it is said not to be so among the Benares Bhangis, it seems to be usual to give the preference to the son-in-law or sister’s son in performing the death ceremonies.
Religion. 58. The religion of the sweepers is a curious mixture of various faiths. Some, as we have seen, profess to be Hindus, others Musalmâns, and others Sikhs. But though these two latter religions avowedly preach the equality of all men, they refuse to recognise sweepers as brethren in the faith. In Benares the Râwats are said to be as bad Hindus as the Shaikhs are indifferent Muhammadans, and the Chaudhari of Helas could say only that he professed the Hela religion. But the experience of the last Panjâb Census has shown the impossibility of classing their beliefs under any one definite creed. Some ninety-five per cent of the Chûhras of the Province did, it is true, record themselves as professing some religion which might be assumed to be peculiar to them, such as Lâl Begi, Bâlmîki, or Bâlashâhi; but, as Mr. Maclagan observes[150]:—“While there is no doubt that we should be complying with Hindu feeling in excluding the Chûhra from the list of Hindus, should we also exclude the [[289]]Chamâr? And, if the Chamâr, why not the Sânsi? And should the Gâgra, the Megh, and the Khatîk follow? And, in fact, where is the line to be drawn? In the absence of any clear decision on this point, it will be best to adhere to the present system and include all as Hindus.” At the last Census of these provinces 2,65,967 persons recorded themselves as votaries of Lâl Beg. To the east of the province many are worshippers of the Pânchonpîr. To the west Shaikh Saddu and Guru Nânak are worshipped. We have already given some of the legends connected with the tribal saint Lâl Beg. Gûga or Zâhir Pîr is again held in high respect by the sweepers of the Western Districts. They consider that he cures the blind, lunatics, and lepers, and has the power of bestowing offspring on barren wives. His shrine is a small, round building, with a courtyard and flags hung from a neighbouring tree. On the shrine is laid a leaf platter containing a chip of the wood of the pîlu tree (Careya arborea), a flower of the karîl or caper bush, and some bâjra millet. The tomb is then rubbed with sandalwood, and this substance is considered a cure for various diseases. A goat is sometimes offered at a neighbouring shrine known as Gorakhnâth kâ qila; and every Lâlbegi erects in his house a standard (nishân) in the form of a trident (trisûl) in honor of Zâhir Pîr. In the eastern parts of these provinces, where distance overcomes the zeal for pilgrimage, it is usual for the Bhangis to carry round the sacred symbol of the Pîr in the month of Bhâdon, and raise contributions.
59. Ghâzi Miyân, again, is a favourite object of worship by Bhangis. They have corrupted the standard legend of the saint into a mass of extraordinary hagiology. According to one version Mâmal and her father Sarsa fled from Delhi to Ghazni on account of the tyranny of Prithivi Râja. There Salâr Sâhu married Mâmal, and Sarsa managed to persuade Sultân Mahmûd to attack Prithivi Râja. His tomb at Bahrâich is a favourite place of Bhangi pilgrimage. The Dafâli priests of the tomb perform all the rites. One of them wears the figure of a horse on his waist; others follow him in a wild dance, singing the praises of Shâh Madâr. All this is in commemoration of the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, which is said to have taken place the day before his martyrdom.
60. Bhangis, again, have an army of local deities, such as in Lucknow, Kâle Gora, Baram Gusâîn, Narsinha, and Buddhi Prasâdi. They believe largely in various evil spirits, the Bhût, the Deo, the Bîr, the Râkshasa, and the Churel. They observe, if [[290]]Hindus, the festivals of the faith, such as the Diwâli, Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh, the Basant, ’Id, and Muharram, which are all observed by the Lâl Begis of Benares; while the Ghâzipuri Râwats celebrate the Pachainyân, the Diwâli, the Dithwan, the Khichari, the Holi, and Ghâzi Miyân kâ byâh. The Helas observe the Holi, the Muharram, and the marriage of Ghâzi Miyân, and the Shaikh Mehtars, the last, with the ordinary feasts of Islâm. The common oaths in use are Parameswar qasm and Khuda qasm. The Lâl Begis also swear by their patron saint. They plaster a place with cow-dung, place a vessel of water inside it with a copy of the genealogy (kursi), and the person swearing faces the Ka’ba and swears with the book in his hand.
Social rules. 61. Among the Hindu Bhangis of Lucknow, the women cannot wear the boddice (angiya), chemisette (kurti), or gold ornaments, and do not bore the nose for a ring. Muhammadan Bhangi women do not wear gold ornaments or sky-blue (asmâni) or lac bangles (chûri). The use of brass ornaments is considered unlucky, but those of alloy are allowed. They prefer earthen to metal cooking vessels, and no Bhangi will plant the ber tree (zizyphus jujuba) or the bamboo before his door. The elder brother cannot touch the wife of his younger brother, and he can eat with no woman but his own sister. If he touch a Dom he must purify himself before doing any other work. He will not eat food touched by a Dom or Dhobi, and the husband and wife will not mention each other by their names. Of all tribes the Dom, though he is admitted to be akin to the Bhangi, is held in particular abhorrence. Their rules of food vary with the religion they profess. Thus, Shaikh Mehtars will not eat pork, and some of the Hindu Bhangis will not eat beef. The Helas profess to eat the leavings of only high caste Hindus. No Bhangi, it appears, will eat monkeys, uncloven footed animals, scaleless fish, crocodiles, lizards, snakes, jackals, rats, or other vermin. The Lâl Begis salute in the form Râm! Râm! Yâdallâh! and Hardam Allâh! To elders, they say Salâm! or Satnâmko! Brâhmans they salute with Mahârâj! or Pâlagan! The Ghâzipuri Râwats and Helas salute everybody with Râm! Râm! with the exception of Musalmâns, to whom they say salâm or bandagi; and pâlagan to Brâhmans. Shaikhs use the word salâm only.
Occupation. 62. The occupations of the Bhangi are manifold. Speaking of the scavenger tribes of the Panjâb, Mr. Ibbetson says:—“Socially they are the lowest of the [[291]]low, even lower perhaps than the vagrant Sânsi, and the gypsy Nat, and, as a rule, they can hardly be said to stand even at the foot of the social ladder, though some sections of the tribe have mounted the first one or two steps. Their hereditary profession is scavengering, sweeping the houses and streets, working up, carrying to the fields and distributing manure, and in cities and village houses, where the women are strictly secluded, removing night soil. They keep those impure animals, pigs, and fowls; they and the leather-workers alone eat the flesh of animals who have died of disease or by a natural death. Together with the vagrants and gypsies they are the hereditary workers in grass and reeds, from which they make winnowing fans and other articles used in agriculture.” In these Provinces their occupation is to remove filth, to sweep the houses and roads, to play on the flute or tambourine (shahnai daf) at marriages and other social occasions. They also conduct what is called the roshanchauki at marriages, or when solemn vows (mannat) are made. Some of them are noted for their musical ability. The Hela makes winnowing fans and sieves (sûp, chhalni), and some of the Shaikhs are collectors and appliers of leeches. The Bânsphor makes baskets, mats, etc. The Dhânuks are fowlers and watchmen. They serve in the bands of native princes, and their women are midwives. To the west of the Province the Dhês, a class of Lâl Begis, act as hangmen and killers of pariah dogs. The Dhânuks and Bânsphors will not remove night-soil, and the Shaikhs will not do this work at public latrines. Their implements are the broom (jhâru) and the rib bone of an ox (panja), with which they scrape up filth. Many of them are the hereditary priests of Sîtala, and arrange the offerings of pigs released at her shrine; others serve Bhûmiya and similar local godlings. As a rule Bhangi women bear an indifferent character.
63. In some places Bhangis are true village menials and receive a patch of rent-free land or some allowances at harvest in return for their services. In our cities, particularly in places like Mirzapur, where they are not numerous, they are much given to combination among themselves. They resent the settlement of new members of the tribe and allot the houses of the residents into certain beats (halqa, ilâqa) each of which is served by a Bhangi and his wife. They call the occupants of such houses their “parishioners” (jajmân), and fiercely resent the intrusion of any strange Bhangi within the beat; in fact most of the cases which come before the council relate [[292]]to disputes of this kind. There is also a distinct local organisation among them. Thus in the Districts about Benares the Ghâzipuri Râwats are divided into four great local sections, each of which has its own subordinate council. These four are the jurisdiction of the Chaudhari of the city of Benares; the Ghâzipur Chaudhari of the Kaswâr mat or chatâi, which is the technical term for the jurisdiction; the Karsara Chaudhari of the Kariyâr chatâi, who lives at Karsara near Chunâr in the Mirzapur District; and fourthly, the Sanapur Chaudhari of the Chauâlîs chatâi in Azamgarh. The last is by far the most influential of the four. It appears that the chatâi never meets as a body except to discuss some very important question affecting the sub-caste as a whole.
Distribution of the Bhangis according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Bâlmîki. | Dhânuk. | Hela. | Lâl Begi. | Pattharphor. | Others. | Muhammadans. | Total. |
| Dehra Dûn | 59 | … | … | 746 | … | 2,662 | … | 3,467 |
| Sahâranpur | 95 | … | 72 | 6,057 | … | 23,890 | 5 | 30,119 |
| Muzaffarnagar | 378 | 258 | … | 16,128 | … | 13,093 | … | 29,857 |
| Meerut | 4,770 | … | … | 30,297 | … | 23,402 | 91 | 58,560 |
| Bulandshahr | … | … | … | 2,859 | … | 27,939 | … | 30,798 |
| Aligarh | … | … | 64 | 8,228 | 766 | 20,186 | … | 29,244 |
| Mathura | … | 14 | 57 | 1,231 | … | 11,953 | 31 | 13,286 |
| Agra | … | … | … | 10,707 | 47 | 5,031 | 663 | 16,430 |
| Farrukhâbâd | … | … | … | 5,840 | 53 | 1,259 | 3 | 7,155 |
| Mainpuri | … | … | … | 8,870 | 484 | 682 | … | 10,036 |
| Etâwah | … | … | 1,069 | 4,042 | 127 | 913 | 45 | 6,196 |
| Etah | 27 | … | 8 | 4,612 | 4,662 | 4,042 | … | 13,351 |
| Bareilly | … | … | … | 8,925 | … | 5,807 | … | 14,732 |
| Bijnor | 43 | … | 11,399 | … | 1,286 | … | 13,148 | |
| Budâun | … | … | … | … | … | 17,337 | … | 17,337 |
| Morâdâbâd | 32 | 210 | … | 11,199 | … | 13,187 | 14 | 24,642 |
| Shâhjahânpur | … | … | … | 5,146 | 53 | 2,409 | 225 | 7,833 |
| Pilibhît | … | 1 | … | 3,200 | … | 1,170 | 8 | 4,379 |
| Cawnpur | … | 65 | 392 | 3,698 | … | 2,356 | 63 | 6,574[[293]] |
| Fatehpur | … | 222 | 556 | 33 | 2 | 3,016 | 46 | 3,875 |
| Bânda | … | … | … | … | … | … | 11 | 11 |
| Hamîrpur | … | … | 139 | … | … | 183 | 41 | 363 |
| Allahâbâd | … | … | 1,790 | 556 | … | 6,359 | 644 | 9,349 |
| Jhânsi | … | … | 36 | 1,444 | 72 | 826 | 180 | 2,558 |
| Jâlaun | … | … | … | 951 | … | 1,326 | 531 | 2,808 |
| Lalitpur | … | … | … | 123 | … | 455 | 133 | 711 |
| Benares | … | … | … | 144 | … | 1,126 | 812 | 2,082 |
| Mirzapur | … | … | 144 | 13 | … | 378 | 930 | 1,465 |
| Jaunpur | … | … | … | … | … | 15 | 1,751 | 1,766 |
| Ghâzipur | … | … | … | … | … | 1,360 | 477 | 1,837 |
| Ballia | … | … | … | … | … | 1,348 | 120 | 1,468 |
| Gorakhpur | … | … | 300 | 38 | … | 1,466 | 2,025 | 3,829 |
| Basti | … | … | … | … | … | 2,315 | 1,095 | 3,410 |
| Azamgarh | … | … | … | … | … | 13 | 1,772 | 1,785 |
| Kumâun | … | … | … | … | … | 692 | … | 692 |
| Garhwâl | … | … | … | … | … | 126 | … | 126 |
| Tarâi | 275 | … | … | 2,116 | … | 390 | … | 2,781 |
| Lucknow | … | 675 | 313 | 766 | … | 2,867 | 1,424 | 6,045 |
| Unâo | … | 798 | 457 | 8 | … | 390 | 20 | 1,673 |
| Râê Bareli | … | … | 480 | … | … | 693 | 14 | 1,187 |
| Sîtapur | 6 | 39 | … | 2,747 | … | 1,186 | 305 | 4,283 |
| Hardoi | … | … | … | 4,496 | … | 1,027 | … | 5,523 |
| Kheri | … | … | … | 3,522 | 18 | 557 | 84 | 4,181 |
| Faizâbâd | … | 5 | 654 | 417 | … | 426 | 1,212 | 2,714 |
| Gonda | … | … | 685 | 932 | … | 246 | 130 | 1,993 |
| Bahrâich | … | 1 | … | 809 | … | 687 | 586 | 2,083 |
| Sultânpur | … | … | 761 | … | … | 1,145 | 593 | 2,499 |
| Partâbgarh | … | … | … | 4 | … | 1,553 | 433 | 1,990 |
| Bârabanki | … | … | … | 1,446 | … | 35 | 818 | 2,301 |
| Total | 6,105 | 2,288 | 7,977 | 1,63,751 | 6,284 | 210,792 | 17,335 | 4,14,532 |
[[294]]
Bhântu, Bhâtu.—A criminal tribe found chiefly in Rohilkhand and Oudh. They are merely one branch of the Sânsiya tribe, known elsewhere as Beriya, Hâbûra, or Kanjar. The derivation of the word is uncertain. Some connect it with Bhât, as some Sânsiyas act as bards or genealogists to some Râjputs and Jâts: others say it comes from bhânti (Sanskrit, bhinna, “broken”), with reference to the miscellaneous elements of which they are composed. There is a tribe of the same name in Central India who are also known as Dumar or Kolhâti, who are wandering athletes and worship Nârâyan and the bamboo, with which all their feats are accomplished. When they bury their dead they place rice and oil at the head of the grave, and draw the happiest omens of the state of the departed from crows visiting the spot.[151]
2. The Bhântus of these Provinces follow exactly the customs of the kindred tribes of Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya.
Distribution of the Bhântus according to the Census of 1891.
| District. | Number. |
| Agra | 3 |
| Bareilly | 17 |
| Budâun | 98 |
| Morâdâbâd | 2 |
| Ghâzipur | 12 |
| Kheri | 9 |
| Sultânpur | 231 |
| Total | 372 |
[1] Institutes, VIII, 161. [↑]
[2] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 137, sqq. [↑]
[3] Chronicles of Unâo, 69. [↑]
[4] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[5] Archæological Survey, I., 352, sq. [↑]
[7] Settlement Report, App. I., 2 A. [↑]
[8] Settlement Report, 59. [↑]
[9] Growse, Mathura, 12, 356. [↑]
[10] Asiatic Researches, XIII., 282. [↑]
[11] Report, Inspector-General, Police, N. W. P., 1869, page 121, sqq. [↑]
[12] People of India, III., 113. [↑]
[13] 3rd S. I., 467, sqq.; III., 186, sqq. [↑]
[14] Journey through Oudh, I., 112. [↑]
[15] Annals, I., 105, sqq. [↑]
[16] Archæological Reports, XXI., 103, sqq. [↑]
[17] Settlement Report, page 12. [↑]
[18] Highlands of Central India, page 278. [↑]
[19] Census Report, N.-W. P., 1865, I., App. B., 129. [↑]
[20] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur: a few notes on the Oudh branch of the tribe have been contributed by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi. [↑]
[21] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353. [↑]
[22] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 353. [↑]
[23] There is a tradition at Chunâr that Akbar garrisoned the fort with a body of Baheliyas under a Commander known as Hazâri. The descendant of the last Hazâri of Chunâr is now a runner in the Government Tahsîl. [↑]
[24] Panjâb Census Report, 122, sqq. [↑]
[25] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 188. [↑]
[27] These terms are Kanarese and mean “Southerners” and “Northerners,”—Oppert, Original Inhabitants of Bharatavarsha, 613. [↑]
[29] Chronicles of Unâo, 66, sq. [↑]
[30] Settlement Report, 213, 276, sq. [↑]
[31] Settlement Report, 20. [↑]
[32] Archæological Reports, V., 20. [↑]
[34] Sleeman, Journey through Oudh, I., 264. [↑]
[35] Settlement Report, 12. [↑]
[36] Eastern India, II., 380, 460. [↑]
[38] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 227. [↑]
[39] Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 8. [↑]
[40] Supplementary Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[42] See Bhuiya, para. 14. [↑]
[43] This account is based on a set of notes prepared by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Dehra Dûn. [↑]
[44] Mainly from notes from Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur. [↑]
[45] Prepared from notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura. [↑]
[46] Brahmanism and Hinduism, 185. [↑]
[47] For this campaign see Cunningham, Archæological Reports, II., 455, Gazetteer, N. W. P., I., 160. [↑]
[48] The connection between the Banâphars and Ahîrs is one of many instances which illustrate the mixed origin of many of the Râjput septs. [↑]
[49] Sultânpur Settlement Report, 154, sqq. [↑]
[51] Supplemental Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[53] Tribes and Castes, I., 144, sgq. [↑]
[54] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâd, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur; Pandit Badri Nâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri; Mr. W. H. O’N. Segrave, District Superintendent, Police, Basti; and the Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly and Bijnor. [↑]
[55] Academy, 14th May, 1870. [↑]
[56] Quoted in the Berâr Gazetteer, 195, sqq. [↑]
[57] Dowson’s Elliot, V., 100. Brigg’s Ferishta, I., 579. [↑]
[58] Rambles, I., 129, Indian Antiquary, VIII., 219, sqq. [↑]
[60] Migratory Tribes of Central India, by E. Balfour: Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S., Vol. XIII. [↑]
[61] Settlement Report, 19. [↑]
[62] Settlement Report, 10. [↑]
[63] Settlement Report, 41. [↑]
[64] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 6. [↑]
[65] Williams, Memo., 77, sqq. [↑]
[66] Settlement Report, 130. [↑]
[68] Asiatic Studies, 165. [↑]
[69] Panjâb Ethnography, 299. [↑]
[70] Central India, II., 152, sqq. [↑]
[71] Bombay Gazetteer, XX., 203; XIX., 138. [↑]
[72] Panjâb Census Report, 311. [↑]
[74] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 353, 415; Report Inspector-General, Police, North-Western Provinces, 1868, page 34; 1871, page 47 (a); 1870, page 99 (b). [↑]
[77] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes received through Mr. W. Hoey, C.S., Gorakhpur, and Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi. [↑]
[78] Tribes and Castes, I., 60. [↑]
[80] Hindu Tribes, I., 296. [↑]
[81] Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330; and see Hoey, Monograph on Trades and Manufactures, 188. [↑]
[82] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 330. Buchanan says that the Chaurâsis take their name from Tappa Chaurâs in Mirzapur, Eastern India, II., 470. [↑]
[83] Yule and Burnell, Hobson Jobson, 67. [↑]
[85] Quoted by Yule, Marco Polo, II., 311. [↑]
[86] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, p. 75. [↑]
[87] For a good account of the system of cultivating the plant, see Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 864. [↑]
[88] Eastern India, II., 467. [↑]
[89] Tribes and Castes, I., 65. [↑]
[90] Oldham, Memo., I., 65. [↑]
[91] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 165. [↑]
[92] Supplementary Glossary, s.v.; Aligarh Settlement Report, 22; Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 155, sqq. [↑]
[93] Settlement Report, 34, sqq. [↑]
[94] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 14. [↑]
[95] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by the Deputy Inspectors of Schools at Bareilly, Basti, Bijnor. [↑]
[96] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[97] Sherring, Hindu Tribes and Castes, I., 316. [↑]
[98] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, III., 279. [↑]
[99] Râja Lachhman Sinh, Bulandshahr Memo., 186. [↑]
[100] Prof. H. H. Wilson, Rig Veda, Intro., DLI. [↑]
[101] Hoey, Monograph on Trade and Manufactures, 68. [↑]
[102] Settlement Report, 79. [↑]
[103] Supplementary Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[104] Eastern India, II., 463. [↑]
[105] Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[106] Principally based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and notes by Munshi Chhuttan Lâl, Deputy Collector, Unâo, and Munshi Âtma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura. [↑]
[107] Based chiefly on Notes by Mirza Ihfân Ali Beg, Deputy Collector, in charge of the tribe, and a report (date and author not given) entitled “Etymology (sic) of the Barwârs of Gonda and the Sanaurhiyas of Nâgpur.” [↑]
[108] Faizâbâd Settlement Report, 280, sq. [↑]
[109] Oldham, Memo., I., 61, sq. [↑]
[110] Settlement Report, 30. [↑]
[111] Based on enquiries made at Mirzapur, and a note by M. Karam Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi. [↑]
[112] On this idea of hell see Bhuiyâr, 16. [↑]
[113] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur and a note by the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Bijnor. [↑]
[114] Sirsa Settlement Report, 123. [↑]
[115] Selections from the Records of Government, North-Western Provinces, I., 386; North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 66. [↑]
[116] North Indian Notes and Queries, I., 51. [↑]
[117] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 78. [↑]
[118] Report, Inspector General of Police, N.-W. P., 1868, p. 13. [↑]
[119] Mullaly, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 10. [↑]
[120] Balfour, Journal Asiatic Society, Bengal, Vol. XIII. [↑]
[121] From a note by Pandit Râm Bakhsh Chaube of Gorakhpur. [↑]
[122] Tribes and Castes, I., 86. [↑]
[123] Panjâb Census Report, 196. [↑]
[124] Based on notes by M. Gopâl Prasâd, Naib Tahsildar, Phaphund, Etâwah District, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Farrukhâbâd. [↑]
[125] Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 122, sqq. [↑]
[126] Origin of Civilization, 126; Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 72, sqq. [↑]
[127] Oldham, Memo, 61, sq. [↑]
[128] Settlement Report, 30. [↑]
[129] Settlement Report, 4. [↑]
[130] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 463. [↑]
[131] Supplementary Glossary, s.v. [↑]
[132] Maclagan, Punjab Census Report, 110. [↑]
[133] Settlement Report, 179, sqq. [↑]
[134] Census Report, 1865, I., Appendix 19; Râja Lachhman Singh, Memo., 158. [↑]
[135] Settlement Report, 305. [↑]
[136] Chiefly based on enquiries at Mirzapur and short notes from Munshi Bhagwati Dayâl Sinh, Tahsîldâr, Chhibramau, Farrukhâbâd, and Bâbu Chhote Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow. [↑]
[137] Eastern India, II., 248. [↑]
[138] Based to a large extent on the account of the tribe in Benares by Mr. R. Greeven, C. S., contributed to the second volume of North Indian Notes and Queries, and subsequently reprinted under the title of “Knights of the Broom,” and a note by Munshi Fasih-ud-din Ahmad, Deputy Collector, Benares; enquiries at Mirzapur and notes by Bâbu Badrinâth, Deputy Collector, Kheri; Munshi Bâsdeo Sahây, Head Master, Zila School, Farrukhâbâd; Munshi Râdharaman, Deputy Collector, Jhânsi; Munshi Chhotê Lâl, Archæological Survey, Lucknow; and the Deputy Inspectors of Schools, Bareilly, Budâun, Pilibhît, Morâdâbâd. [↑]
[139] Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Memoirs, Anthropological Society of London, III., 125. [↑]
[140] Blochmann, Ain-i-Akbari, I., 417. [↑]
[142] Institutes, X., 12–29–30. [↑]
[143] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 183. [↑]
[144] The Chandâla is probably the Kandaloi of Ptolemy whom Dr. J. Wilson would identify with the Gonds or Gondhalis, still a wandering tribe of Maharashtra. Indian Caste, I., 57; and see Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 481. [↑]
[145] For some of these legends I am indebted to the 2nd Volume, Panjâb Notes and Queries. [↑]
[146] Clouston, Popular Tales and Fictions, I., 72. [↑]
[147] Panjâb Ethnography, paragraph 598. [↑]
[148] The most complete and authoritative version of the Kursi of Lâl Beg is that given by Mr. Greeven in “Knights of the Broom,” 41, sqq. [↑]
[149] Panjâb Notes and Queries, II., 1; Knights of the Broom, 50, sqq. [↑]
[150] Punjâb Census Report, 90. [↑]
[151] Balfour; Journal Asiatic Society of Bengal, N. S. XIII.; Gunthorpe, Notes on Criminal Tribes, 46, sqq.; Rowney, Wild Tribes, 21. [↑]
G. I. C. P. O.—No. 17 S. to G. N. W. P.—2–11–95.—500.