INTRODUCTION.

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER I.

The Origin of Caste.

There are few questions within the whole sphere of Indian sociology which present more difficulty than those connected with the origin of caste. If the native of the country has any idea whatever on the subject, it is sufficient for him to refer to a mass of texts which are, it is hardly necessary to say, of little or no scientific value. They merely record the views of various priestly schools from whom there is strong reason to believe that the system, as we now observe it, originated. It is on lines quite different from these that any real enquiry into the subject must proceed. It may be well here to give at starting the religious form which the tradition has assumed.

Caste in the Veda. 2. To begin with the Veda. In the hymns, the most ancient portion of it, we find the famous verse,—“When they divided man, how many did they make him? What was his mouth? What his arms? What are called his thighs and feet? The Brâhmana was his mouth, the Râjanya was made his arms, the Vaisya became his thighs, the Sûdra was born from his feet.”[1] “European critics,” [[x]]says Professor Max Müller,[2] “are able to show that even this verse is of later origin than the great mass of the hymns, and that it contains modern words, such as Sûdra and Râjanya, which are not found again in the other hymns of the Rig Veda. Yet it belongs to the ancient collection of the Vedic hymns, and if it contained anything in support of caste, as it is now understood, the Brâhmans would be right in saying that caste formed part of their religion and was sanctioned by their sacred writings.” But he goes on to say:—“If, then, with all the documents before us, we ask the question,—Does caste, as we find it in Manu and at the present day, form part of the most ancient religious teaching of the Vedas? We can answer with a decided ‘No.’ There is no authority whatever in the hymns of the Veda for the complicated system of castes; no authority for the offensive privileges claimed by the Brâhmans; no authority for the degraded position of the Sûdras. There is no law to prohibit the different classes of the people from living together, from eating and drinking together; no law to prohibit the marriage of people belonging to different castes: no law to brand the offspring of such marriages with an indelible stigma.”[3]

3. We do read that men are said to be distinguished into five sorts or classes, or literally five men or beings (Pancha Ksitayah). “The commentator explains this to mean the four castes—Brâhman, Kshatriya, Vaisya [[xi]]and Sûdra and the barbarous or Nishâda. But Sâyana, of course, expresses the received impressions of his own age. We do not meet with the denomination Kshatriya or Sûdra in any text of the first book, nor with that of Vaisya, for vis, which does occur, is a synonym of man in general. Brâhman is met with, but in what sense is questionable.”[4]

4. We do, of course, in the Veda meet with various trades and handicrafts which had even in this early age become differentiated. Thus in the ninth book of the Rig Veda we have the famous passage which has been thus translated:—

“How various are the views which different men inspire!

How various are the ends which men of different craft desire!

The leech a patient seeks; the smith looks out for something cracked.

The priest seeks devotees from whom he may his fee extract.

With feathers, metal and the like, and sticks decayed and old,

The workman manufactures wares to coin the rich man’s gold.

A poet I, my sire a leech, and corn my mother grinds:

On gain intent we each pursue our trades of different kinds.”[5]

5. The present system of castes cannot, in fact, be dated before the time of Manu’s “Institutes” which “was originally a local code, embodying rules and precepts, perhaps by different authors, some of whom may have lived in the 5th Century B.C., others in the 2nd Century B.C., and others even later. It was at first current among a particular tribe of Brâhmans, [[xii]]called Mânavas, who probably occupied part of the North-Western regions between the rivers Sâraswati and Drishadvati, but afterwards became generally adopted.”[6]

6. As to the effect of these laws it may be well again to quote Professor Max Müller.[7] “After the victorious return of the Brâhmans the old laws of caste were re-enacted more vigorously than ever, and the Brâhmans became again what they had been before the rise of Buddhism, the terrestrial gods of India. A change, however, had come over the system of caste. Though the laws of Manu still spoke of four castes—of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas and Sûdras—the social confusion during the long reign of Buddhism had left but one broad distinction: on the one hand the pure caste of the Brâhmans: on the other the mixed and impure castes of the people. In many places the pure castes of the Kshatriyas and Vaisyas had become extinct, and those who could not prove their Brâhmanic descent were all classed together as Sûdras. At present we should look in vain for pure Kshatriyas or Vaisyas in India, and the families which still claim these titles would find it difficult to produce their pedigree, nay, there are few who could lay claim to the pure blood of the Sûdra. Low as the Sûdra stood in the system of Manu, he stood higher than most of the mixed castes, the Varnasankaras. The son of a Sûdra by a Sûdra woman is purer than the son of a Sûdra by a [[xiii]]woman of the highest caste (Manu, X., 30). Manu calls the Chandâla one of the lowest outcastes, because he is the son of a Sûdra father and a Brâhmanic mother. He evidently considered the mésalliance of a woman more degrading than that of a man. For the son of a Brâhman father and a Sûdra mother may in the seventh generation raise his father to the highest caste (Manu, X., 64), while the son of a Sûdra father and a Brâhman mother belongs for ever to the Chandâlas.”

7. And the same writer goes on to say:—

“Manu represents, indeed, all the castes of Hindu society, and their number is considerable, as the result of mixed marriages between the four original castes. According to him the four primitive castes by intermarrying in every possible way gave rise to sixteen mixed castes, which by continuing their inter-marriages produced the long list of the mixed castes. It is extremely doubtful, however, whether Manu meant to say that at all times the offspring of a mixed marriage had to enter a lower caste. He could not possibly maintain that the sons of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother would always be a physician or Vaidya, this being the name given by Manu to the offspring of these two castes. At present the offspring of a Sûdra father and a Brâhman mother would find no admission in any respectable caste. Their marriage would not be considered marriage at all. The only rational explanation of Manu’s words seems to be that originally the Vaidyas or physicians sprang from the union of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother, though this, too, is of course nothing but a [[xiv]]fanciful theory. If we look more carefully we shall find that most of these mixed castes are in reality the professions, trades and guilds of a half-civilised society. They did not wait for mixed marriages before they came into existence. Professions, trades and handicrafts had grown up without any reference to caste in the ethnological or political sense of the word. Some of their names were derived from towns and countries where certain professions were held in particular estimation. Servants who waited on ladies were called Vaidehas, because they came from Videha, the Athens of India, just as the French call the “porteur d’eau” a “Savoyard.” To maintain that every member of the caste of the Vaidehas, in fact, every lady’s maid, had to be begotten through the marriage of a Vaisya and a Brâhmani, is simply absurd. In other cases the names of Manu’s castes were derived from their occupations. The caste of musicians, for instance, were called Venas from vîna, the lyre. Now, it was evidently Manu’s object to bring these professional corporations in connection with the old system of castes, assigning to each, according to its higher or lower position, a more or less pure descent from the original castes. The Vaidyas, for instance, or the physicians, evidently a respectable corporation, were represented as the offspring of a Brâhman father and a Vaisya mother, while the guild of the fishermen, or Nishâdas, were put down as the descendants of a Brâhman father and a Sûdra mother. Manu could hardly mean to say that every son of a Vaisya father and Kshatriya mother was obliged to become a commercial traveller, [[xv]]or to enter the caste of the Magadhas. How could that caste have been supplied after the extinction in many places of the Kshatriya and Vaisya castes? But having to assign to the Magadhas a certain social position, Manu recognised them as the descendants of the second and third castes, in the same way as the Herald’s office would settle the number of quarters of an earl or a baron.”

8. Before leaving the consideration of caste as found in Manu’s “Institutes,” it may be noted that we find side by side two discrepant views as to the connubium of the orders. According to the milder, and apparently the older view, caste is determined by descent from the father, and a Dvija or twice-born man may take a wife from among Brâhmans, Kshatriyas or Vaisyas. With a Sûdra woman alone he could not intermarry. By the other view a man was advised to marry a virgin of his own caste as his first wife, and after that he may proceed according to the rank of the castes. There is some reason to believe that under this rule he might take even a Sûdra woman as a second wife.[8] This, it is needless to say, represents a very different state of things from that which prevails under the modern rigid law of caste endogamy.

Caste subsequent to Manu. 9. It was caste in or about the stage of its development exhibited in the “Institutes” of Manu which Megasthenes, first of all [[xvi]]the barbarians, observed in his embassy to the court of Sandrocottus or Chandragupta (306–298 B.C.). He found seven, not four, castes—the philosophers, husbandmen, shepherds, artizans, soldiers, inspectors and counsellors of the king. The philosophers were the Brâhmans, and the traveller indicates the prescribed stages of the Brâhmanical life. He distinguishes the Brachmanes from the Sarmanai, the latter of whom are supposed to represent the Buddhist Sramanas or monks, while the inspectors were the Buddhist supervisors of morals, afterwards referred to in the sixth edict of Asoka.

10. This hasty survey of the historical development of caste sufficiently disposes of the popular theory that caste is a permanent institution, transmitted unchanged from the dawn of Hindu history and myth.

Caste not peculiar to Hinduism. 11. Another and even graver misconception is to suppose that caste is peculiar to Hinduism and connected in some peculiarly intimate way with the Hindu faith. It is needless to say that caste as an institution is not confined to Indian soil. The Zendavesta shows that the early Persian community was divided into three castes or tribes, of which one lived by hunting, a second by grazing flocks, and the third by agriculture. “In this respect also,” says Herodotus,[9] “the Lacedaemonians resemble the Egyptians: their heralds, musicians and cooks succeed to their fathers’ professions: so that a musician is son to a musician, a cook, of a cook, and a herald, of a herald: nor do others, on [[xvii]]account of the clearness of their voice, apply themselves to this profession and exclude others; but they continue to practise it after their fathers.” This occupational or hereditary guild system of caste, which, as will be seen, was the most important factor in the development of this institution, prevailed and still prevails, as a matter of fact, all the world over. Nor is caste confined to votaries of the Hindu faith. On the contrary it is in its nature much more social than religious. It has been one of the most perplexing problems which beset the Christian Missionary to reconcile the restrictions of caste with the perfect liberty of Christianity. Islâm has boldly solved the difficulty by recognising and adopting caste in its entirety. Not only does the converted Râjput, Gûjar or Jât remain a member of his original sept or section; but he preserves most of those restrictions on social intercourse, intermarriage and the like, which make up the peasant’s conception of caste. As Mr. Ibbetson remarks,—“Almost the only difference which the convert makes is to shave his scalplock and the upper edge of his moustache, to repeat the Muhammadan creed in a mosque, and to add the Muhammadan to the Hindu marriage ceremony. As far as religion goes he worships Khuda instead of Parameswar, keeps up his service in honor of Bhawâni, and regularly makes the due oblation for the repose of the sainted dead.” On the other hand, as will be seen everywhere in the course of the present survey, the members of orthodox Hindu castes worship the quintette of the Pânch Pîr, or famous local saints like Miyân or Mîrân Sâhib, Shâh Madâr or Sakhi Sarwar. [[xviii]]

Caste not immutable. 12. By another popular theory caste is eternal and immutable. The ordinary Hindu will say that it has always existed, that it is based on what he calls the Shâstras, a vague body of religious literature of which he knows little more than the name. We have already shown that the vague reference to caste in the Vedas discloses the institution at a very different stage from what we see it in the “Institutes” of Manu or at the present day. Even in an age so comparatively recent as that of Manu, the rules of connubium and social life were very different from those which prevail at present. The modern Vaishnava, for instance, would shudder at the comparatively liberal permission given in these days for the use of meat.[10] But in addition to this we meet all through the range of Hindu history and myth with numerous illustrations of the mutability of caste. Thus in the Mahâbhârata Bhîma is married by his brother Yudhishthira to the Asura woman Hidimbi, and the marriage rites are regularly performed: while Draupadi, a Kshatriya girl, accepts as her husband at the Swayamvara Arjuna who pretends to be a Brâhman. Viswamitra, a Kshatriya by birth, compelled Brahma by the force of his austerities to admit him to the Brâhmanical order, so that he might be on a level with Vasishtha, with whom he had quarrelled.[11] It is even more significant to learn from the Mahâbhârata[12] [[xix]]that all castes become Brâhmans when they have crossed the Gomati on a visit to the hermitage of Vasishtha, and we are told that the country of the five rivers is contemptible because there a Bahîka or Panjâbi “born a Brâhman becomes afterwards a Kshatriya, a Vaisya or a Sûdra, and eventually a barber.” It would be easy to repeat examples of this kind almost indefinitely.[13]

Modern development of caste. 13. As regards the castes of the present day the case is similar. Instead of castes being a clearly-defined entity, an association complete in themselves, a trade guild the doors of which are rigidly barred against the admission of strangers, they are in a constant state of flux and flow. New endogamous groups are constantly being created, the process of fission is ever in operation, and what is more important still the novus homo, like his brethren all the world over, is constantly endeavouring to force his way into a higher grade and acquire the privileges of the “twice-born.” This process is specially observable among the Gonds and other Dravidian races of the great hill country of Central India. Thus the Râj Gonds who “in appearance obstinately retain the Turanian type, in aspiration are Hindus of the Hindus, wearing the sacred cord and carrying ceremonial refinements to the highest pitch of parvenu purism. Mr. Hislop says [[xx]]that not content with purifying themselves, their houses, and their food, they must even sprinkle their faggots with water before using them for cooking. With all this exterior coating of the fashionable faith they seem, however, to retain an ineradicable taint of the old mountain superstitions. Some of these outwardly Brâhmanised chiefs still try to pacify the gods of their fathers for their apparent desertion of them by worshipping them in secret once every four or five years and by placing cow’s flesh to their lips, wrapped in a cloth, so as not to break too openly with the reigning Hindu divinities.”[14] And Captain Forsyth writes:—“In Gondwâna numerous chiefs claim either a pure descent from Râjput houses, or more frequently admit their remote origin to have sprung from a union between some Râjput adventurer of noble blood and one of the daughters of the aborigines. Few of them are admitted to be pure Râjputs by the blue blooded chiefs of Rajasthân: but all have their bards and genealogies.”[15]

14. The same process of elevation of the aboriginal races has been going on for centuries throughout Northern India. To quote Mr. Nesfield[16]:—“Local traditions in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces abound in tales of Brâhmans being manufactured out of low caste men by Râjas when they could not find a sufficient number of hereditary Brâhmans to attend some sacrifice or [[xxi]]feast. For example, the Kunda Brâhmans of Partâbgarh are said to have been manufactured by Râja Mânik Chand, because he was not able to collect the quorum of one hundred and twenty-five thousand Brâhmans to whom he had vowed to make a feast: in this way an Ahîr, a Kurmi or a Bhât found himself dubbed a Brâhman and invested with the sacred thread, and their descendants are Brâhmans to this day.[17] A similar tale is told of Tirgunait Brâhmans and Pâthaks of Amtara:[18] of the Pândê Parwârs in the Hardoi District: of the large clan called Sawalakhiyas in the Gorakhpur and Basti Districts, who have nevertheless assumed the high-sounding titles of Dûbê, Upâdhya, Tiwâri, Misra, Dikshit, Pândê, Awasthi and Pâthak.[19] Only about a century-and-a-half ago a Luniya, or man of the salt-making class, which ranks decidedly low, was made a Brâhman by Râja Bhagwant Râê of Asothar, and this man is the ancestor of the Misra Brâhmans of Aijhi.”[20]

Brâhmans an occupational group. 15. In fact there can be little doubt that the Brâhmans, so far from forming a homogeneous group, have been made up of very diverse elements, and this strongly confirms the occupational theory of their origin, to which reference will be made later on. There are grades of so-called Brâhmans which in appearance and function present little analogy to the pure bred Pandit of Benares or Mathura. Thus [[xxii]]the Ojha Brâhman is the direct successor of the Dravidian Baiga, and of similar menial origin are probably many of those Brâhmans who live by begging, fortune-telling and the like, such as the Dakaut, Joshi, Barua or Husaini, and the Mahâbrâhman or funeral priest whose functions render him an abomination to all orthodox Hindus. The Bhuînhârs and Tagas, if they are really of genuine Brâhmanical descent, have in the same way differentiated themselves by function, and having abandoned priestly duties are agriculturists and landowners pure and simple. This separation of function must have prevailed from very early times, because it was specially laid down that each caste may adopt the occupation of another in case of distress, and thus a Brâhman may do the work of a Kshatriya or Vaisya, but not of a Sûdra.[21]

Occupational origin of the Râjputs. 16. Still less homogeneous is the mass of septs grouped under the name of Kshatriyas or Râjputs. We have already seen how the Dravidian Gond races have been in quite recent times enrolled as Râjputs. The Râja of Singrauli, in Mirzapur, nearly a pure Kharwâr, has within the last generation or two come to rank as a Benbansi Chhatri. Colonel Sleeman gives the case of an Oudh Pâsi, who within the memory of man became a Râjput by giving his daughter to a man of the Puâr sept.[22] The names of many septs again, such as the Baghel, Ahban, Kalhans, and Nâgbansi suggest a totemistic origin which would bring [[xxiii]]them in line with the Chandrabansi, who are promoted Dravidian Cheros and other similar septs of undoubtedly aboriginal race. Mr. Carnegy went perhaps too far in assuming a similar development of many of the Oudh septs; but the traditions of many of these, which will be found in the special articles dealing with them, such as the Bhâlê Sultân, Bisen, Chandel, Gaur, Kânhpuriya and Bandhalgoti, afford significant evidence that their claims to blue blood must be accepted with caution. The same inference arises from the fact, of which evidence is given elsewhere, of the impossibility of drawing the line between the Jât and Râjput of the Western Districts, and the Bhuînhâr and Chhatri of the East: in fact many of the septs of the latter claim indifferently to belong to both races, and some, like the Bisen, have an admitted Kurmi branch.

17. Among the Râjputs, again, this process of assimilation of lower races has been undoubtedly encouraged by the prevalence of female infanticide which renders it impossible for the poorer members of the race to obtain legitimately born brides. This has naturally led to cohabitation with women of inferior castes and the creation of definite classes of illegitimate Râjputs, such as the Gaurua of the Central and the degraded Chauhâns of the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duâb. A recent report on the outbreak of dacoity in the Agra and Rohilkhand Divisions shows that many of the perpetrators of these outrages were half-bred Râjputs, whose mothers were drawn from criminal or nomadic tribes like the Nat, Beriya, Sânsiya and the like, and the association of Râjput [[xxiv]]youths with women of this class has brought them into the companionship of their gypsy male relatives and driven them into a life of crime.

18. It is needless to say that the records of our courts swarm with examples of the association of men of the Râjput class with women of the lower races, and in this stratum of village society there is not even a pretence of moral continence. The effect of this state of things is obvious and requires no further illustration.

The occupational origin of the Vaisyas. 19. The same remarks largely apply to the so-called modern representatives of the Vaisya class, the aggregate of tribes now grouped under the general name of Banya. Some of these, such as the Agarwâlas and Oswâls, are in appearance perhaps among the best bred races of Northern India. Others are obviously occupational groups recruited from the lower races which have grouped themselves under the generic title of Banya or Mahâjan. The Bohra asserts Brâhmanical origin. Others again in name and function are in all probability connected with various classes of artizans—the Kasarwâni and Kasaundhan with the Kasera, the Lohiya with the Lohâr, and the same inference may perhaps be drawn from the grades of Dasa and Bîsa, “the tens” and “the twenties,” which appear among the Agarwâlas, and can hardly indicate anything but a gradation in purity of descent.

The Sûdra group. 20. As to the congeries of castes known to the early Hindus as Sûdras we find all the varying grades of social respectability from industrious artisans and cultivators down to [[xxv]]vagrants like the Sânsya or Gandhîla and scavengers like the Dom or Bhangi. The word Sûdra has now no determinate meaning; it is merely used as a convenient term of abuse to designate persons who are, or are assumed to be, of degraded caste. It is probably a term derived from the languages of one of the inferior races.[23] As has been already remarked, it is a comparatively modern word and appears only once in the Rig Veda. It may have been a synonym for Dasyu, “those of the black skin,” who represented the contrast between the aborigines and the conquering Aryans. The stress that is laid in the old hymns on the breadth of their noses would perhaps go to identify them with the broad-nosed Dravidians. But the accounts of their forts and cities show that when they came into contact with the writers of the Vedic hymns they had already attained a considerable degree of culture.

Anthropometry the only safe basis of enquiry. 21. The only safe criterion of the relation of these races to the so-called “twice-born” tribes can be gained from the evidence of anthropometry, which must be left for another chapter.

Summary of theories of origin of caste. 22. Meanwhile to sum up the results of these remarks—

[[xxvii]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER II.

Anthropometry.

The following note on the subject of Anthropometry by Surgeon Captain Drake-Brockman is printed in original.

General Remarks. “The following series of anthropometrical measurements of the castes of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh was taken and recorded by me under the auspices of the Local Government of these Provinces, who were kind enough to place the services of a competent clerk at my disposal to help in the work. In order to obtain as large a number as possible of representative castes, long distances have been travelled; only males of the age of 25 years and upwards have been selected as subjects for measurement on account of their mature physical development.

2. I have endeavoured, for purposes of classification, as well as for comparison, to group the different castes under three main divisions, viz., Aryan, Medium and Dravidian: the Medium group of which contains a large number of castes which form, more or less, an intermediate type, and are not capable of being classified strictly under either of the other two main groups. The last group I have again sub-divided into two—(a) an Hinduised and (b) an Aboriginal section, to indicate more fully their status in the social scale. All the various sub-divisions and sections of the several castes have been included and shown under the head of the main caste to which they belong. [[xxviii]]

3. Altogether twenty-two measurements have been taken of each separate individual, and although of that number only a few are recognized by the most eminent authorities on the subject as being of any marked value in the distinction of race, still I think it would be well to generally compare all of the anthropometrical measurements before forming an opinion on the subject. At the end of this article a table will be found in which are given the averages and indices of each of the several measurements separately for each caste, the total number of subjects of all castes taken being 4,906.

4. A glance at the above-mentioned table will show the results, but I think it will be as well to roughly analyze the most important data as far as anthropometry is concerned, and then judge of the result of the enquiry as regards the castes of these Provinces.

5. With this object in view I purpose to take the Nasal and Cephalic indices and the Facial Angle (that of Cuvier being the one selected as being the most reliable on the living subject); and I think that the latter, which gives us more or less roughly the degree of prognathism, taken together with the Nasal index, will give us the best test possible.

The Nasal Index. 6. To commence then with the Nasal index, one of the best tests for racial distinction, we find at the top of the list a medium caste, the Jât, with a nasal index of 55, indicating a very leptorhine nose, followed by the Brâhman with a nasal index of 59: third on the list, strange to say, is the Dhânuk, a Dravidian caste, with [[xxix]]an average index of 61, the warlike Râjput being bracketed with the Gadariya, Lohâr, and with an index of 64, and the cultivated Kâyasth, many grades below, with an index of 67.

At the bottom of the list we find the Dravidian castes of the Korwa and Musahar, with an index of 75, and the Agariya with one of 77, all true Dravidians with more or less mesorhine noses.

Table of Nasal Indices.

Caste.Average Index.
Jât 55
Brâhman 59
Dhânuk 61
Gûjar 62
Banya 63
Dhobi
Râjput 64
Bâri
Gadariya
Lohâr
Mâli
Teli
Khatîk
Koeri
Nat, etc.
* * *
* * *
* * *
Kâyasth 67
* * *
Korwa 75
Musahar
Agariya 77

[[xxx]]

The Cephalic Index. 7. Next taking the cephalic indices—on glancing the eye down the column containing these data, it will be seen that all the castes have cephalic indices, showing the formation of the head to be dolicho-cephalic without exception, those of the castes Dhânuk, Arakh, Nat and Kewat being slightly sub-dolicho-cephalic, thus presenting a very marked contrast to the head of the Burman, which is decidedly brachy-cephalic, showing an index of of 83·1. The Burman, however, belongs to the Mongolian type of race, and nothing further need be said about him here. Out of four hundred and fifty adult males of the Brâhman caste the average cephalic index is found to be 73·7, a figure practically the same as that found by Mr. Risley, the lowest index being that of the Bhât, and the highest (of course excluding the Burman, who is Mongolian) that of the caste Kewat.

8. Again, if we take one representative caste out of each of the main divisions and compare them thus:—

Division.Caste.Cephalic Index.
1. Aryan Brâhman 73·7
2. Medium Kâyasth 73·3
3. Dravidian Chamâr 73·9
(a) Hinduized
(b) Aboriginal Kol 73·8

we cannot but be struck with the similarity of all, the heads of each being markedly dolicho-cephalic. [[xxxi]]

Table of Cephalic Indices.[*]

Caste.Average.
Bhât 70·8
Mâli 71·0
Halwâi 71·1
Bauriya 71·4
Kasera 71·7
Bâri 71.8
Kharwâr 71·9
Korwa 72·0
Faqîr 72·1
Banya 72·2
Kâchhi 72·2
Dhângar 72·2
* * * * *
Brâhman 73·7
Râjput 73·8
* * * * *
* * * * *
Darzi 75·8
Arakh

[*] The stars indicate intervals with figures ranging between. [↑]

The Facial Angle. 9. In the above investigation both the facial angles of Camper and Cuvier have been invariably taken and recorded, but as the latter is scientifically more accurate, at any rate on the living subject, it will suffice to notice the results under the latter measurement alone, as it gives us more accurately the true or sub-nasal prognathism of the individual.

10. All the measurements of facial angles were taken with Broca’s facial goniometer, by far the best [[xxxii]]instrument for the purpose. All human beings, no matter to what race they belong, are, of course, prognathous, the only difference being one of degree, the more acute angle shown indicating naturally the greater degree of prognathism.

11. In looking at the table given at the end of this section it will be seen that the Mânjhi, a true Dravidian (one hundred of whom were selected for measurement), has the highest angle, viz., 70, closely followed by the Dhângar, another caste of the same class, with one of 69, the aristocratic Brâhman and Râjput ranking sixth on the list with the same average angle as the Dravidian Chamâr. The vermin-eating Musahar comes at the bottom of the list with an average angle of 62.

12. Finally if we select a representative caste out of each of the main divisions thus—

Division.Caste.Facial Angle.
1. Aryan Brâhman 65
2. Medium Kâyasth 66
3. Dravidian Chamâr 65
(a) Hinduized
(b) Aboriginal Kol 67

and compare them, we find that there is practically no difference whatever. [[xxxiii]]

Table of Facial Angles.

Caste.Average Index.
Mânjhi 70
Dhângar 69
Arakh 68
Bauriya
Agariya
Bhuiyâr
Bhurtiya
Chero
Kharwâr
Panka
Kahâr 67
Darzi
Mâli
Kol
Banjâra 66
Barhai
Brâhman 65
Râjput
Chamâr
Etc., etc.
Pâsi …
* * * * * *
Musahar 62

Summary. 13. To finally sum up, I have, for purposes of easy comparison, taken one hundred subjects from each of the main divisions promiscuously, and irrespectively of caste, and at the end of this paragraph will be found the averages of each measurement separately under each division, in order to be able to compare finally the highest with the lowest caste, the noblest born Aryan with the humblest born Drâvir, and I think on looking at the table one cannot but be struck with the result and notice the very slight material difference that exists, a fact which tends to prove beyond doubt that the racial origin of all must have been similar, and that the foundation upon which the whole caste system in India is based, is that of function and not upon any real or appreciable difference of blood.” [[xxxiv]]

Averages of 100 subjects taken promiscuously from castes under the main divisions.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
Name of Type. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. L. M. Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero-Posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index. Nasal Width. Nasal Height. Facial Angle (Cuvier). Nasal Index.
Aryan 1,676 851 1,714 255 114 60 543 349 347 207 186 136 106 131 73·1 158 77·9 36 57 66 63
Medium 1,656 840 1,695 250 112 59 542 346 346 204 186 136 106 131 73·1 156 77·9 36 53 64 68
Dravidian—
(a) Hinduized 1,632 832 1,663 248 111 58 539 346 346 202 184 135 106 130 73·4 155 78·5 35 54 65 65
(b) Aboriginal 1,627 820 1,659 243 108 59 543 342 342 203 185 134 107 130 72·4 156 79·9 37 54 68 69
Total Dravidian 1,630 826 1,661 246 110 59 541 344 344 203 185 135 107 130 72·9 156 79·2 36 54 67 67
Musalmân 1,664 841 1,699 251 110 59 541 345 349 205 186 137 106 131 73·7 157 77·4 37 57 64 65

H. E. DRAKE-BROCKMAN, F.R.C.S., F.T.S., M.D.,
Surgeon Captain, I. M. S. [[xxxv]]

ANTHROPOMETRIC DATA.

Summary of Measurements taken, Averages.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24
Names of Type. Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index. Nasal Width. Nasal Height. Facial Angle (Cuvier). Facial Angle (Camper). Nasal Index.
ARYAN.
1. Banya 86 1,655 846 1,688 248 112 59 542 351 349 204 187 135 106 130 72·2 157 78·5 35 56 64 68 63
2. Bhât 18 1,654 839 1,693 250 110 59 538 343 345 204 185 131 106 131 70·8 156 80·9 36 55 65 67 65
3. Brâhman 455 1,681 853 1,719 263 113 60 545 351 350 206 186 137 106 131 73·7 157 77·4 35 59 65 68 59
4. Râjput 420 1,674 857 1,721 253 113 60 548 350 352 207 187 138 107 132 73·8 157 77·5 37 58 65 68 64
Aryan total Average 979 1,666 849 1,705 254 112 60 543 349 349 205 186 135 106 131 72·6 157 78·6 36 57 65 68 63
Aryan average of 100 100 1,676 851 1,714 255 114 60 543 349 347 207 186 136 106 131 73·1 158 77·9 36 57 66 69 63 [[xxxvi]]
MEDIUM.
1. Ahîr 350 1,648 834 1,693 250 111 59 544 345 347 204 185 136 106 131 73·5 156 77·9 … … 65 68 …
2. Baheliya 9 1,606 812 1,628 244 107 57 528 336 338 204 181 133 104 127 73·5 161 78·2 … … 64 67 …
3. Banjâra 7 1,630 832 1,665 243 110 59 539 343 344 200 186 138 107 134 74·1 149 77·5 35 52 66 68 67
4. Barhai 22 1,641 825 1,686 250 112 57 543 347 345 203 186 139 108 128 74·7 159 77·7 37 54 66 70 69
5. Bâri 7 1,642 832 1,699 253 112 59 540 346 343 205 188 135 105 132 71·8 155 77·8 38 59 63 66 64
6. Bauriya 24 1,636 830 1,679 251 110 58 546 348 345 204 189 135 106 130 71·4 157 78·5 … … 68 70 …
7. Bhurji 20 1,635 834 1,675 248 111 59 541 345 345 205 186 136 107 132 73·1 155 78·7 35 54 66 67 65
8. Darzi 3 1,710 883 1,733 250 115 62 547 357 353 213 186 141 110 133 75·8 160 78·0 … … 67 68 …[[xxxvii]]
9. Faqîr 68 1,620 836 1,675 247 110 60 541 343 344 203 186 134 107 131 72·1 155 79·9 35 54 67 69 65
10. Gadariya 32 1,660 833 1,683 249 111 59 538 340 343 204 183 137 107 131 74·9 156 78·8 37 58 66 69 64
11. Gusâîn 24 1,635 855 1,697 249 112 59 548 352 352 214 187 136 107 131 72·7 163 78·7 … … 63 67 …
12. Gûjar 14 1,707 853 1,744 256 114 60 544 347 346 209 186 137 106 132 73·7 158 77·4 36 58 66 67 62
13. Halwâi 7 1,650 847 1,693 253 112 58 540 349 343 209 187 133 105 129 71·1 162 78·9 37 54 66 68 69
14. Jât 13 1,694 860 1,740 259 116 61 543 349 349 216 187 136 108 133 75·4 162 79·4 33 60 66 70 55
15. Kâchhi 58 1,652 834 1,703 252 113 59 541 344 343 206 187 135 106 131 72·2 156 78·3 36 52 66 68 69
16. Kahâr 80 1,636 816 1,672 247 109 59 538 342 341 205 184 135 106 130 73·4 158 78·5 35 54 67 67 65
17. Kalwâr 50 1,657 838 1,693 253 111 70 549 349 350 208 188 137 107 131 72·9 159 78·8 35 56 65 68 63
18. Kasera 7 1,621 836 1,664 248 110 58 543 344 343 199 187 134 107 131 71·7 152 79·9 … … 63 66 …
19. Kâyasth 40 1,650 844 1,687 248 112 60 547 349 350 206 187 137 107 131 73·3 157 78·1 36 54 66 67 67
20. Kewat 28 1,641 830 1,675 248 115 58 533 342 344 203 182 134 105 130 76·8 156 75·5 37 51 66 68 73
21. Khatri 8 1,656 841 1,693 255 114 61 549 349 353 205 185 138 107 133 74·6 154 77·5 … … 65 65 …
22. Lohâr 37 1,645 836 1,683 246 111 59 543 344 344 204 187 139 103 130 74·4 157 74·1 35 55 64 67 64
23. Luniya 50 1,634 833 1,669 245 109 59 538 343 344 211 185 135 106 130 73·0 162 78·5 35 53 66 68 66
24. Mâli 3 1,648 822 1,677 245 111 58 537 343 340 208 186 132 104 129 71·0 161 78·8 35 55 67 65 64
25. Mallâh 38 1,638 836 1,671 246 109 59 539 343 344 208 186 135 107 130 72·6 160 79·3 35 53 64 70 66
26. Nâi 25 1,618 818 1,644 247 111 59 542 344 343 205 186 135 107 130 72·6 158 79·3 36 53 65 66 68[[xxxviii]]
27. Sunâr 40 1,640 845 1,680 247 111 60 548 348 349 206 187 137 106 133 73·3 155 77·4 36 54 64 67 67
28. Tamoli 13 1,633 837 1,664 239 110 58 539 336 338 205 184 134 104 129 72·8 159 77·6 34 52 66 67 65
29. Teli 50 1,627 827 1,662 245 109 59 539 340 340 202 183 134 105 129 73·2 157 78·4 35 55 65 67 64
Total Medium Average 1,127 1,646 837 1,684 245 111 59 542 345 345 206 186 136 106 131 73·3 158 78·2 36 55 65 68 66
Medium average of 100 100 1,656 840 1,695 250 112 59 542 346 346 204 186 136 106 131 73·1 156 77·9 36 53 64 67 68 [[xxxix]]
DRAVIDIAN.
(a) Hinduized.
1. Arakh 5 1,618 816 1,680 253 114 59 544 340 344 199 182 138 104 129 75·8 154 75·4 … … 68 70 …
2. Bhangi 100 1,654 835 1,685 249 110 57 543 347 346 210 184 136 109 131 73·9 160 80·1 36 56 66 68 64
3. Bhar 151 1,626 831 1,641 245 108 58 548 346 347 202 186 136 104 131 73·2 155 76·5 … … 66 69 …
4. Bind 18 1,629 827 1,661 249 110 57 546 347 349 203 186 137 106 131 73·7 155 77·4 35 52 65 67 67
5. Biyâr 14 1,613 817 1,651 243 107 58 542 344 344 204 185 136 106 130 73·1 157 77·2 36 53 64 67 67
6. Chamâr 333 1,648 832 1,677 248 110 59 541 344 345 204 184 136 106 131 73·9 156 77·9 … … 65 68 …
7. Dhânuk 3 1,647 830 1,667 253 113 56 527 337 340 204 180 136 105 135 75·6 151 77·2 35 57 65 69 61
8. Dharkâr 16 1,632 819 1,656 244 108 57 541 343 343 199 184 136 105 129 73·9 154 77·2 36 53 65 69 68
9. Dhobi 45 1,632 831 1,668 248 111 59 540 342 343 204 183 137 106 130 74·8 157 77·4 34 54 66 68 63
10. Dusâdh 25 1,628 836 1,644 246 109 58 544 347 347 208 186 136 105 130 73·1 160 77·2 37 51 67 69 73
11. Khangâr 28 1,646 842 1,673 248 113 58 536 346 345 205 183 137 106 130 74·9 157 77·4 … … 65 68 …
12. Khatîk 35 1,646 829 1,677 249 111 59 543 346 345 204 187 137 107 130 73·3 157 78·1 35 55 67 66 64
13. Koeri 65 1,639 832 1,687 247 113 58 542 344 343 205 184 135 107 130 73·4 158 79·3 35 55 65 68 64
14. Kumhâr 20 1,624 830 1,658 246 110 60 534 339 340 202 185 134 106 130 72·4 155 79·1 36 53 67 70 68
15. Kurmi 100 1,635 831 1,674 249 111 58 540 345 346 206 184 135 106 130 73·3 158 78·5 36 54 65 68 67
16. Lodhi 85 1,647 834 1,681 249 111 59 539 345 343 206 186 135 106 129 72·6 160 78·5 35 52 67 70 66 [[xl]]
17. Musahar 13 1,602 809 1,612 242 106 59 537 336 338 200 184 133 102 129 72·3 155 76·7 38 51 62 67 75
18. Nat 17 1,655 840 1,685 247 111 57 542 344 342 202 184 139 108 131 75·5 154 77·7 35 55 65 68 64
19. Pâsi 370 1,634 833 1,665 247 110 58 537 343 344 202 184 136 105 130 73·9 155 77·2 36 53 64 69 …
Total Dravidian (Hinduized average) 1,443 1,634 829 1,665 247 110 58 540 343 343 204 184 136 106 130 73·8 156 77·7 36 54 65 68 67
Dravidian (Hinduized) average of 100 100 1,632 832 1,663 248 111 58 539 346 346 202 184 135 106 130 73·4 155 78·5 35 54 65 68 65 [[xli]]
(b) Aboriginal.
1. Agariya 10 1,632 816 1,663 245 106 58 531 332 335 197 184 134 107 129 72·8 153 79·9 40 52 68 … 77
2. Bhuiyâr 50 1,618 817 1,633 245 109 58 539 340 341 203 185 134 107 128 73·4 158 78·7 36 55 68 … 65
3. Bhuiya 70 1,622 819 1,657 246 109 59 549 346 344 204 186 136 107 130 73·1 157 78·7 38 53 68 … 74
4. Chero 90 1,626 819 1,664 248 110 59 545 344 342 205 186 135 108 130 72·6 157 80·0 37 53 68 … 70
5. Dhângar 10 1,632 827 1,664 242 107 59 546 345 343 205 187 135 110 131 72·2 156 81·5 37 52 69 … 71
6. Ghasiya 15 1,655 834 1,694 253 113 61 545 344 344 202 186 135 106 131 72·6 154 78·5 37 55 66 … 67
Gond (vide No. 10)
7. Kharwâr 100 1,617 816 1,617 248 110 59 545 346 342 205 185 133 108 130 71·0 158 81·2 37 52 68 … 71
8. Kol 80 1,626 810 1,665 247 110 57 538 341 339 204 183 135 105 130 73·8 157 77·8 37 53 67 67 70
9. Korwa 25 1,594 816 1,640 245 110 60 546 346 344 203 186 134 107 131 72·0 155 79·5 39 52 66 … 75
10. Mânjhi (Gond) 100 1,639 817 1,681 250 111 59 547 349 344 207 185 135 108 130 73·0 159 80·0 38 52 70 … 73
11. Panka 90 1,603 811 1,633 243 108 58 545 344 342 201 185 134 107 129 72·4 159 79·9 36 53 68 … 66
12. Patâri 45 1,648 815 1,676 243 109 59 541 341 341 203 185 135 107 128 73·0 159 79·2 36 54 67 … 67
Total Dravidian (aboriginal) AVERAGE 685 1,634 818 1,657 246 109 59 543 343 342 203 185 135 107 130 72·7 157 79·6 37 53 68 67 71
Dravidian (Aboriginal) average of 100 100 1,627 820 1,659 243 108 59 543 342 342 203 185 134 107 130 72·4 156 79·9 37 54 68 … 69
Complete Total Dravidian Average of 100 100 1,630 826 1,661 246 110 59 541 344 344 203 185 135 107 130 72·9 156 79·2 36 54 67 68 67
MUHAMMADAN Types.
1. Mewâti 5 1,673 851 1,724 250 115 59 528 336 342 210 182 135 107 129 74·1 163 79·3 … … 65 69 …
2. Mughal 30 1,654 817 1,711 252 112 59 540 347 348 210 187 138 109 132 73·8 159 79·0 35 56 65 66 63
3. Pathân 108 1,664 848 1,690 250 112 59 544 347 349 208 184 138 107 131 75·0 159 77·6 38 56 64 68 68[[xlii]]
4. Sayyid 60 1,656 844 1,684 250 108 60 542 346 348 206 185 137 106 131 73·3 157 77·4 37 57 65 68 64
5. Shaikh 238 1,654 844 1,681 263 111 59 540 345 346 208 185 136 106 130 73·5 160 77·9 36 56 65 68 64
Total Muhammadan Average 441 1,660 841 1,698 253 112 59 539 344 347 209 185 137 107 131 73·9 160 78·2 37 57 65 68 65
Muhammadan average of 100 100 1,664 841 1,699 251 110 59 541 345 349 205 186 137 106 131 73·7 157 77·4 37 57 64 67 65
MONGOLOID.
1. Burman (average of total) 231 1,649 865 1,661 244 113 60 542 343 356 208 178 148 115 138 83·1 151 77·7 … … 62 64 …
Burman average of 100 100 1,656 870 1,660 244 113 61 543 346 356 206 177 148 113 138 83·6 149 76·4 … … 63 68 …

H. E. DRAKE-BROCKMAN,
Surgeon Captain, I. M. S. [[xliii]]

14. As a supplement to Surgeon Captain Brockman’s note the following tables of measurements carried out under the superintendence of Mr. E. J. Kitts, C. S., are republished from the Proceedings of the Anthropological Society of Bombay. It is to be regretted that owing to his absence on furlough in England Mr. Kitts has been unable to summarise the results. [[xliv]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JÂT.

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,617 833 1,653 254 104 66 536 333 348 213 187 140 … … 74·7 … …
2 1,658 820 1,714 257 104 58 538 335 335 218 190 137 … … 72·1 … …
3 1,659 845 1,720 247 106 66 548 337 365 214 190 144 114 141 75·8 1 79·2
4 1,657 808 1,735 246 113 63 537 337 335 210 185 141 116 134 76·2 1 82·3
5 1,541 786 1,585 238 103 64 527 322 330 223 184 141 106 134 76·7 1 75·2
6 1,655 800 1,727 254 114 67 543 335 335 215 184 144 109 128 78·3 1 75·7
7 1,700 874 1,780 255 119 63 528 325 340 200 183 141 112 135 77·0 1 79·4
8 1,637 787 1,730 258 112 61 522 330 343 220 174 147 108 133 84·5 1 73·5
9 1,675 858 1,725 247 107 59 538 342 345 198 188 143 107 130 76·1 1 74·8
10 1,611 816 1,600 250 114 61 533 348 343 216 187 143 109 134 76·5 1 76·2[[xlv]]
11 1,630 828 1,736 243 116 58 535 320 340 213 185 146 115 144 78·8 1 78·8
12 1,780 862 1,880 279 120 60 550 328 357 212 188 146 116 139 77·7 1 79·5
13 1,719 839 1,812 251 104 65 528 320 333 209 187 133 109 134 71·1 1 82·0
14 1,689 871 1,732 262 104 62 549 330 361 224 189 150 120 137 79·4 1 80·0
15 1,704 1,737 267 104 … 536 335 335 … 188 136 … … 72·3 … …
16 1,739 1,800 272 107 … 543 325 348 … 189 154 … … 81·5 … …
17 1,651 … 1,711 259 104 … 554 343 345 … 196 147 … … 75·0 … …
18 1,694 … 1,777 284 114 … 554 320 345 … 197 140 … … 71·1 … …
19 1,744 … 1,820 274 104 … 536 330 328 … 185 138 … … 74·6 … …
20 1,772 871 1,770 259 114 64 551 358 328 226 198 138 … … 69·7 … …
21 1,744 861 1,866 269 119 66 531 343 353 208 184 144 … … 78·3 … …
22 1,843 922 1,904 277 117 71 549 356 353 218 198 141 … … 71·2 … …
23 1,651 815 1,711 259 110 58 533 340 343 224 191 137 … … 71·7 … …
24 1,661 813 1,765 244 110 61 554 343 345 208 195 141 … … 72·3 … …
25 1,706 841 1,884 282 119 66 543 348 356 203 196 141 … … 71·9 … …
26 1,676 842 1,755 253 108 59 545 350 348 225 190 140 103 133 73·7 169 73·6
27 1,726 860 1,715 257 112 65 … … … 218 200 144 105 135 72·0 161 72·9[[xlvi]]
28 1,626 826 1,682 245 110 67 565 355 355 226 197 142 102 141 72·1 160 71·8
29 1,584 810 1,588 250 113 58 548 353 348 229 199 138 100 128 69·3 179 73·2
30 1,757 880 1,918 270 127 67 557 345 325 218 193 130 99 135 67·4 161 76·2
31 1,688 875 1,735 257 112 60 543 342 362 216 188 143 109 136 76·1 159 76·2
32 1,755 910 1,875 279 121 64 557 363 365 215 200 140 105 134 70·0 160 75·0
33 1,655 820 1,770 255 112 63 532 325 353 207 183 135 115 138 73·8 150 85·2
34 1,735 875 1,825 275 120 69 545 340 345 200 193 135 110 135 69·9 148 81·5
35 1,695 855 1,762 266 113 62 535 345 350 210 179 145 115 142 81·0 148 79·3
36 1,690 865 1,716 243 102 58 560 355 355 208 191 146 116 137 76·4 152 79·5
37 1,675 848 1,695 260 109 61 550 330 325 199 196 140 112 142 71·4 140 80·0[[xlvii]]
38 1,675 880 1,755 268 116 65 530 333 347 211 186 142 100 130 76·3 162 70·4
39 1,795 885 1,820 274 133 52 553 375 354 203 181 140 108 125 77·3 162 77·3
40 1,755 900 1,825 263 110 61 542 350 355 210 182 144 114 138 79·1 152 79·2
41 1,645 855 1,755 244 107 63 541 340 333 201 189 144 115 140 76·2 144 79·9
42 1,735 935 1,727 251 104 70 555 370 355 218 198 138 109 135 69·7 161 79·0
43 1,610 820 1,712 252 112 73 540 340 348 206 192 139 104 139 72·4 148 74·8
44 1,770 910 1,878 269 112 71 525 352 346 219 192 140 105 137 72·9 160 75·0
45 1,640 845 1,740 252 103 62 567 373 353 205 201 139 115 133 69·2 154 82·7
46 1,735 880 1,852 261 122 66 543 354 343 215 195 132 111 133 67·7 162 83·3
47 1,760 890 1,795 254 110 71 550 355 369 208 196 143 115 139 73·0 150 80·4
48 1,710 853 1,805 259 120 62 548 345 359 211 190 138 100 135 72·6 156 72·5
49 1,743 875 1,756 258 110 60 516 334 360 192 172 138 102 129 80·2 149 75·6
50 1,764 896 1,863 277 117 57 530 332 330 209 181 137 105 133 75·7 157 76·6
51 1,770 872 1,843 260 119 59 554 362 350 205 187 132 98 125 70·6 164 74·2
52 1,690 850 1,813 259 116 62 542 324 350 175 175 141 104 130 80·6 135 73·8[[xlviii]]
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,541 786 1,585 238 102 52 516 320 325 175 172 130 98 125 67·4 135 70·4
No. 5 5 5 5 36 39 49 1, 13, 18 30, 37 52 49 30 51 39, 51 30 52 38
To 1,843 935 1,918 284 133 73 567 375 369 229 201 154 120 144 84·5 179 85·2
No. 22 42 30 18 39 43 45 39 47 29 45 16 14 11 8 29 33
Mean 1,690 855 1,755 258 112 63 543 342 347 211 189 141 109 135 74·3 157 77·3
Average 1,696 850 1,768 259 112 63 543 342 347 211 187 141 109 135 74·4 157 77·3

[[xlix]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHANGI.

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,706 846 1,841 272 117 66 523 345 340 216 191 134 … … 70·1 … …
2 1,633 820 1,701 244 107 64 513 343 335 221 183 140 … … 76·5 … …
3 1,579 787 1,645 241 110 64 533 343 333 224 190 139 … … 73·2 … …
4 1,701 884 1,711 264 107 69 546 358 371 249 191 142 … … 74·3 … …
5 1,635 833 1,732 257 114 58 538 312 315 198 188 140 116 129 74·5 1 82·9
6 1,633 843 1,640 239 102 64 541 345 335 203 192 140 119 134 72·9 1 95·0
7 1,562 797 1,600 221 96 58 513 330 315 203 185 131 108 128 70·8 1 82·4
8 1,722 838 1,838 264 117 58 554 356 330 213 199 133 108 133 66·8 1 81·2
9 1,648 815 1,752 264 114 64 528 338 335 203 185 133 107 136 71·9 1 80·5[[l]]
10 1,691 848 1,790 259 112 58 528 330 348 206 184 142 118 133 77·2 1 83·1
11 1,625 846 1,737 249 110 58 528 323 323 203 186 134 112 135 72·0 1 83·6
12 1,762 853 1,765 262 112 69 531 348 361 208 193 136 105 135 70·5 1 77·2
13 1,652 785 1,733 247 107 61 537 340 333 210 188 131 108 135 69·7 1 82·4
14 1,650 830 … 245 … 56 530 325 325 205 182 138 107 131 75·8 1 77·5
15 1,672 832 1,740 265 120 63 547 350 360 220 192 140 110 139 72·9 1 78·6
16 1,667 797 1,785 255 120 58 515 325 317 195 180 134 100 131 74·4 1 74·7
17 1,602 812 1,608 241 104 59 525 343 340 217 184 133 103 135 72·3 1 77·4
18 1,703 828 1,788 255 119 70 546 365 358 217 190 144 112 136 75·8 1 77·8
19 1,695 858 1,696 253 104 63 536 370 370 224 189 140 115 130 74·1 1 82·1[[li]]
20 1,740 880 1,812 273 121 61 544 344 343 217 193 133 97 133 68·9 1 72·9
21 1,696 890 1,774 267 117 66 543 345 358 222 193 140 115 140 72·0 1 82·1
22 1,700 892 1,733 266 119 60 524 330 350 220 187 134 104 135 71·1 1 77·6
23 1,671 846 1,768 261 110 63 558 360 345 210 202 138 115 133 68·3 1 83·3
24 1,665 857 1,725 260 111 59 538 335 338 205 184 142 117 136 77·2 1 82·4
25 1,698 876 1,745 260 110 61 530 345 345 212 185 140 110 133 75·7 1 78·6
26 1,648 828 1,727 259 120 61 552 343 343 203 200 135 116 142 67·5 143 85·9
27 1,663 850 1,705 260 112 67 525 335 350 193 180 140 108 134 77·7 144 77·1
28 1,675 870 1,721 273 110 58 546 370 356 210 183 138 113 139 75·4 151 81·9
29 1,637 820 1,747 252 114 59 530 332 341 211 177 138 107 134 78·0 157 77·5
30 1,693 805 1,770 259 110 57 523 339 332 204 179 132 90 126 73·2 162 68·2
31 1,690 870 1,695 255 102 63 535 343 359 227 189 140 115 129 74·1 176 82·1
32 1,720 850 1,820 262 112 57 545 340 330 209 200 132 110 129 66·0 162 83·3
33 1,730 875 1,745 263 111 61 555 350 338 211 197 138 117 136 70·1 155 84·8
34 1,748 865 1,825 277 113 68 555 352 355 226 200 138 109 131 69·0 173 79·0
35 1,640 825 1,702 246 111 56 522 335 310 199 186 126 98 130 67·7 153 77·8
36 1,490 770 1,495 227 102 59 521 339 333 195 183 133 92 124 72·7 157 69·2[[lii]]
37 1,619 830 1,682 249 110 58 511 325 337 205 177 131 99 126 74·0 163 75·6
38 1,621 820 1,711 250 112 62 501 310 330 202 178 132 94 126 74·2 160 71·2
39 1,600 830 1,605 232 104 62 532 363 360 206 186 139 103 134 74·5 154 74·1
40 1,628 845 1,654 255 109 56 535 352 340 199 183 138 105 129 75·4 154 76·1
41 1,614 825 1,647 245 107 56 527 352 339 202 187 135 97 129 72·2 157 71·8
42 1,622 835 1,711 250 111 57 538 345 349 201 186 140 101 132 75·3 152 72·1
43 1,693 855 1,730 247 107 65 530 359 352 198 188 135 102 131 71·8 151 75·6
44 1,649 830 1,672 248 103 59 537 347 322 200 190 130 93 121 68·4 165 71·5
45 1,605 819 1,679 256 110 63 531 337 330 205 178 138 107 131 77·5 156 77·6
46 1,650 830 1,749 260 112 57 535 340 349 206 180 137 105 133 76·1 155 76·6[[liii]]
47 1,690 860 1,765 254 105 63 530 352 341 204 185 132 96 127 71·4 161 72·7
48 1,595 805 1,619 250 104 60 520 340 332 193 177 137 104 130 77·4 148 75·9
49 1,609 816 1,585 251 103 59 524 350 340 190 180 136 100 129 75·6 147 73·5
50 1,649 800 1,697 257 108 53 515 333 330 185 176 137 103 131 77·8 141 75·2
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,490 770 1,495 221 96 53 501 310 310 190 177 126 90 121 66·0 139 68·2
No. 36 36 36 7 7 50 38 38 35 49 29, 37, 48 35 30 44 32 14 30
To 1,762 892 1,841 277 121 70 558 370 371 249 202 144 119 142 78·0 176 95·0
No. 12 22 1 34 20 18 23 19, 28 4 4 23 18 6 26 29 31 6
Mean 1,650 833 1,727 255 110 60 531 343 340 206 186 137 103 125 73·0 156 78·0
Average 1,65 836 1,716 254 110 61 535 343 340 210 187 136 98 121 73·0 156 78·2

[[liv]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—PATHÂN

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,656 838 1,752 259 114 61 559 356 353 220 198 143 114 134 72·2 164 79·7
2 1,572 825 1,635 267 112 64 520 330 356 208 179 141 111 128 78·8 163 78·7
3 1,625 846 1,686 251 102 66 518 338 350 216 181 136 108 128 75·1 169 79·4
4 1,612 797 1,681 254 110 56 538 338 343 230 190 141 113 131 74·2 176 80·1
5 1,668 846 1,711 259 112 64 520 325 345 211 188 137 117 132 72·9 160 85·4
6 1,700 863 1,777 272 114 61 561 360 360 240 201 143 123 136 71·1 176 86·0
7 1,675 862 1,647 247 102 65 545 350 360 209 193 142 110 136 73·6 154 77·5
8 1,687 890 1,695 256 104 60 538 352 342 211 187 135 110 131 72·2 161 81·5
9 1,555 840 1,560 240 102 67 525 325 318 198 185 135 114 132 72·9 150 84·4
10 1,618 830 1,662 250 109 63 535 325 322 206 187 138 110 130 73·8 158 79·7[[lv]]
11 1,720 882 1,705 257 110 68 543 333 367 213 193 145 116 139 75·1 158 80·0
12 1,670 848 1,705 259 112 63 550 354 362 209 187 141 99 134 75·4 156 70·2
13 1,729 890 1,812 264 118 60 539 345 353 203 191 141 97 130 73·8 156 68·8
14 1,880 950 1,905 2 127 62 540 338 351 210 187 140 106 135 74·9 156 75·9
15 1,605 848 1,680 2 105 57 534 344 340 190 187 139 99 128 74·3 148 71·2
16 1,640 833 1,670 2 111 65 544 340 353 218 187 140 104 135 74·9 161 74·3
17 1,710 859 1,767 2 120 65 544 346 350 223 195 135 100 134 69·2 166 74·4
18 1,670 860 1,695 2 113 56 543 360 368 220 190 146 108 137 76·8 161 74·0
19 1,755 924 1,760 2 121 66 553 365 357 223 191 140 102 125 73·3 178 72·9
20 1,566 812 1,582 2 102 69 528 340 328 200 182 129 100 127 70·9 157 77·6
21 1,745 905 1,732 2 125 67 534 334 345 202 185 140 110 136 75·7 148 78·6
22 1,590 840 1,627 2 107 56 518 322 346 217 183 134 100 134 73·2 162 74·6
23 1,665 858 1,742 2 118 55 529 327 250 205 176 141 110 128 80·1 160 78·0
24 1,755 903 1,793 2 120 60 529 350 352 220 181 137 98 138 75·7 159 71·5
25 1,735 901 1,839 2 121 61 541 359 360 225 185 137 105 130 74·1 173 76·6
26 1,729 840 1,835 274 113 61 529 348 350 226 177 132 100 125 74·6 181 75·0
27 1,710 885 1,805 270 108 59 552 360 365 235 187 141 103 132 75·4 178 73·0[[lvi]]
28 1,700 880 1,725 251 105 60 532 359 350 217 184 136 105 129 73·9 168 77·2
29 1,775 905 1,867 277 115 67 840 363 360 226 192 140 105 132 72·9 171 75·0
30 1,650 845 1,749 261 110 63 546 363 340 215 188 142 107 137 75·5 157 75·4
31 1,810 865 1,909 270 114 64 556 350 360 226 187 143 100 128 76·5 177 69·9
32 1,770 895 1,865 283 120 59 549 356 359 189 191 140 97 135 73·3 140 69·3
33 1,725 880 1,768 254 110 63 544 353 350 197 184 140 109 133 76·1 148 77·9
34 1,635 840 1,730 250 111 60 550 340 360 209 184 138 102 128 74·5 163 73·9
35 1,590 845 1,610 248 107 60 550 360 352 193 180 139 102 130 77·2 148 72·7
36 1,610 780 1,670 248 110 54 521 336 350 176 177 135 101 127 76·3 139 74·8
37 1,635 820 1,699 247 109 52 530 320 340 195 180 130 95 129 72·2 151 72·3[[lvii]]
38 1,715 870 1,784 251 110 59 537 330 347 196 187 137 103 130 73·3 151 75·2
39 1,721 860 1,841 260 109 63 540 319 330 201 183 140 110 132 76·5 152 78·6
40 1,665 840 1,720 252 111 61 551 345 360 179 190 139 105 132 73·1 136 75·6
41 1,715 885 1,710 256 107 59 525 339 350 196 177 133 96 129 75·1 152 72·2
42 1,640 865 1,710 255 103 61 549 352 350 187 186 147 107 140 79·0 134 72·8
43 1,700 860 1,780 274 120 66 572 352 370 200 193 147 113 139 76·2 144 76·9
44 1,685 865 1,782 255 112 56 535 325 343 207 179 133 110 142 74·3 146 82·7
45 1,665 823 1,750 242 107 59 532 347 340 215 184 139 99 135 75·5 159 71·2
46 1,600 825 1,651 245 105 61 500 310 345 189 178 137 109 133 77·6 142 80·0
47 1,615 820 1,710 252 108 60 522 320 320 190 186 133 100 130 71·5 146 75·2
48 1,720 884 1,790 249 112 59 518 350 350 210 189 133 104 127 70·4 165 78·2
49 1,765 865 1,820 271 115 60 563 350 360 216 191 137 105 130 71·7 166 76·6
50 1,660 820 1,705 257 107 61 562 370 350 208 187 140 107 139 74·9 150 76·4
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,555 780 1,560 238 102 52 500 310 318 176 176 1 95 125 69·2 134 68·8
No. 0 36 9 20, 22 3, 79 37 46 46 9 36 23 20 37 19, 26 17 42 13[[lviii]]
To 1,880 950 1,909 283 127 69 572 370 370 240 201 1 123 139 80·1 181 86·0
No. 14 14 31 32 14 20 43 50 43 6 6 42, 43 6 11, 43, 50 23 26 6
Mean 1,680 859 1,735 255 111 61 539 341 350 208 187 1 105 131 74·4 158 75·2
Average 1,680 858 1,736 254 111 60 539 337 350 208 186 1 106 132 74·4 158 75·2

[[lix]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MURÂO.

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,709 835 1,820 249 112 61 549 356 338 203 191 140 … … 73·3 … …
2 1,633 795 1,742 267 114 64 543 361 333 198 190 140 … … 73·7 … …
3 1,607 795 1,643 241 107 56 536 348 338 190 184 140 … … 76·1 … …
4 1,620 838 1,661 259 107 61 531 350 340 198 191 139 … … 72·8 … …
5 1,678 820 1,722 251 104 58 521 333 333 198 182 139 … … 76·4 … …
6 1,676 813 1,742 259 107 66 538 340 335 190 191 138 … … 72·3 … …
7 1,658 848 1,706 241 110 64 533 356 350 211 190 138 … … 72·6 … …
8 1,658 835 1,815 269 117 58 554 345 330 203 199 141 … … 70·9 … …
9 1,615 790 1,651 236 107 66 526 338 335 200 182 134 … … 73·6 … …[[lx]]
10 1,656 856 1,704 251 112 61 526 338 350 206 182 138 … … 75·8 … …
11 1,645 820 1,717 251 112 64 546 366 356 216 192 139 … … 72·4 … …
12 1,617 792 1,625 257 104 66 559 356 356 208 194 142 … … 73·7 … …
13 1,618 833 1,625 250 106 63 532 337 355 214 189 136 109 131 72·0 163 80·1
14 1,657 820 1,755 259 115 63 535 340 335 204 193 138 105 135 71·5 151 76·8
15 1,612 800 1,727 263 117 67 548 345 350 220 192 139 116 140 72·4 157 83·5
16 1,640 845 1,670 247 110 60 530 340 350 210 183 143 109 138 78·1 152 76·2
17 1,665 837 1,727 247 112 60 530 340 335 203 189 132 100 121 69·8 168 75·8
18 1,587 810 1,665 241 112 60 533 330 350 207 189 140 108 132 74·1 157 77·1
19 1,650 833 1,783 250 117 65 550 352 358 230 198 138 104 129 69·7 178 75·4[[lxi]]
20 1,593 833 1,578 241 103 60 545 336 348 223 180 140 110 130 77·8 172 77·8
21 1,602 820 1,655 233 101 59 535 330 333 205 189 134 103 132 70·9 155 76·9
22 1,986 835 1,770 240 115 65 525 330 337 206 185 132 107 127 71·4 162 73·5
23 1,586 827 1,685 252 112 66 520 329 335 185 181 133 98 133 73·5 139 73·5
24 1,631 850 1,725 245 110 60 545 340 345 213 192 143 110 131 74·5 163 76·9
25 1,658 855 1,820 262 118 58 555 340 335 204 197 139 115 138 70·6 148 82·7
26 1,705 850 1,825 266 118 55 528 335 338 211 192 132 105 130 68·8 162 79·5
27 1,680 845 1,730 245 110 58 520 330 332 200 183 138 112 135 75·4 148 81·2
28 1,682 843 1,786 260 114 62 514 338 322 200 184 128 … 121 69·6 165 …
29 1,570 845 1,745 256 111 62 533 340 350 200 177 140 101 136 79·1 147 72·1
30 1,645 825 1,680 249 103 55 540 333 339 195 180 139 100 127 77·2 154 71·9
31 1,645 847 1,685 254 102 63 532 335 345 198 181 143 113 140 79·0 141 79·0
32 1,625 822 1,700 247 108 54 520 332 330 203 182 138 112 127 75·8 160 81·2
33 1,535 795 1,565 241 104 55 535 330 325 217 186 137 107 131 73·7 166 78·1
34 1,605 815 1,700 243 107 56 515 328 320 207 178 135 110 133 75·8 156 81·5
35 1,576 870 1,625 227 107 60 520 324 339 200 183 137 101 125 74·9 160 73·8
36 1,610 786 1,712 250 105 58 515 349 350 200 178 133 91 121 75·3 165 68·4[[lxii]]
37 1,530 780 1,587 240 104 51 523 345 345 190 179 135 102 127 75·4 150 75·6
38 1,630 830 1,725 254 117 59 536 340 350 199 186 142 94 130 76·3 153 66·2
39 1,632 800 1,750 253 110 62 535 350 360 206 182 135 100 131 74·2 157 74·1
40 1,600 830 1,688 252 110 53 519 360 345 210 … 139 96 127 … 165 69·1
41 1,555 805 1,570 246 105 56 525 330 331 209 175 130 96 120 74·3 174 73·9
42 1,644 835 1,624 244 104 66 554 370 360 220 184 137 100 125 74·5 176 73·0
43 1,670 830 1,692 249 110 56 525 344 350 207 175 130 98 122 74·3 170 75·4
44 1,653 835 1,687 270 115 62 520 331 334 191 185 137 99 132 74·1 145 72·3
45 1,625 820 1,715 250 99 54 530 344 344 206 175 140 105 134 80·1 154 82·1
46 1,672 830 1,660 244 115 60 520 330 330 186 177 135 108 130 77·5 143 80·0[[lxiii]]
47 1,640 840 1,725 265 115 53 540 335 320 … 176 134 100 126 76·1 … 74·6
48 1,732 865 1,800 279 120 53 570 350 350 … 190 135 110 125 71·1 … 81·5
49 1,600 815 1,655 244 115 64 560 370 360 187 193 132 105 130 68·4 144 79·5
50 1,620 820 1,705 254 115 53 540 330 340 … 183 130 110 134 71·0 … 84·6
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,530 780 1,565 227 101 51 514 324 320 185 175 128 91 120 68·4 139 66·2
No. 37 37 33 35 21 37 28 35 34, 47 23 41, 43, 45 28 36 41 49 23 38
To 1,732 870 1,825 279 120 67 570 370 360 230 199 143 116 140 80·1 178 83·5
No. 48 35 26 48 48 15 48 42, 49 39, 42 19 8 16, 24 15 15, 31 45 19 15
Mean 1,632 830 1,704 250 110 60 534 340 340 204 185 138 105 130 74·3 157 76·6
Average 1,633 826 1,701 251 110 60 534 342 341 204 185 137 105 133 75·3 158 76·6

[[lxiv]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GÛJAR.

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,653 841 1,750 241 112 76 538 356 348 213 199 134 110 133 67·3 160 82·1
2 1,638 782 1,696 251 102 66 526 330 345 213 180 141 … … 78·3 … …
3 1,673 820 1,691 244 104 64 543 343 350 206 186 143 … … 77·2 … …
4 1,734 881 1,767 267 110 69 543 358 353 221 191 137 … … 71·7 … …
5 1,656 818 1,722 257 107 69 531 343 325 178 181 130 … … 71·8 … …
6 1,838 922 1,930 284 124 71 584 381 376 188 209 146 … … 69·9 … …
7 1,663 823 1,711 269 114 63 551 320 330 226 190 145 114 140 76·3 161 78·6
8 1,620 818 1,671 254 102 63 513 302 328 215 175 140 115 131 80·0 164 82·1
9 1,755 … 1,869 267 117 … 554 348 353 … 195 147 … … 74·4 … …
10 1,813 890 1,927 274 122 62 564 348 345 239 201 148 111 142 70·0 168 75·0[[lxv]]
11 1,678 818 1,807 264 117 62 541 320 340 228 190 141 115 130 74·1 175 81·6
12 2,638 … 1,635 249 102 … 564 350 356 … 201 149 … … 70·1 … …
13 1,722 871 1,770 254 112 69 564 361 348 216 205 139 … … 67·8 … …
14 1,744 828 1,823 272 114 69 516 338 317 216 181 132 … … 72·9 … …
15 1,658 823 1,734 254 114 71 538 338 317 208 192 130 … … 67·8 … …
16 1,569 805 1,673 249 107 76 556 345 333 211 194 141 … … 72·7 … …
17 1,770 894 1,900 254 112 69 551 350 343 216 194 143 … … 73·7 … …
18 1,676 843 1,719 249 99 64 559 356 345 221 193 140 … … 72·5 … …
19 1,833 862 1,867 285 122 66 586 363 370 215 204 147 119 139 72·1 155 81·0
20 1,674 850 1,757 250 113 72 550 337 378 221 186 147 119 145 79·0 152 81·0
21 1,676 797 1,753 261 112 65 533 348 338 211 191 136 99 127 71·2 166 72·8
22 1,774 850 1,905 276 127 70 545 333 353 213 196 141 109 139 71·9 153 77·3
23 1,610 799 1,688 244 106 71 543 352 345 213 191 143 106 140 74·9 152 74·1
24 1,560 800 1,627 237 103 65 527 330 345 225 184 137 102 135 74·5 167 74·5
25 1,647 820 1,703 256 109 70 546 340 344 222 192 139 111 141 72·4 157 79·9
26 1,612 820 1,677 240 105 63 543 350 350 226 191 139 114 135 72·8 167 82·0
27 1,687 870 1,755 247 108 62 537 345 340 221 187 140 113 137 74·9 161 80·7[[lxvi]]
28 1,661 833 1,725 248 108 62 540 342 348 218 185 144 108 134 77·8 163 75·0
29 1,646 820 1,755 257 113 63 530 330 360 206 183 145 106 135 79·2 153 73·1
30 1,662 875 1,727 2 112 70 541 340 350 218 192 133 110 133 69·3 164 82·7
31 1,715 865 1,765 2 117 60 550 345 345 215 190 140 104 139 73·7 155 74·3
32 1,685 882 1,740 2 111 65 555 355 365 225 194 135 103 135 69·6 167 76·2
33 1,692 827 1,770 2 110 61 535 328 386 206 188 139 115 136 74·0 151 82·7
34 1,625 850 1,677 2 100 69 636 340 345 201 193 144 113 130 74·6 155 78·5
35 1,715 850 1,820 2 104 69 539 330 350 208 186 146 120 134 78·5 155 82·2
36 1,710 875 1,725 2 … 61 567 370 337 200 196 139 115 131 71·0 153 82·7
37 1,755 886 1,810 2 102 56 552 352 362 206 188 134 103 130 71·3 158 76·9[[lxvii]]
38 1,801 925 1,855 2 118 62 542 330 340 186 189 133 105 132 70·0 141 78·9
39 1,770 870 1,856 2 115 57 555 367 365 210 195 145 101 131 74·4 160 69·7
40 1,780 890 1,877 2 110 64 545 360 353 219 195 139 100 131 71·9 167 71·9
41 1,710 880 1,714 2 109 60 547 368 351 214 191 136 103 130 71·3 165 75·7
42 1,703 860 1,752 2 114 58 533 338 330 196 181 135 97 133 74·6 147 71·9
43 1,720 850 1,824 2 122 59 519 323 335 184 175 130 105 131 74·3 140 80·8
44 1,770 900 1,835 2 123 65 549 343 330 190 187 138 107 127 73·8 150 77·5
45 1,745 840 1,805 2 115 61 530 320 328 208 186 130 101 128 69·9 163 77·7
46 1,765 872 1,850 2 120 59 535 350 340 230 194 134 100 130 69·1 177 74·7
47 1,701 865 1,750 2 114 55 560 350 355 211 187 143 108 140 76·4 143 75·5
48 1,700 852 1,800 2 110 61 564 375 355 223 194 140 99 133 72·2 168 70·7
49 1,633 837 1,700 2 105 61 535 330 335 215 183 138 111 130 75·4 165 80·4
50 1,720 832 1,807 2 120 56 550 325 335 203 180 143 108 123 79·4 165 75·5
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,560 782 1,627 2 99 55 513 202 317 178 175 130 97 123 67·3 140 69·7
No. 24 2 24 24 18 47 8 8 14, 15 5 843 5, 15, 43, 45 42 50 1 43 39[[lxviii]]
To 1,838 925 1,930 2 124 76 586 381 378 239 209 149 120 145 80·0 177 82·7
No. 6 38 6 19 6 1, 16 19 6 20 10 6 12 35 20 8 46 30, 33, 36
Mean 1,700 833 1,767 2 112 64 544 354 345 213 191 140 108 133 73·5 160 78·5
Average 1,698 832 1,767 2 113 65 545 358 345 210 189 140 108 134 73·5 159 77·6

[[lxix]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—CHAUHÂN RÂJPUT.

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,617 … 1,689 257 107 64 526 305 330 … 180 140 … … 77·8 … …
2 1,663 833 1,671 262 102 59 546 315 350 230 190 157 114 139 82·7 165 72·6
3 1,694 … 1,747 269 112 64 556 325 343 … 195 145 … … 73·3 … …
4 1,605 … 1,666 246 107 64 513 312 330 … 180 138 … … 76·7 … …
5 1,671 … 1,760 267 112 64 546 338 323 … 194 142 … … 73·2 … …
6 1,597 … 1,658 246 107 69 531 315 338 … 183 146 … … 79·2 … …
7 1,684 … 1,800 262 117 69 556 335 345 … 200 135 … … 67·5 … …
8 1,717 856 1,787 269 119 71 549 340 343 221 202 135 … … 66·8 … …
9 1,816 890 1,885 270 119 61 530 348 380 217 182 111 105 132 77·5 164 74·5[[lxx]]
10 1,680 885 1,737 247 110 60 551 330 379 218 193 143 114 134 74·1 163 79·7
11 1,725 868 1,715 255 110 59 537 330 340 210 190 131 117 136 68·9 154 89·3
12 1,658 842 1,765 264 119 63 530 315 338 208 177 143 117 131 86·4 159 81·9
13 1,600 832 1,632 240 105 64 547 358 354 224 195 137 111 133 70·3 169 81·0
14 1,700 875 1,825 252 111 60 545 335 355 209 189 142 116 137 75·1 145 81·7
15 1,590 835 1,600 236 98 61 500 310 334 205 178 129 100 130 73·0 158 77·5
16 1,570 845 1,602 240 110 62 525 345 345 206 191 131 102 127 68·6 161 78·3
17 1,610 840 1,657 247 111 61 552 358 352 217 194 139 106 129 71·6 168 76·3
18 1,638 845 1,690 248 103 64 536 340 345 220 193 137 112 135 71·0 163 81·8
19 1,605 815 1,630 239 103 58 542 332 350 217 186 132 102 132 70·9 164 77·3[[lxxi]]
20 1,620 848 1,720 240 108 67 533 345 355 215 189 139 112 130 73·5 145 80·6
21 1,585 832 … … … 73 523 332 345 199 182 134 99 127 73·6 157 73·9
22 1,668 830 1,757 250 115 65 525 330 320 200 188 134 109 137 71·3 146 81·3
23 1,700 859 1,775 269 110 67 548 345 353 220 194 137 114 134 70·7 164 83·2
24 1,601 810 1,650 228 106 54 510 334 328 199 171 123 96 119 72·0 167 78·1
25 1,657 852 1,745 259 110 60 520 333 330 199 170 130 105 126 76·4 158 80·8
26 1,705 870 1,820 259 120 68 549 370 331 218 187 139 108 133 74·3 164 74·3
27 1,670 830 1,756 240 115 52 550 350 359 212 183 140 96 125 76·5 170 68·6
28 1,695 835 1,749 257 112 64 535 344 351 197 180 132 103 126 73·3 156 78·0
29 1,640 818 1,722 258 110 64 510 320 340 216 174 136 99 132 78·1 164 72·8
30 1,650 845 1,749 247 114 55 534 330 350 206 179 140 103 123 78·2 167 73·6
31 1,712 855 1,816 256 111 63 575 357 362 219 202 148 108 140 73·3 156 73·0
32 1,618 820 1,692 248 110 62 540 343 365 226 188 140 108 129 74·5 175 77·1
33 1,716 855 1,845 264 122 63 553 340 358 224 194 148 117 146 76·8 153 79·1
34 1,750 845 1,785 258 114 68 520 335 357 230 181 143 109 134 79·0 172 76·2
35 1,605 793 1,695 242 100 65 552 345 337 221 199 139 110 136 69·8 163 79·1
36 1,610 820 1,690 244 112 60 548 348 355 230 190 147 111 134 77·4 172 75·5[[lxxii]]
37 1,638 833 1,748 240 110 69 562 352 355 218 200 145 112 141 72·5 155 77·2
38 1,612 812 1,688 238 108 64 545 325 338 225 178 138 106 130 77·5 173 76·8
39 1,627 825 1,650 235 104 63 528 335 355 217 183 143 109 133 78·1 163 76·6
40 1,605 790 1,630 236 106 59 530 330 335 218 184 140 106 131 76·1 166 75·5
41 1,630 870 1,700 260 113 71 525 340 345 212 183 130 94 132 71·0 161 72·3
42 1,703 880 1,760 270 117 63 561 360 346 230 196 139 104 135 70·9 170 74·8
43 1,720 810 1,821 275 112 64 525 335 338 … … … … … … … …
44 1,586 810 1,740 245 113 62 534 334 325 213 185 130 100 120 75·7 178 76·9
45 1,735 867 1,838 266 116 59 528 305 325 223 178 130 115 124 72·5 180 88·5
46 1,603 820 1,710 253 111 64 543 331 338 214 190 135 100 131 71·1 163 74·1[[lxxiii]]
47 1,532 765 1,615 234 111 59 512 324 341 … … … … … … … …
48 1,603 810 1,665 240 107 63 550 360 350 224 187 140 109 130 74·9 172 77·9
49 1,620 820 1,690 251 108 60 509 325 335 220 176 130 106 127 73·9 174 81·5
50 1,680 845 1,770 250 109 60 518 325 335 223 175 138 97 127 78·9 176 70·2
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,532 765 1,600 234 100 52 500 305 320 197 170 123 94 119 66·8 145 68·6
No. 47 47 15 47 35 27 15 145 22 28 25 24 41 24 8 14, 20 27
To 1,816 890 1,885 275 122 73 575 370 380 230 202 157 117 146 86·4 180 88·5
No. 9 9 9 43 33 21 31 26 9 2, 34, 36, 42 8, 31 2 11, 12 33 12 45 45
Mean 1,650 818 1,740 252 111 63 535 335 345 211 187 139 107 132 73·4 164 77·4
Average 1,651 818 1,743 256 113 63 536 336 345 211 188 139 108 131 74·4 162 77·4

[[lxxiv]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (QURAISHI).

Number.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Cephalic Index.General Index.Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,633 805 1,671 244 104 76 541 338 343 211 190 138 … … 72·6 … …
2 1,668 851 1,694 262 107 66 566 366 381 236 206 140 … … 68·0 … …
3 1,661 … 1,739 262 107 58 543 333 333 … 190 144 … … 75·8 … …
4 1,617 … 1,623 264 107 69 543 343 345 … 194 135 … … 69·6 … …
5 1,656 … 1,671 254 110 56 536 340 340 … 188 138 … … 72·9 … …
6 1,700 … 1,818 272 119 61 569 338 353 … 198 150 … … 75·8 … …
7 1,706 913 1,735 250 107 60 545 353 360 202 192 137 101 129 71·4 157 73·8
8 1,721 870 1,794 273 110 64 519 345 350 212 179 135 105 133 75·4 159 77·8
9 1,665 871 1,710 263 111 62 550 346 349 211 190 140 108 132 73·7 160 77·1[[lxxv]]
10 1,630 840 1,715 256 107 59 549 352 344 227 192 142 107 136 74·0 167 75·4
11 1,624 800 1,700 248 106 61 530 345 342 202 188 138 105 133 73·4 151 76·1
12 1,617 845 1,675 250 113 67 553 350 357 230 189 144 109 137 75·7 168 75·7
13 1,744 877 1,867 259 110 66 580 370 377 228 203 154 113 140 75·9 163 73·4
14 1,765 895 1,781 263 118 61 544 340 355 217 186 144 116 137 77·4 158 80·6
15 1,752 895 1,808 257 112 64 528 345 353 213 180 142 108 133 78·9 168 76·1
16 1,725 860 1,840 273 128 65 542 337 353 213 193 138 105 135 71·5 158 76·1
17 1,687 872 1,730 250 109 66 552 345 360 215 189 147 113 134 77·8 160 76·9
18 1,639 840 1,636 237 104 65 525 342 349 200 185 138 107 137 74·6 146 77·5
19 1,755 867 1,860 278 123 66 537 345 347 225 188 142 110 133 75·6 169 77·5
20 1,800 915 1,852 272 125 64 530 340 342 214 180 134 103 127 74·4 169 76·9
21 1,604 855 1,621 249 114 53 533 345 353 204 185 139 97 130 75·1 157 69·8
22 1,705 905 1,746 254 120 60 538 344 342 209 192 138 103 131 71·9 159 74·6
23 1,690 840 1,734 260 113 52 553 360 350 207 194 144 99 130 74·2 159 68·7
24 1,627 867 1,653 247 107 63 538 345 352 210 186 134 97 130 72·0 162 72·4
25 1,755 870 1,840 274 125 66 505 335 335 199 175 135 90 131 77·1 151 66·7
26 1,582 814 1,605 237 103 51 549 317 334 188 171 130 90 115 76·0 163 69·2[[lxxvi]]
27 1,625 870 1,657 253 103 69 562 373 358 218 194 143 107 131 74·2 166 74·8
28 1,680 820 1,758 260 104 67 530 344 355 215 195 141 106 134 72·1 160 74·5
29 1,705 875 1,769 258 109 70 568 350 360 210 189 146 98 136 77·2 154 67·1
30 1,715 895 1,716 264 105 55 540 365 350 199 185 136 100 125 73·5 159 76·5
31 1,730 896 1,769 263 104 63 536 369 375 219 189 138 105 127 73·1 172 76·1
32 1,785 905 1,811 266 114 69 510 335 360 210 179 135 97 130 74·2 155 71·1
33 1,730 845 1,740 270 110 63 527 370 359 216 179 135 100 128 75·4 169 74·1
34 1,660 840 1,729 240 103 56 539 340 350 205 182 140 105 129 76·9 159 75·0
35 1,620 823 1,690 257 110 54 520 332 330 195 176 129 103 130 73·7 150 79·8[[lxxvii]]
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH (SADÎQI).
36 1,767 881 1,823 267 117 69 561 353 350 218 200 140 … … 70·0 … …
37 1,704 830 1,790 282 117 66 533 335 348 213 182 146 … … 80·2 … …
38 1,678 841 1,729 257 110 56 526 335 323 229 185 132 … … 71·3 … …
39 1,686 … 1,750 244 112 66 554 338 340 … 197 140 … … 71·3 … …
40 1,656 823 1,744 264 110 66 531 333 345 200 188 142 … … 75·5 … …
41 1,638 853 1,681 257 112 71 541 348 350 208 190 139 … … 73·2 … …
42 1,668 815 1,797 262 112 64 526 335 333 216 184 139 … … 75·5 … …
43 1,683 863 1,740 264 114 67 550 345 350 213 192 141 107 135 73·4 158 75·9
44 1,630 836 1,728 257 111 65 517 323 340 206 181 134 106 128 74·0 161 79·1
45 1,670 870 1,727 243 113 67 529 330 345 219 182 140 102 135 76·9 154 72·9
46 1,805 890 1,900 267 120 61 566 369 358 220 196 146 109 145 74·5 152 74·7
47 1,754 866 1,715 257 107 72 547 345 357 198 197 139 100 128 70·6 155 71·9
48 1,790 906 1,890 262 110 65 555 363 360 200 192 136 96 128 70·8 156 70·6
49 1,600 830 1,700 251 114 54 527 329 342 200 182 131 95 127 72·0 157 72·5
50 1,725 920 1,734 264 112 63 519 336 339 197 174 138 104 135 79·3 146 75·4
51 1,627 865 1,656 260 110 73 522 336 349 199 185 131 103 132 70·8 151 78·6[[lxxviii]]
52 1,725 890 1,770 259 120 63 530 337 340 205 190 137 106 132 72·1 155 77·4
53 1,635 834 1,719 237 105 58 534 326 332 194 194 132 95 127 62·8 153 71·2
54 1,625 845 1,644 246 109 57 540 327 323 204 187 133 103 132 71·1 155 77·4
55 1,764 920 1,830 278 123 62 546 358 372 205 186 143 108 137 76·9 150 75·5
56 1,662 865 1,744 260 114 61 543 345 351 200 187 133 103 138 71·1 145 77·4
57 1,615 825 1,661 251 110 57 533 323 321 205 186 132 104 131 70·9 156 78·8
58 1,655 826 1,748 243 112 54 522 320 347 201 178 140 110 141 78·7 143 78·6
59 1,575 813 1,606 232 109 59 525 350 345 195 186 135 100 130 72·6 150 74·1
60 1,679 875 1,753 260 110 52 521 330 345 191 177 140 103 133 79·1 144 73·6
61 1,650 822 1,695 250 113 59 543 330 345 203 182 144 101 130 79·1 156 70·1[[lxxix]]
62 1,648 807 1,730 234 110 61 530 335 334 193 184 139 103 129 75·5 150 74·1
63 1,670 832 1,764 254 107 57 540 358 353 194 190 140 104 128 73·7 152 74·3
64 1,674 855 1,790 259 113 60 520 340 345 200 175 139 103 131 78·9 153 74·1
65 1,614 820 1,615 240 101 61 519 345 350 212 177 135 105 127 76·3 167 77·8
66 1,708 865 1,726 262 103 55 510 340 352 217 177 142 106 132 80·0 164 74·6
67 1,720 866 1,770 255 105 59 540 357 360 197 186 135 99 126 72·6 156 73·3
68 1,665 945 1,799 259 112 59 538 340 350 227 179 140 100 132 78·2 172 71·4
69 1,655 820 1,718 245 107 60 530 350 330 221 182 136 95 127 69·8 174 69·1
70 1,625 940 1,700 261 103 52 518 319 340 185 176 142 102 128 80·5 133 71·1
NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SHAIKH.
71 1,775 886 1,848 274 119 61 551 350 358 218 195 137 … … 70·3 … …
72 1,584 863 1,582 249 107 64 559 366 361 221 192 141 … … 73·4 … …
73 1,663 830 1,651 241 99 58 526 343 330 216 183 145 … … 79·2 … …
74 1,544 764 1,663 259 107 61 516 325 323 193 181 136 … … 75·1 … …
75 1,767 886 1,747 269 117 69 546 345 361 226 190 140 … … 73·7 … …
76 1,663 825 1,704 254 110 64 566 361 361 221 200 143 … … 71·5 … …[[lxxx]]
77 1,734 871 1,752 269 117 61 564 361 361 211 194 150 … … 77·3 … …
78 1,541 818 1,592 231 99 53 518 333 338 211 182 138 … … 75·8 … …
79 1,648 848 1,709 254 112 61 546 323 330 213 192 140 … … 72·9 … …
80 1,645 838 1,681 262 107 53 538 330 348 213 191 138 … … 73·3 … …
81 1,633 846 1,757 259 110 61 546 330 350 200 185 148 … … 80·0 … …
82 1,651 823 1,724 257 104 64 538 333 340 216 189 137 … … 72·5 … …
83 1,602 833 1,722 257 107 66 526 345 330 231 185 141 … … 76·2 … …
84 1,696 858 1,750 269 117 64 521 343 348 203 189 134 … … 70·9 … …
85 1,564 795 1,607 241 104 61 516 330 323 213 180 133 … … 73·9 … …
86 1,694 863 1,739 259 107 58 538 358 338 206 193 133 … … 68·9 … …[[lxxxi]]
87 1,690 846 1,759 260 111 61 528 326 359 202 177 140 103 131 79·1 154 73·6
88 1,715 864 1,780 261 120 66 529 339 332 195 180 137 102 132 76·1 148 74·5
89 1,770 875 1,820 262 122 60 519 349 352 192 181 135 94 128 74·6 150 69·6
90 1,603 815 1,680 260 115 58 518 325 333 200 178 131 100 126 73·6 159 76·3
91 1,635 855 1,710 245 116 63 539 367 345 205 186 137 97 126 73·7 163 70·9
92 1,631 865 1,620 236 107 68 519 315 319 180 176 130 100 130 73·9 138 76·9
93 1,830 835 1,895 267 122 57 546 338 359 215 186 139 96 131 74·8 164 69·1
94 1,693 840 1,750 249 112 61 544 350 365 … … … … … … … …
95 1,580 810 1,640 256 110 60 516 330 340 194 178 136 94 130 76·0 149 69·1
96 1,690 855 1,790 264 115 64 538 340 350 193 179 144 109 134 80·8 144 75·7
97 1,709 845 1,835 270 117 56 526 344 352 216 180 135 98 129 75·0 167 72·6
98 1,605 810 1,670 243 110 52 540 350 340 218 179 135 105 124 75·4 144 77·8
99 1,670 870 1,725 261 110 60 540 350 340 314 188 134 110 127 71·3 169 82·1
100 1,620 810 1,750 238 105 57 520 320 330 197 176 128 100 124 75·3 159 78·1
101 1,620 810 1,665 250 110 62 550 340 350 210 182 138 107 127 75·8 165 77·5
102 1,670 805 1,725 253 110 63 530 340 340 206 179 133 105 124 74·3 141 78·9
103 1,660 800 1,775 253 110 57 540 340 340 … … … … … … … …[[lxxxii]]
104 1,695 850 1,750 261 120 61 520 330 334 200 181 132 96 127 72·9 157 72·7
105 1,680 830 1,765 260 120 54 520 340 340 195 176 133 104 128 75·2 152 78·2
Variation. SUMMARY.
From 1,541 764 1,582 231 99 51 505 315 319 180 176 128 90 115 62·8 133 66·7
No. 78 74 72 78 73, 78 26 25 9292 92 35, 70, 92, 100, 105 100 25, 26 26 53 70 25
To 1,830 945 1,900 282 128 76 580 373 381 236 206 154 116 145 80·8 174 82·1
No. 93 68 46 37 16 1 13 272 2 2 13 14 46 96 69 99
Mean 1,670 860 1,730 258 110 62 538 341 348 208 184 138 103 130 74·9 156 74·7
Average 1,672 860 1,729 256 111 61 536 342 351 206 182 137 107 130 72·9 156 74·7[[lxxxiii]]
FOR QURAISHI.
Do. 1,6848621,7362581116254134535021118714010113175·116074·5
FOR SADÎQI.
Do. 1,6708781,7252551116153434234520517613810313274·415474·5
FOR OTHERS.
Do. 1,6628411,7272561126153434034320418413210212969·3 154 75·1

[[lxxxiv]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHÂNTU.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,722 856 1,887 269 122 61 546 356 363 211 185 143 116 128 73·0 165 81·1
2 1,635 858 1,878 254 110 61 538 333 348 198 184 140 114 131 70·7 151 81·4
3 1,648 820 1,701 269 114 61 531 315 333 211 186 146 123 134 78·5 157 84·2
4 1,661 846 1,734 254 112 64 528 330 345 196 184 146 124 140 79·3 140 84·9
5 1,706 834 1,775 257 110 64 521 323 330 206 185 140 115 140 75·7 147 82·1
6 1,623 808 1,678 239 110 56 528 305 328 208 182 142 121 134 78·0 155 85·2
7 1,666 820 1,729 251 112 58 533 333 335 224 187 136 113 132 72·7 169 83·1
8 1,592 843 1,623 241 104 64 495 317 330 216 173 129 112 132 74·6 163 86·8
9 1,498 797 1,587 224 102 64 531 305 330 208 185 140 122 134 75·7 155 87·1
10 1,656 858 1,729 262 114 64 546 333 338 216 194 141 120 135 72·7 160 85·1[[lxxxv]]
11 1,727 871 1,807 266 119 66 528 333 335 216 184 135 111 131 37·4 165 82·2
12 1,536 808 1,582 239 107 56 531 330 335 196 186 141 108 127 75·8 154 76·6
13 1,579 838 1,676 249 114 64 528 320 353 188 182 143 121 136 78·6 138 84·6
14 1,628 820 1,678 241 102 66 520 312 335 190 182 136 115 132 74·7 144 84·6
15 1,714 868 1,825 262 114 64 538 343 345 208 195 139 125 143 71·3 145 89·6
16 1,569 780 1,676 251 102 69 521 330 312 193 184 137 … … 74·5 … …
17 1,706 886 1,722 264 114 61 518 330 323 226 186 132 … … 71·0 … …
18 1,557 825 1,551 246 102 61 516 312 330 … 172 141 … … 82·0 … …
19 1,725 875 1,810 267 116 62 523 320 323 220 180 136 102 132 75·6 167 75·0
20 1,715 835 1,885 264 116 59 539 349 350 215 181 138 100 129 76·2 167 72·5
21 1,617 840 1,675 240 113 54 531 327 321 200 186 139 97 130 74·7 154 69·8
22 1,655 858 1,757 250 112 59 525 331 339 204 180 137 102 126 76·1 162 75·2
23 1,705 868 1,783 252 111 62 518 326 338 199 176 128 105 135 72·7 147 78·2
24 1,652 854 1,726 267 98 58 544 335 333 207 194 139 105 128 71·6 162 75·5
25 1,615 825 1,652 251 110 62 508 310 330 199 185 129 100 128 69·7 155 77·5
26 1,654 850 1,737 254 99 62 519 325 340 203 179 139 105 130 77·7 156 75·5
27 1,569 838 1,604 251 106 57 532 330 342 205 182 141 112 127 77·4 161 79·4[[lxxxvi]]
28 1,555 808 1,619 250 111 61 528 349 359 205 182 135 104 131 74·2 156 77·7
29 1,632 862 1,665 245 115 62 526 336 339 201 180 136 103 125 75·6 161 75·7
30 1,682 856 1,768 234 109 60 529 328 329 195 183 135 108 128 73·8 152 80·0
Average 1,640 841 1,711 252 110 65 527 327 336 199 184 138 97 128 75·3 140 72·5

[[lxxxvii]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (GAUR.)

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,584 797 1,691 246 110 69 533 345 345 213 181 141 … … 77·9 … …
2 1,648 841 1,704 267 114 69 546 348 343 244 198 143 … … 72·2 … …
3 1,584 818 1,582 246 99 66 541 343 340 231 192 139 … … 72·4 … …
4 1,722 874 1,750 257 114 58 564 368 368 224 198 142 … … 71·7 … …
5 1,582 838 1,696 244 104 66 561 358 350 211 198 141 … … 71·2 … …
6 1,653 846 1,661 264 107 61 538 350 340 213 187 138 … … 73·8 … …
7 1,617 810 1,633 262 107 66 538 338 353 229 194 141 … … 72·7 … …
8 1,663 … 1,711 257 112 … 579 353 356 … 193 152 … … 78·8 … …
9 1,607 … 1,584 257 110 … 541 328 345 … 191 141 … … 73·8 … …[[lxxxviii]]
10 1,742 … 1,823 274 110 … 559 335 353 … 195 151 … … 77·4 … …
11 1,747 … 1,772 279 119 … 546 325 343 … 192 146 … … 76·0 … …
12 1,549 … 1,656 244 99 … 526 312 325 … 183 140 … … 76·5 … …
13 1,689 … 1,739 269 110 … 554 340 325 … 194 141 … … 72·7 … …
14 1,643 … 1,648 246 104 64 541 358 350 … 190 145 … … 76·3 … …
15 1,651 … 1,691 246 110 64 546 353 343 … 186 142 … … 76·4 … …
16 1,658 … 1,643 236 107 64 536 356 348 … 187 142 … … 75·9 … …
17 1,615 … 1,709 267 114 66 541 353 340 … 189 140 … … 74·1 … …
18 1,668 … 1,744 269 119 69 541 350 343 … 195 141 … … 72·3 … …
19 1,694 … 1,818 274 114 71 564 381 356 … 200 147 … … 73·5 … …[[lxxxix]]
20 1,668 892 1,745 258 111 63 543 347 347 215 190 143 120 137 75·3 157 83·9
21 1,655 867 1,752 254 117 58 548 330 352 209 188 141 102 133 75·0 157 72·3
22 1,580 777 1,657 242 113 66 519 324 326 195 181 126 96 122 69·6 160 76·1
23 1,540 808 1,735 232 109 59 534 335 332 194 181 135 105 125 74·6 155 77·7
24 1,615 818 1,660 230 114 60 536 341 339 205 187 133 103 126 71·1 163 77·4
25 1,555 782 1,680 230 104 66 527 330 342 198 176 131 108 125 74·8 158 82·4
26 1,705 891 1,730 249 112 68 526 338 342 210 189 131 95 131 69·3 160 72·5
27 1,615 835 1,702 256 111 69 544 350 343 203 187 134 100 135 71·7 150 74·6
28 1,635 846 1,635 234 103 58 534 344 345 209 180 135 102 125 75·0 167 75·6
29 1,647 860 1,687 239 107 60 546 340 350 211 183 145 101 135 79·2 156 69·6
30 1,720 870 1,739 263 117 59 510 325 334 198 183 124 96 124 67·8 160 77·4
31 1,715 860 1,825 251 117 56 522 312 332 197 178 132 96 127 74·8 155 74·2
32 1,692 845 1,798 257 115 62 535 331 345 216 190 130 110 126 68·4 171 84·6
33 1,691 849 1,823 269 116 60 551 334 333 228 195 133 103 132 68·2 173 77·4
34 1,519 780 1,714 235 108 62 537 331 340 208 185 135 98 125 72·9 166 72·6
35 1,651 840 1,740 264 117 71 537 342 330 218 190 130 104 128 68·4 172 80·0
36 1,625 825 1,683 255 112 54 539 340 333 230 188 130 100 130 69·1 177 76·9[[xc]]
87 1,710 865 1,753 256 108 58 564 368 345 229 195 140 104 135 71·8 170 74·3
88 1,625 833 1,702 250 110 60 522 322 330 203 179 129 99 128 72·1 159 76·7
89 1,645 853 1,724 251 110 62 533 345 362 226 189 140 98 130 74·1 174 70·0
Average 1,660 837 1,735 2 113 63 528 336 335 213 191 138 102 128 73·3 163 75·8

[[xci]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—DHÎMAR.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,630 828 1,695 246 102 59 548 360 350 201 195 138 108 136 70·8 148 78·3
2 1,696 855 1,815 266 113 68 542 335 347 203 195 138 116 143 70·8 142 84·1
3 1,588 845 1,585 251 105 59 260 365 355 209 198 139 106 131 70·2 160 76·3
4 1,602 835 1,700 255 112 62 535 335 338 205 191 133 103 132 69·6 155 77·4
5 1,667 825 1,685 245 104 58 528 330 330 207 186 134 90 127 72·0 163 67·2
6 1,705 852 1,845 276 112 59 545 350 358 215 192 138 108 136 71·9 158 78·3
7 1,618 833 1,705 253 110 67 545 350 355 205 190 140 105 137 73·7 150 75·0
8 1,640 842 1,700 260 103 67 543 353 350 220 196 142 108 134 72·4 164 76·1
9 1,695 865 1,775 266 111 60 530 355 345 220 192 143 107 133 74·5 165 74·1[[xcii]]
10 1,545 813 1,565 235 110 62 538 345 340 203 188 133 110 128 70·7 159 82·7
11 1,625 830 1,675 245 110 63 560 352 359 210 195 141 116 133 72·3 158 82·8
12 1,560 800 1,645 238 104 63 538 335 338 212 195 133 106 131 68·2 162 79·7
13 1,610 835 1,600 230 99 69 533 325 340 201 189 143 120 139 76·2 145 83·9
14 1,635 875 1,675 246 108 65 550 352 355 220 194 138 107 133 71·1 165 77·8
15 1,656 855 1,700 260 112 60 527 343 345 220 184 138 110 133 75·0 165 79·6
16 1,682 861 1,805 265 98 60 574 375 375 240 208 142 115 142 68·3 169 81·0
17 1,678 856 1,765 258 120 62 545 358 350 203 190 139 110 133 73·2 153 79·1
18 1,625 830 1,650 249 105 60 532 350 345 208 187 135 103 131 72·2 159 76·3
19 1,637 835 1,715 246 101 59 535 345 354 204 192 134 109 135 69·8 151 81·3[[xciii]]
20 1,635 810 1,700 254 119 62 533 344 347 215 185 135 101 125 73·0 171 74·8
21 1,620 815 1,750 250 111 60 517 322 339 200 181 135 97 127 74·6 157 71·9
22 1,720 884 1,750 270 116 60 530 334 345 199 185 133 97 127 71·9 157 72·9
23 1,621 810 1,689 251 115 60 540 334 340 198 187 136 105 129 72·7 153 77·2
24 1,620 800 1,702 250 112 57 539 334 350 192 182 131 96 125 72·0 154 73·3
25 1,680 847 1,785 267 110 56 539 344 340 196 187 140 98 125 74·9 157 70·0
26 1,623 802 1,705 243 106 62 540 320 330 194 186 135 106 130 72·6 149 78·5
27 1,658 810 1,770 263 111 60 535 330 330 208 190 138 103 128 72·6 163 74·6
28 1,675 822 1,730 254 111 56 503 310 315 196 179 136 100 125 75·4 157 73·5
29 1,720 874 1,723 249 101 58 530 327 335 220 188 136 105 130 72·3 170 77·3
30 1,671 890 1,755 262 111 61 534 315 324 198 178 139 110 135 78·1 147 79·1
31 1,665 850 1,760 254 111 61 543 343 345 205 192 145 109 128 75·5 190 75·1
32 1,692 832 1,730 251 105 61 520 338 340 210 178 136 105 132 76·4 151 77·2
33 1,580 822 1,638 234 103 65 530 310 310 199 187 130 97 125 96·5 159 74·6
34 1,610 820 1,723 253 103 60 528 330 335 207 184 140 95 126 76·1 164 67·9
35 1,725 915 1,815 279 110 69 534 335 335 215 186 135 105 130 72·6 165 77·8
36 1,660 852 1,723 249 105 66 538 330 324 212 185 135 100 129 73·0 164 74·1[[xciv]]
37 1,655 820 1,750 252 100 64 510 304 310 198 177 135 105 130 76·3 152 77·8
38 1,670 855 1,750 270 110 64 525 320 330 221 194 133 97 130 68·6 170 72·9
39 1,665 855 1,700 251 110 59 505 318 330 205 177 138 97 125 78·0 164 70·3
40 1,655 825 1,700 245 105 62 526 315 325 202 183 133 100 130 72·7 155 75·2
41 1,685 850 1,735 255 111 63 543 329 332 212 180 135 113 135 75·0 157 83·7
42 1,565 785 1,673 246 109 66 528 340 325 203 185 130 100 128 70·3 159 76·6
43 1,630 810 1,756 255 110 56 530 330 328 221 195 130 100 129 66·7 171 76·6
44 1,560 755 1,610 234 110 56 530 330 326 203 188 132 105 126 70·2 161 79·7
Average 1,644 838 1,655 253 108 61 535 336 332 203 187 136 106 131 73·5 158 76·6

[[xcv]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—GADARIYA.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,606 820 1,612 242 101 56 540 345 343 207 187 139 109 137 74·3 151 78·4
2 1,526 780 1,562 239 105 67 533 355 343 198 188 133 99 125 70·7 158 74·4
3 1,595 805 1,630 235 102 62 557 340 353 190 193 143 117 138 74·1 138 81·8
4 1,648 872 1,670 242 100 67 545 360 365 201 188 142 105 127 75·5 158 73·9
5 1,632 845 1,685 238 108 59 528 338 335 205 181 137 110 131 75·5 156 80·3
6 1,705 855 1,720 253 112 65 537 335 345 200 187 140 110 140 74·8 143 78·6
7 1,647 855 1,700 256 106 61 550 348 345 207 191 149 117 142 78·0 146 78·5
8 1,694 863 1,800 260 116 59 546 370 365 212 189 140 102 138 74·1 154 72·9
9 1,626 790 1,676 254 118 56 494 323 325 193 176 130 101 131 73·8 147 77·7[[xcvi]]
10 1,615 865 1,703 262 121 53 533 350 350 200 185 134 100 131 72·4 153 74·6
11 1,610 790 1,700 250 109 61 513 320 339 188 173 138 100 130 79·8 145 72·5
12 1,622 802 1,730 246 114 56 500 310 328 192 171 130 97 129 76·0 149 74·6
13 1,594 785 1,715 258 121 54 523 331 345 185 180 135 102 124 75·0 141 75·6
14 1,580 767 1,690 243 105 60 495 309 326 200 176 130 96 123 73·8 163 73·8
15 1,709 829 1,771 260 107 63 532 353 349 209 190 139 99 124 73·2 169 71·2
16 1,770 854 1,875 274 120 62 540 340 334 228 185 138 110 125 74·6 182 79·2
17 1,615 802 1,690 257 110 63 540 333 336 223 188 138 110 130 73·4 172 79·7
18 1,685 850 1,720 254 110 56 540 330 342 220 190 135 112 132 71·1 166 83·0
19 1,610 820 1,755 240 110 64 530 330 354 204 185 132 110 125 71·4 163 83·3[[xcvii]]
20 1,670 860 1,765 240 102 61 540 341 342 232 185 134 105 125 72·4 186 78·3
21 1,685 870 1,745 274 120 65 529 328 330 220 180 125 100 129 69·4 171 80·0
22 1,605 810 1,697 263 112 62 544 344 350 189 182 135 100 127 74·2 149 74·1
23 1,535 815 1,680 250 110 58 526 336 343 190 179 133 97 125 74·3 152 72·9
Average 1,632 826 1,713 252 110 61 535 338 343 204 182 136 105 130 74·0 157 81·3

[[xcviii]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—HÂBÛRA.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,727 853 1,795 239 114 64 508 330 368 224 178 140 117 137 78·7 164 83·6
2 1,666 876 1,734 236 114 71 556 343 340 216 198 145 117 140 73·2 152 80·7
3 1,656 843 1,727 241 114 64 541 330 356 216 191 142 111 132 74·3 164 78·2
4 1,744 914 1,803 272 122 64 551 361 361 226 191 143 116 139 74·9 163 81·1
5 1,742 861 1,742 267 110 66 521 317 363 229 188 139 121 134 74·0 171 87·1
6 1,602 823 1,656 251 110 66 528 338 363 218 186 143 105 131 76·9 166 73·4
7 1,671 879 1,704 259 110 61 546 356 363 229 196 142 105 132 73·0 173 73·9
8 1,747 901 1,807 272 119 64 546 361 381 226 188 150 116 140 79·8 161 77·3
9 1,498 905 1,579 234 107 69 503 315 328 206 182 129 108 131 70·9 157 83·7
10 1,567 795 1,572 236 107 61 505 328 335 200 180 128 108 122 71·1 164 84·4[[xcix]]
11 2,742 894 1,752 262 119 71 541 340 361 216 190 141 114 144 74·2 150 80·9
12 1,590 838 1,635 246 104 61 528 330 345 216 183 147 101 130 80·3 166 68·7
13 1,607 851 1,617 236 99 58 546 343 361 218 189 149 118 135 78·7 161 79·2
14 1,714 881 1,658 244 110 58 526 335 361 224 182 141 109 125 77·4 179 77·3
15 1,711 851 1,739 254 107 58 531 335 343 221 187 142 109 133 75·9 166 76·8
16 1,699 863 1,772 251 117 66 546 340 373 231 192 144 117 132 75·0 175 81·2
17 1,681 838 1,684 244 102 51 541 340 350 208 189 147 … … 77·7 … …
18 1,595 843 1,590 254 107 64 528 356 343 213 194 137 111 125 70·6 170 81·0
19 1,663 871 1,625 241 107 58 534 338 343 218 185 146 115 133 78·8 164 79·5
20 1,625 830 1,696 259 114 66 516 330 333 196 182 140 113 130 76·9 151 80·7
21 1,685 870 1,800 279 115 60 555 341 350 223 196 147 109 134 75·0 166 74·8
22 1,675 830 1,740 257 110 60 520 329 332 202 180 132 105 129 73·3 157 79·5
23 1,635 840 1,665 250 106 55 530 334 346 198 180 134 103 133 74·2 149 76·9
24 1,680 820 1,770 251 105 54 526 328 329 190 186 130 99 128 69·9 148 76·2
25 1,690 860 1,760 256 101 57 525 340 340 199 186 138 103 133 74·0 150 74·6
Average 1,664 853 1,704 252 110 62 531 338 350 214 187 141 110 128 75·2 162 78·8

[[c]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—KÂYASTH.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,656 846 1,694 254 102 64 546 348 338 234 196 137 … … 69·9 … …
2 1,684 843 1,714 244 107 71 549 358 361 203 193 139 … … 72·0 … …
3 1,640 838 1,727 254 107 69 551 356 356 200 197 139 … … 70·1 … …
4 1,567 791 1,556 223 96 55 522 343 337 200 187 137 109 127 73·3 157 79·6
5 1,627 824 1,678 253 105 60 523 347 337 218 187 136 115 135 72·7 161 84·6
6 1,600 779 1,637 235 102 57 523 320 322 215 185 135 100 126 73·0 171 74·1
7 1,710 816 1,780 246 105 58 530 340 320 206 188 135 105 132 71·8 156 77·8
8 1,745 829 1,777 247 117 60 537 355 338 215 198 137 110 134 69·2 160 87·6
9 1,697 825 1,762 261 106 53 538 357 338 212 188 138 108 135 73·4 157 78·3
10 1,657 842 1,700 261 107 61 560 363 345 212 203 139 102 138 68·5 154 73·4[[ci]]
11 1,608 802 1,710 260 112 70 550 345 360 197 189 143 117 143 76·7 138 81·8
12 1,690 865 1,840 251 105 57 520 336 345 204 175 136 106 122 77·7 167 77·9
13 1,635 857 1,677 249 105 57 537 340 345 205 183 140 106 127 76·5 161 75·7
14 1,700 895 1,685 254 110 61 530 344 340 209 190 131 100 130 68·9 161 76·3
15 1,694 865 1,766 267 108 58 540 350 347 206 185 134 102 127 72·4 162 76·1
16 1,695 860 1,715 254 100 57 526 360 344 193 177 131 108 130 74·1 148 82·4
17 1,725 885 1,801 250 104 56 544 352 361 220 183 143 109 143 78·1 153 76·2
18 1,610 855 1,695 255 107 61 529 370 359 202 188 143 103 135 76·1 150 72·0
19 1,650 820 1,750 240 103 56 535 346 350 184 183 141 98 128 77·0 144 69·5
20 1,665 845 1,705 237 106 51 523 334 331 193 179 135 96 126 75·4 153 71·1
21 1,655 840 1,769 259 108 59 550 370 364 212 184 140 100 134 76·1 158 71·4
22 1,530 825 1,616 228 106 64 561 340 334 209 192 135 110 132 70·3 158 81·5
23 1,625 853 1,742 263 110 60 550 342 340 220 190 140 109 133 73·7 166 77·9
24 1,710 825 1,795 250 110 56 530 330 330 209 186 139 100 128 74·7 155 71·9
25 1,690 845 1,765 251 114 60 530 335 340 200 180 136 102 128 75·6 156 75·0
Average 1,659 839 1,722 250 106 59 537 346 344 207 183 138 105 132 73·4 157 76·7

[[cii]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—JHANGÂRA RÂJPUTS.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,714 891 1,851 257 117 76 566 376 376 231 192 151 120 141 78·6 164 79·5
2 1,684 869 1,765 254 114 71 559 363 361 216 194 146 115 135 75·3 160 78·8
3 1,770 879 1,838 259 114 64 559 356 366 200 193 147 116 140 76·2 143 78·9
4 1,668 858 1,729 259 112 66 541 343 348 183 185 143 116 140 77·4 131 81·1
5 1,752 838 1,803 254 119 71 518 328 356 200 178 135 118 135 75·8 148 87·4
6 1,676 856 1,760 254 114 69 549 358 366 200 195 136 114 136 69·7 147 83·8
7 1,734 884 1,815 264 124 69 554 361 353 216 203 139 111 136 68·4 159 79·9
8 1,696 838 1,760 249 110 64 549 348 353 206 200 140 110 132 70·0 156 78·6
9 1,770 909 1,825 264 119 61 566 358 376 211 204 144 125 142 70·6 149 86·8
10 1,661 833 1,714 251 117 66 546 350 356 213 191 145 120 135 76·0 158 82·6[[ciii]]
11 1,6 0 828 1,650 244 102 64 541 350 353 221 194 139 … … 71·6 … …
12 1,671 853 1,727 262 112 58 543 356 356 211 195 140 … … 71·8 … …
13 1,652 895 1,730 248 109 67 564 358 354 206 195 144 118 142 73·8 145 81·9
14 1,658 865 1,767 263 105 60 562 345 364 205 194 139 110 129 71·6 159 79·1
15 1,783 925 1,835 275 117 63 571 359 373 225 197 144 115 143 73·1 157 79·9
16 1,655 875 1,648 241 99 59 553 360 370 207 194 142 109 132 73·2 157 76·8
17 1,640 863 1,665 240 105 70 542 348 329 213 191 133 104 132 69·6 160 78·6
18 1,665 908 1,695 252 109 61 516 320 328 203 180 136 103 126 75·6 163 75·7
19 1,708 872 1,761 256 104 65 570 350 350 220 200 144 107 137 72·0 161 74·3
20 1,785 890 1,830 264 111 63 553 335 347 222 197 140 118 140 71·0 159 84·3
21 1,740 945 1,755 264 112 68 545 360 355 227 197 134 103 133 68·0 171 76·9
22 1,720 880 1,850 260 110 67 545 369 370 223 187 146 112 140 78·1 159 77·5
23 1,690 895 1,729 255 110 64 540 345 354 225 186 241 103 133 75·0 169 73·0
24 1,690 876 1,750 255 110 61 535 332 349 224 185 139 99 130 75·1 172 71·2
25 1,780 805 1,895 255 115 62 525 334 325 203 184 131 100 131 71·2 154 76·3
26 1,765 855 1,822 265 108 65 533 330 348 212 180 139 100 134 77·2 157 71·9
27 1,710 863 1,749 265 104 61 562 370 360 236 195 139 103 135 71·3 175 74·1
28 1,590 790 1,670 251 108 60 540 353 352 221 188 140 100 133 74·5 167 71·4
Average 1,702 866 1,767 257 111 65 549 351 372 214 192 137 110 136 73·7 158 78·9

[[civ]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BARGÛJAR RÂJPUTS.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,732 884 1,815 279 119 66 538 348 356 243 195 137 … … 70·3 … …
2 1,750 881 1,859 259 107 64 571 383 368 241 203 142 … … 70·0 … …
3 1,701 838 1,772 264 119 64 564 371 381 241 201 145 … … 72·6 … …
4 1,769 792 1,635 246 102 56 526 330 353 200 187 141 … … 75·6 … …
5 1,628 813 1,612 262 110 58 541 361 371 239 194 142 … … 73·2 … …
6 1,656 841 1,797 254 107 69 556 368 376 236 201 143 … … 71·1 … …
7 1,734 869 1,869 267 117 66 551 340 376 216 198 145 … … 73·2 … …
8 1,848 896 1,981 282 117 64 538 330 345 206 192 140 … … 72·9 … …
9 1,709 858 1,815 257 110 69 541 340 361 231 195 142 … … 72·8 … …
10 1,656 843 1,765 257 110 76 538 343 363 188 191 139 119 130 72·8 145 85·6[[cv]]
11 1,734 881 1,820 262 117 64 533 333 350 211 186 136 122 138 73·1 153 89·0
12 1,658 … 1,797 254 117 61 549 333 330 … 190 130 … … 68·1 … …
13 1,628 … 1,673 251 107 58 533 330 330 … 188 130 … … 69·1 … …
14 1,755 858 1,841 267 112 69 538 353 356 206 193 137 … … 71·0 … …
15 1,630 830 1,766 254 112 60 540 335 340 199 182 140 111 126 76·9 158 79·3
16 1,695 855 1,755 257 112 57 541 347 339 205 187 133 106 131 71·1 156 79·7
17 1,730 840 1,842 260 120 70 535 335 350 219 185 139 105 142 75·1 154 75·5
18 1,770 890 1,811 271 120 63 555 360 355 223 193 142 103 133 73·6 168 72·5
19 1,718 875 1,805 277 120 64 535 335 335 207 190 130 102 135 68·4 153 78·4
20 1,709 880 1,805 263 110 62 545 329 340 224 187 139 102 137 74·3 164 73·4
Average 1,701 945 1,791 262 113 64 543 345 354 217 192 139 109 134 71·8 156 77·7

[[cvi]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BRÂHMAN (SANÂDH).

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,744 881 1,836 279 119 66 533 328 345 211 193 138 … … 71·4 … …
2 1,630 846 1,717 254 107 69 541 333 340 216 192 144 … … 75·0 … …
3 1,700 848 1,772 259 107 61 541 333 348 208 184 146 … … 79·4 … …
4 1,706 856 1,828 259 112 64 566 343 353 234 200 148 … … 74·0 … …
5 1,770 896 1,841 284 114 66 551 358 368 221 191 144 … … 75·3 … …
6 1,709 874 1,702 274 110 69 549 366 361 208 199 139 … … 69·9 … …
7 1,747 863 1,815 274 119 64 549 358 361 208 191 146 … … 76·4 … …
8 1,724 863 1,820 269 114 69 566 356 356 208 201 146 … … 72·6 … …
9 1,612 835 1,711 257 107 56 538 348 343 221 190 139 … … 73·2 … …
10 1,607 823 1,700 254 104 64 559 353 348 213 200 144 … … 72·0 … …[[cvii]]
11 1,810 609 1,864 228 117 64 546 345 348 200 195 140 … … 71·8 … …
12 1,765 896 1,823 282 117 64 559 356 373 226 194 145 … … 74·7 … …
13 1,663 856 1,694 282 112 66 549 348 363 218 195 145 … … 74·4 … …
14 1,727 820 1,765 267 110 66 536 345 343 208 190 135 … … 71·1 … …
15 1,660 855 1,740 266 105 57 526 340 350 222 186 136 102 131 73·1 169 75·0
16 1,582 835 1,627 260 114 71 549 345 350 229 186 138 97 136 74·2 168 70·3
17 1,590 810 1,637 244 110 61 525 315 320 207 187 134 107 130 71·7 160 79·9
18 1,672 852 1,722 248 111 58 553 361 357 236 200 135 103 130 67·5 182 76·3
19 1,630 835 1,749 256 117 64 526 325 330 222 186 130 105 130 69·9 171 80·8
20 1,594 776 1,670 234 104 64 536 343 352 211 185 145 113 130 78·4 162 77·9
21 1,660 827 1,768 244 107 56 534 330 341 222 182 140 102 128 76·9 173 72·9
22 1,732 915 1,770 265 114 67 573 378 370 225 200 142 110 130 71·0 173 77·5
23 1,673 805 1,782 256 117 57 508 320 325 220 179 133 110 126 74·3 175 82·7
24 1,685 840 1,755 249 116 59 520 336 343 220 185 132 112 135 71·4 163 84·8
25 1,604 824 1,724 227 107 56 535 322 340 190 185 140 94 130 75·7 146 67·1
26 1,605 850 1,685 252 114 60 538 360 360 224 190 136 102 126 71·6 178 75·0
27 1,625 826 1,686 233 105 61 534 340 330 194 179 129 98 129 72·1 150 76·0
Average 1,675 848 1,749 260 111 63 542 343 349 191 191 140 104 130 73·7 167 76·6

[[cviii]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—BHURJI.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,554 805 1,549 229 99 69 528 340 330 190 190 139 109 127 73·2 150 78·4
2 1,591 845 1,567 237 99 58 558 342 362 206 190 145 116 138 76·3 149 80·4
3 1,662 820 1,765 246 108 59 532 335 338 215 186 139 110 136 74·7 158 79·1
4 1,667 857 1,740 256 117 60 538 365 353 207 196 134 112 132 63·3 157 83·6
5 1,615 825 1,705 251 108 66 520 330 335 213 181 134 104 127 74·0 168 77·6
6 1,630 845 1,690 248 110 62 542 345 344 212 190 139 102 128 73·2 166 73·5
7 1,590 839 1,621 250 111 62 542 341 350 202 190 138 100 126 72·6 160 72·5
8 1,585 823 1,650 241 109 63 512 320 323 186 173 130 101 126 75·1 148 77·7
9 1,649 820 1,684 255 111 65 522 330 341 190 186 129 96 128 69·4 148 74·4
10 1,680 830 1,725 246 105 57 508 322 335 212 176 138 101 131 78·4 162 73·2[[cix]]
11 1,650 850 1,775 253 115 59 520 323 325 214 184 132 100 130 71·7 165 75·8
12 1,600 804 1,718 242 103 63 526 325 333 206 185 130 99 125 70·3 165 76·2
13 1,590 806 1,645 247 100 58 530 325 330 215 183 134 102 124 73·2 173 76·1
14 1,600 820 1,759 254 111 63 533 350 336 214 195 142 105 125 72·8 171 73·9
15 1,640 825 1,695 243 105 66 526 330 335 206 178 134 102 126 75·8 163 76·1
16 1,591 780 1,699 233 104 58 525 326 328 207 188 134 98 127 71·3 163 73·1
17 1,612 810 1,680 246 110 61 528 335 327 200 185 134 108 130 72·4 154 80·6
18 1,680 845 1,750 258 114 66 526 329 330 217 180 138 100 130 76·7 167 71·7
19 1,600 810 1,718 241 108 61 529 330 330 204 184 134 98 131 72·8 155 73·1
20 1,590 805 1,666 243 109 60 528 336 332 196 179 130 100 125 72·6 157 76·9
21 1,590 825 1,709 245 106 60 530 360 360 214 184 143 100 129 77·7 164 69·9
Average 1,618 823 1,691 246 108 64 529 335 337 206 185 136 117 129 73·2 160 75·9

[[cx]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—MEWÂTI.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,742 881 1,807 264 112 61 546 373 376 229 201 133 … … 66·2 … …
2 1,671 858 1,739 241 102 58 538 358 348 231 194 133 … … 69·6 … …
3 1,689 838 1,752 254 102 69 538 356 350 234 195 140 … … 71·8 … …
4 1,694 835 1,793 259 107 58 526 335 348 193 184 141 … … 76·6 … …
5 1,694 881 1,755 254 112 61 526 343 330 208 190 131 … … 68·9 … …
6 1,643 833 1,701 239 104 58 516 330 335 203 185 139 … … 75·1 … …
7 1,651 800 1,734 249 104 61 538 323 340 211 184 138 117 131 75·0 161 84·8
8 1,724 853 1,782 269 119 69 554 350 340 211 200 136 114 133 68·0 159 83·8
9 1,668 830 1,732 274 117 61 533 330 330 200 188 137 107 132 72·9 152 78·0
10 1,658 838 1,737 257 107 64 541 343 350 231 193 138 117 131 71·5 176 84·7[[cxi]]
11 1,737 868 1,841 287 114 66 538 356 361 211 193 137 116 141 71·0 150 84·7
12 1,549 782 1,638 236 107 64 523 338 330 229 184 137 111 130 74·5 176 81·0
13 1,714 828 1,869 267 117 64 549 350 361 216 192 142 121 139 73·9 155 85·2
14 1,648 841 1,671 257 112 61 526 338 343 196 185 135 108 126 73·0 156 80·0
15 1,546 805 1,558 235 105 63 575 330 320 205 181 132 98 128 72·9 160 74·2
16 1,656 825 1,760 250 107 65 637 343 350 210 191 140 105 132 73·3 159 75·0
17 1,793 890 1,885 267 120 66 560 357 358 206 195 141 117 135 72·3 153 83·0
18 1,668 865 1,745 251 109 54 548 360 350 220 195 143 110 141 73·3 156 76·9
19 1,725 900 1,765 255 112 71 506 308 335 199 184 133 99 128 72·8 155 74·4
20 1,645 865 1,680 248 114 58 512 306 340 201 173 144 109 135 83·2 149 75·7
21 1,610 820 1,715 248 105 61 545 363 360 205 190 139 109 130 73·2 158 78·4
22 1,650 835 1,688 243 109 54 560 370 380 223 195 142 105 132 72·8 169 73·9
23 1,656 800 1,720 259 113 57 533 334 330 196 182 132 100 129 72·5 151 75·8
24 1,659 825 1,762 258 117 66 545 342 343 200 185 136 96 125 73·5 160 70·6
25 1,600 803 1,664 244 110 57 518 315 318 187 179 127 102 128 70·9 146 80·3
26 1,635 830 1,700 252 112 58 540 349 358 207 196 140 105 135 71·4 153 75·0
27 1,577 798 1,627 242 105 56 529 330 335 211 189 135 102 125 71·4 169 75·6[[cxii]]
28 1,590 825 1,634 237 113 57 526 330 329 195 180 137 99 126 76·1 155 72·3
29 1,684 845 1,783 262 120 61 532 344 334 192 181 138 100 128 76·6 150 72·5
30 1,623 833 1,664 238 105 61 528 340 335 189 182 130 100 129 71·4 147 76·9
Average 1,643 838 1,727 253 110 61 536 341 344 208 188 137 105 127 72·5 157 78·0

[[cxiii]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—SAYYID.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,724 846 1,775 269 110 64 520 333 338 216 185 134 108 130 72·4 166 80·6
2 1,602 797 1,607 246 102 58 520 328 330 200 183 139 114 129 75·9 155 82·0
3 1,691 851 1,734 254 102 56 530 356 343 218 189 138 125 138 73·0 158 90·6
4 1,645 889 1,587 241 107 66 520 330 343 221 185 133 117 135 71·8 164 87·9
5 1,582 795 1,633 249 102 64 513 317 330 188 182 132 105 127 72·5 148 79·5
6 1,709 858 1,795 262 110 71 538 358 360 218 195 140 109 130 71·8 168 77·9
7 1,700 890 1,710 252 112 59 537 344 347 203 181 150 105 141 82·8 144 70·0
8 1,645 810 1,711 250 113 57 545 323 336 210 181 140 101 133 77·3 158 72·1
9 1,727 892 1,724 250 106 67 555 360 359 228 192 140 103 136 72·8 168 73·6[[cxiv]]
10 1,683 895 1,683 240 110 60 539 358 350 204 182 147 99 130 80·8 157 67·4
11 1,803 905 1,852 266 130 65 530 338 339 191 190 133 104 138 70·0 138 78·1
12 1,612 825 1,576 234 104 55 520 330 330 193 182 132 93 122 72·5 158 70·5
13 1,700 870 1,762 256 107 57 515 337 335 205 178 135 104 135 75·8 152 77·4
14 1,620 820 1,724 241 100 57 534 325 350 210 183 138 107 127 75·4 165 77·5
15 1,690 840 1,765 266 117 60 553 365 360 216 187 132 102 132 70·6 163 77·3
16 1,670 850 1,772 262 110 63 540 330 335 185 178 138 107 137 77·5 135 77·5
17 1,615 815 1,699 260 110 63 538 350 330 204 179 132 97 130 73·7 157 73·5
18 1,675 820 1,610 251 104 62 540 350 350 192 186 145 110 131 78·0 147 75·9
19 1,650 855 1,700 253 112 60 545 330 335 214 187 134 105 127 71·7 169 78·4[[cxv]]
20 1,600 807 1,685 250 107 59 534 350 340 196 182 137 102 130 75·3 151 74·5
21 1,590 825 1,625 251 114 62 537 335 330 195 180 137 107 135 76·1 144 78·1
22 1,575 825 1,680 236 102 62 524 330 331 200 181 130 95 126 71·8 159 73·1
23 1,590 780 1,652 251 110 57 540 354 360 212 189 137 103 127 72·5 167 75·2
24 1,550 820 1,580 240 112 57 527 334 329 206 184 130 105 127 70·7 162 80·8
25 1,600 815 1,675 250 115 58 560 360 370 209 186 130 108 132 69·9 158 83·1
26 1,650 830 1,725 252 115 56 530 360 360 185 185 135 97 125 73·0 148 71·9
27 1,730 865 1,780 278 120 62 540 360 360 189 185 135 110 130 73·0 145 81·5
28 1,720 885 1,760 256 115 58 560 350 360 212 185 135 110 125 73·0 170 81·5
29 1,632 820 1,720 225 105 56 530 350 330 182 179 130 100 127 72·6 143 76·9
30 1,650 815 1,745 257 115 61 560 370 360 193 190 135 110 133 71·1 145 81·5
31 1,740 865 1,795 260 115 52 550 330 330 196 184 130 110 130 70·7 151 84·6
32 1,652 850 1,750 238 115 63 550 375 350 197 190 138 110 125 73·2 158 79·7
33 1,640 835 1,790 252 120 56 570 380 375 219 197 134 108 134 68·0 164 80·6
Average 1,653 838 1,709 252 111 60 537 345 345 203 184 136 106 131 73·2 157 77·6

[[cxvi]]

NAME OF CASTE OR TRIBE—NAT.

Number. Height of Vertex. Height of Trunk. Span. Left Foot. Left Middle Finger. Right Ear Height. Round Head. Inion to Glabella. Tragus to Tragus. Vertex to Chin. Antero­posterior Diameter. Maximum Transverse Diameter. Minimum Frontal Diameter. Bizygomatic Diameter. Cephalic Index. General Index. Frontal Index.
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18
1 1,574 782 1,668 246 102 64 549 338 330 198 198 143 116 131 72·2 151 81·1
2 1,777 886 1,823 262 107 66 541 345 353 208 194 144 120 137 74·2 152 83·3
3 1,633 858 1,678 249 102 61 536 343 348 193 188 146 114 123 77·7 156 78·1
4 1,663 876 1,719 257 110 51 523 330 348 211 184 138 123 139 75·0 153 89·1
5 1,600 841 1,633 241 102 58 523 330 348 218 185 135 118 132 73·0 165 87·4
6 1,645 858 1,739 262 117 61 541 338 356 221 193 139 117 139 72·0 159 84·2
7 1,541 772 1,546 224 102 53 536 345 335 206 190 137 119 133 72·1 155 86·9
8 1,739 876 1,793 272 122 64 552 358 361 216 190 151 124 150 79·5 144 82·6
9 1,617 843 1,681 249 112 61 564 358 353 200 202 146 124 140 72·3 144 84·9
10 1,612 770 1,698 245 106 62 553 356 355 219 192 142 110 132 73·9 166 77·5[[cxvii]]
11 1,667 830 1,745 250 110 65 548 362 365 217 190 137 108 138 72·1 157 78·8
12 1,654 810 1,712 253 108 64 514 320 336 203 181 136 108 132 75·1 154 79·4
13 1,603 830 1,628 245 104 65 520 320 320 196 177 133 114 132 75·1 148 85·7
14 1,545 818 1,480 225 96 51 540 330 340 197 188 140 114 138 74·5 143 81·4
15 1,780 896 1,795 278 118 58 528 334 342 218 190 134 109 129 70·5 169 81·3
16 1,658 840 1,700 279 111 61 548 340 364 215 194 145 115 141 74·7 152 79·3
17 1,675 855 1,750 268 115 65 555 362 380 226 195 143 117 134 73·3 169 81·8
18 1,706 874 1,743 265 120 57 539 345 354 202 191 138 100 130 72·3 155 72·5
19 1,661 826 1,685 252 112 57 532 334 335 201 185 130 102 123 75·7 163 78·5
20 1,690 865 1,757 270 112 60 517 330 334 201 180 140 97 139 77·8 145 69·3
21 1,606 785 1,665 239 107 61 518 340 339 191 179 133 91 127 74·3 150 68·4
22 1,590 814 1,653 247 104 51 510 319 330 202 178 133 102 130 74·7 155 76·7
23 1,608 815 1,695 244 100 57 539 350 349 100 182 143 107 136 78·6 147 74·8
24 1,572 800 1,620 246 99 60 530 332 335 185 184 140 103 131 76·1 141 73·5
25 1,640 845 1,650 257 105 59 518 331 340 195 181 137 102 132 75·7 148 74·5
26 1,620 835 1,710 232 110 60 534 320 334 196 181 138 105 137 76·2 143 76·1
27 1,520 770 1,585 230 98 56 514 335 336 196 185 135 107 128 73·0 153 79·3[[cxviii]]
28 1,684 845 1,765 242 121 59 544 360 330 204 190 136 102 133 71·6 153 75·0
29 1,580 800 1,650 256 112 59 521 323 325 183 180 130 102 126 72·2 145 78·5
30 1,620 842 1,684 258 113 58 562 351 345 219 196 140 110 136 71·4 161 78·6
31 1,562 830 1,584 220 111 61 536 348 338 186 188 134 100 128 71·3 145 74·6
32 1,642 840 1,726 240 113 55 528 334 338 199 185 136 100 130 73·5 153 73·5
33 1,540 760 1,636 225 107 53 524 342 324 193 178 130 103 129 73·5 150 79·2
34 1,594 819 1,674 233 112 54 500 323 320 185 176 130 100 125 73·8 148 76·9
35 1,552 811 1,623 228 110 57 532 328 329 208 180 142 100 130 78·9 160 70·4
Average 1,627 830 1,681 260 109 59 534 342 345 202 187 138 109 133 73·9 153 78·7

[[cxix]]

Anthropometry. 15. The result then of anthropometry as applied to caste appears to be that there is no good ground for disputing the fact that the present races of Northern India are practically one people. The figures prepared by Mr. Risley have been subjected to a close analysis by Mr. C. J. O’Donnell in the Bengal Census Report for 1891; and no account of the matter would be complete without reproducing his remarks.

16. “It is difficult to trace, in the introduction to The Castes and Tribes of Bengal, how far Mr. Risley recognises the influence of intermarriage between Aryans and Aboriginals, but he unquestionably denies the functional origin of caste, and seems to define it as ‘an institution, evolved by the Aryans in the attempt to preserve the purity of their own stock, and afterwards expanded and adapted, by the influence of a series of fictions, to fit an endless variety of social, religious and industrial conditions.’ With much originality he has sought to find a new guide to the ethnic composition of India in the science of anthropometry.

“ ‘Nowhere else,’ he writes, ‘in the world do we find the population of a large continent broken up into an infinite number of mutually exclusive aggregates, the members of which are forbidden by an inexorable social law to marry outside of the group to which they themselves belong. Whatever may have been the origin and the earlier developments of the caste system, this absolute prohibition of mixed marriages stands forth at the present day as its essential and most prominent characteristic. [[cxx]]In a society thus organised—a society sacrificing everything to pride of blood and the idea of social purity—it seemed that differences of physical type, however produced in past time, might be expected to manifest a high degree of persistence, and that the science which seeks to trace and express such differences would find a peculiarly favourable field for its operations. In Europe anthropometry has to confess itself hindered, if not baffled, by the constant intermixture of races, which tends to obscure and confuse the data arrived at by measurement. In a country where such intermixture is to a large extent eliminated, there were grounds for believing that divergent types would reveal themselves more clearly and that their characteristics would furnish some clue to their original race affinities.’

Two main types of Indian head. 17. “With the aid of the Governments of the North-Western Provinces and of the Panjab anthropometric data for ‘nearly 6,000 persons, representing 89 of the leading castes and tribes in Northern India, from the Bay of Bengal to the frontiers of Afghânistân,’ were obtained, but unfortunately Mr. Risley finds that ‘it would be vain to attempt within the compass of this essay to analyse and compare the large mass of figures which has been collected, or to develop at length the inferences which they may be taught to suggest.’ He has, however, made a few interesting deductions. Three well-known types of feature and physique have long been recognised in the Indian peninsula, the Aryan or Caucasian chiefly in Upper India, the Mongoloid, which is generally believed to be confined to [[cxxi]]the north-east corner of Bengal, and a Negrito, or, as Mr. Risley calls it, a Dravidian type, in Central and Southern India. Excluding the second, which he represents to be so local as to make its elimination a matter of little importance in discussing the ethnology of Indian peoples, Mr. Risley defines the other two as follows:—

“ ‘The Aryan type, as we find it in India at the present day, is marked by a relatively long (dolichocephalic) head; a straight, finely cut (leptorhine) nose; a long, symmetrically narrow face; a well developed forehead, regular features, and a high facial angle. In the Dravidian type the form of the head usually inclines to be dolichocephalic, but all other characters present a marked contrast to the Aryan. The nose is thick and broad, and the formula expressing its proportionate dimensions is higher than in any known race except the Negro. The facial angle is comparatively low; the lips are thick; the face wide and fleshy; the features coarse and irregular.’

“The following passage gives the most important of Mr. Risley’s deductions:—

‘Between these extreme types, which may fairly be regarded as representing two distinct races, we find a large number of intermediate groups, each of which forms, for matrimonial purposes, a sharply defined circle, beyond which none of its members can pass. By applying to the entire series the nasal index or formula of the proportions of the nose, which Professors Flower and Topinard agree in regarding as the best test of race distinctions, some remarkable results are arrived at. [[cxxii]]The average nasal proportions of the Mâlê Pahâria tribe are expressed by the figure 94·5, while the pastoral Gûjars of the Panjab have an index of 66·9, the Sikhs of 68·8, and the Bengal Brâhmans and Kâyasths of 70·4. In other words, the typical Dravidian, as represented by the Mâlê Pahâria, has a nose as broad in proportion to its length as the Negro, while this feature in the Aryan group can fairly bear comparison with the noses of 68 Parisians, measured by Topinard, which gave an average of 69·4. Even more striking is the curiously close correspondence between the gradations of racial type indicated by the nasal index and certain of the social data ascertained by independent enquiry. If we take a series of castes in Bengal, Bihâr, or the North-Western Provinces, and arrange them in the order of the average nasal index, so that the caste with the finest nose shall be at the top, and that with the coarsest at the bottom of the list, it will be found that this order substantially corresponds with the accepted order of social precedence. The casteless tribes, Kols, Korwas, Mundas, and the like, who have not yet entered the Brâhmanical system, occupy the lowest place in both series. Then come the vermin-eating Musahars and the leather-dressing Chamârs. The fisher castes of Bauri, Bind and Kewat are a trifle higher in the scale; the pastoral Goâla, the cultivating Kurmi, and a group of cognate castes from whose hands a Brâhman may take water, follow in due order, and from them we pass to the trading Khatris, the landholding Bâbhans, and the upper crust of Hindu society. Thus, it is [[cxxiii]]scarcely a paradox to lay down as a law of the caste organisation in Eastern India that a man’s social status varies in inverse ratio to the width of his nose.’

The Nasal Index. The best test of race distinction. 18. “The figures on which these statements are based are found in the third and fourth volumes of Mr. Risley’s instructive work; and if in examining them it appears that they do not bear out his conclusions, I hope not to fail in recognising the great service he has rendered to ethnographic study by introducing really scientific methods of enquiry.

“The following table is an exact reproduction of the averages of the nasal index at the beginning of Volume III:—

Bengal Proper.Bihâr.
Name of Caste.Average Index.Name of Caste.Average Index.
Kâyasth 70·3 Brâhman 73·2
Brâhman 70·4 Bâbhan 74·0
Chandâl 73·9 Goâla 76·7
Sadgop 73·9 Kurmi 78·5
Goâla 74·2 Kahâr 79·7
Muchi 74·9 Bind 82·2
Pod 76·1 Maghaiya Dom 82·2
Kaibartta 76·2 Dusâdh 82·4
Râjbansi 76·6 Chamâr 82·8
Muhammadan 77·5 Musahar 88·5
Bâgdi 80·5
Bauri 84·1
Mâl 84·7
Mâl Pahâri 92·9
Mâlê or Asal Pahâria 94·5

[[cxxiv]]

North-Western Provinces and Oudh.Panjab.
Name of Caste.Average Index.Name of Caste.Average Index.
Bhuînhâr 73·0 Gûjar 66·9
Brâhman 74·6 Pathân 68·4
Kâyasth 74·8 Sikh 68·8
Kshatriya 77·7 Awan 68·8
Kanjar 78·0 Biloch 69·4
Khatri 78·1 Mâchhi 70·0
Kurmi 79·2 Arora 71·2
Thâru 79·5 Khatri 73·1
Banya 79·6 Chûhra 75·2
Barhai 80·8
Goâla 80·9
Kewat 81·4
Bhar 81·9
Kol 82·2
Lohâr 82·4
Guriya 82·6
Kâchhi 82·9
Dom 83·0
Lodha 83·4
Koiri 83·6
Pâsi 85·4
Chamâr 86·8
Musahar 86·1

[[cxxv]]

“In this table it is a noticeable fact that the Kâyasth of Bengal Proper, an undoubtedly Sûdra caste, according to Brâhmanic theory, has finer features than the Brâhman, whilst the Chandâl outcaste of the Gangetic delta lies midway between the highborn and allied castes of Brâhmans and Bâbhans in Bihâr. Mr. Nesfield is so satisfied that the people of Upper India are a race mixed beyond recognition, that he does not hesitate to declare that a ‘stranger walking through the class-rooms of the Sanskrit College at Benares would never dream of supposing that the students seated before him were distinct in race and blood from the scavengers who swept the roads.’ It is a singular confirmation of this assertion that Mr. Risley’s table shows no appreciable difference in feature between the Brâhman of the North-Western Provinces and the Chûhra or scavenger of the Panjâb, while the latter has very much the advantage in nasal refinement over the Kshatriya or Râjput of the North-Western Provinces.

The Negritic profile common in the highest castes. 19. “The foregoing figures, however, are only averages. When one turns to the individual measurements, the entire absence of any common gradation in the nasal indices of the measured castes is still more apparent. The following figures are taken from the general tables of measurements, the five upper entries showing the smallest indices and the five lower the largest indices recorded. The numbers in the first [[cxxvi]]column under each caste are the serial numbers of the individuals in the original table:—

Bengal Proper.

Brâhman.Kâyasth.Goâla.Chamâr.Bâgdi.
Serial No. Index.Serial No. Index.Serial No. Index.Serial No. Index.Serial No. Index.
41 56·1 23 60·0 37 62·0 14 62·9 33 67·3
30 58·0 15 61·5 10 62·7 10 64·1 85 67·3
21 58·3 29 62·2 17 65·3 12 66·6 41 68·0
10 60·3 63 62·7 13 65·9 24 66·6 74 69·2
5 60·7 2 62·9 33 66·0 3 67·9 27 70·0
73 80·4 82 81·2 7 83·3 23 81·3 30 90·2
84 81·2 97 82·0 35 84·4 27 82·2 10 92·8
85 81·2 70 82·9 3 84·7 15 86·0 55 95·4
94 88·6 32 83·3 19 84·7 11 87·2 6 97·4
75 100·0 9 88·8 15 86·6 6 88·0 2 100·0

“I have excluded the casteless tribes, but have included the Bâgdi, a so-called caste, though why so termed, except that it is found in the plains of India and has been largely Hinduised, is not apparent. This confusion between the two terms must continue so long as the functional character of caste is not admitted. The Bâgdis, like the Bauris, are a tribe as much as the Kol or the Santâl, and being Drâvirs by race, stand apart in the foregoing statement with a generally well-marked Dravidian type of face. The other four groups are functional, their occupations being that of priest, writer, cowherd and leather dresser; and though there is a [[cxxvii]]greater coarseness of feature in the two latter, who are out-of-door labourers, than in the former, who are gentle-born, all four are manifestly of the same race or rather of the same amalgam of races. The first five Brâhmans and Kâyasths have distinctly Caucasian features, but the average index of the second five Brâhmans (86·3) shows a much greater approach to the flatnosedness of the Negro than the similar average of Goâlas (84·7), or Chamârs (84·9). In fact the two last Brâhmans have a more aboriginal type of face than any of the despised leather-dressers. It is probable and natural that there should be a greater admixture of non-Aryan blood in persons pursuing the humbler occupations, and this is the gist of Mr. Nesfield’s argument, which seems triumphantly corroborated by the foregoing figures. The race theory of castes, on the other hand, is found to have practically no statistical support. Far from its being a law of caste organisation in Eastern India, that a man’s social status varies in inverse ratio to the width of his nose, the utmost that can be predicated is that the average nasal index of a large number of the members of any caste indicates, in a very uncertain manner, the amount of aboriginal blood amongst its members, and thereby indirectly the greater or less respectability of the occupation followed.

The Cephalic Index. The Mesaticephalic head. 20. “It appears from the nasal statistics that not only an occasional Brâhman, but a very appreciable section of the caste, may be as flat-faced as a Chamâr. It is also made apparent by Mr. Risley’s measurements of [[cxxviii]]the cephalic index and of the facial angle that an equally large number are as round-headed as a Mongoloid Lepcha of the Darjíling Hills, and as prognathous as any Negritic tribe in Chutia Nâgpur. The following table is a reproduction of Mr. Risley’s statement of average cephalic indices:— [[cxxix]]

Bengal Proper.Darjiling Hills.Bihâr.Chutia Nâgpur.N.-W. Provinces and Oudh.
Name of Caste. Average Index.Name of Caste. Average Index.Name of Caste. Average Index.Name of Caste. Average Index.Name of Caste. Average Index.
Mâlê or Asal 74·8Murmu 78·5Bind 74·0Chero 72·4Banya 71·3
Paharia Mangar 79·0Brâhman 74·9Chik 73·8Barhi 71·8
Bauri 75·0Lepcha 79·9Musahar 75·2Asur 74·0Khatri 71·9
Râjbansi 75·2Tibetans of Tibet 80·5Kurmi 75·7Korwa 74·4Kâchhi 72·1
Mâl 75·8Tibetans of Bhutan 80·2Chamâr 76·0Kharia 74·5Kori 72·1
Paharia Khambu 81·0Kahâr 76·1Munda 74·5Gauria 72·4
Bâgdi 76·3Newar 81·5Maghaiya Dom 76·2Bhumij 75·0Kol 72·4
Mâl 77·2Gurung 81·6Goâla 76·2Binjhia 75·1Lodha 72·6
Goâla 77·3Tibetans of Sikkim 82·7Bâbhan 76·7Lohâr 75·3Kâyasth 72·6[[cxxx]]
Kaibartta 77·3Limbu 84·3Dusâdh 76·7Orâon 75·4Pâsi 72·6
Mûchi 77·6 Kharwâr 75·5Kewat 72·7
Sadgop 77·6 Kurmi 75·7Lohâr 72·8
Pod 77·7 Bhuiya 76·0Chamâr 72·8
Muhammadan 78·0 Dom 76·0Kshatriya 73·0
Chandâl 78·1 Santâl 76·1Goâla 73·1
Kâyasth 78·2 Tanti 76·2Brâhman 73·0
Brâhman 78·7 Birhor 76·6Bhuînhâr 73·3
Kurmi 73·3
Bhar 73·5
Thâru 73·9
Musahar 74·1
Kanjar 74·7
Dom 74·8

[[cxxxi]]

“In the above table the great cephalic similarity between the Kâyasth and the Chandâl in Bengal, between the Brâhman and the Bind in Bihâr, and between the Bâbhan and the Bhar in the North-Western Provinces, seems to prove beyond question how very similar must have been the racial origin of all. In fact the medium or mesaticephalic head is the most common in the plains of Bengal and Bihâr, being the result of interbreeding between the round-headed Mongol and the long-headed Drâvir, the Aryan having little to do with the physiognomy of their offspring, except in Upper India.

“Mr. Risley’s comment on these statistics is as follows:—

‘All along the Eastern and Northern frontier of Bengal we meet with a fringe of compact tribes of the short-headed or brachycephalic type, who are beyond question Mongolian. Starting from this area, and travelling up the plains of India north-westward towards the frontier of the Panjab, we observe a gradual but steady increase of the dolichocephalic type of head, which Herr Penka claims as one of the chief characteristics of the original Aryans. Bengal itself is mostly mesaticephalic, and dolichocephaly only appears in some of the Dravidian tribes. In Bihâr dolichocephalic averages are more numerous; in Oudh and the North-Western Provinces this type is universal, and it reaches its maximum in the Panjab. Assuming that Herr Penka has correctly determined the original Aryan type to be dolichocephalic, and that the theory of caste propounded above is the [[cxxxii]]true one, these are just the results which might be looked for. According to the French anthropologists, the shape of the head is the most persistent of race characters, and the one which offers the greatest resistance to the levelling influence of crossing.

“ ‘A possible objection may be disposed of here. It may be argued that if the Dravidians are dolichocephalic, the prevalence of this character in North Western India may be accounted for by the assumption of an intermixture of Dravidian blood. But if this were so the proportion and degree of dolichocephaly would increase as we approach the Dravidian area, instead of diminishing, as is actually the case. Moreover, it is impossible to suppose that the races of the North-West, if originally brachycephalic, could have acquired their dolichocephalic form of head from the Dravidians, without at the same time acquiring the characteristic Dravidian nose and the distinctive Dravidian colour.’

The Negritic colour amongst Brâhmans. 21. “The last paragraph may, I presume, be taken as denying the admixture of Dravidian blood. I have shown that a Dravidian nose is far from uncommon in the highest castes. As regards colour there is a mass of evidence hostile to Mr. Risley’s latter argument. Professor Max Müller, in his Chips from a German Workshop, states:—‘There are at present Brâhmans, particularly in the South of India, as black as Pariahs.’ Mr. Nesfield, the most careful student of castes in Upper India, states:—‘The great majority of Brâhmans are not of lighter complexion or of finer and better bred features than any [[cxxxiii]]other caste.’ Even Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who are the priests of the upper classes in Bengal, are admitted by Mr. Risley to be ‘wanting in the peculiar fineness of feature and intellectual cast of countenance which distinguishes the higher grades of Brâhmans in other parts of India.’ On the other hand, Mr. Sherring in his “Hindu Castes and Tribes” comments on the high caste appearance of the Chamâr caste. Similar testimony to the good looks of the Chamârs in certain parts of India comes to us from the Central Provinces, where they are said to be lighter in colour than the members of other cultivating castes, while some of the men and many of the women are remarkably handsome. In Eastern Bengal, again, Dr. Wise describes the caste as ‘less swarthy than the average Chandâl, and infinitely fairer, with a more delicate and intellectual caste of features, than many Srotriya Brâhmans.’ The foregoing quotation comes from Mr. Risley’s excellent article on the Chamâr caste.

“One of the first great crimes which, as a Magistrate, I had to investigate in Bengal, was a murder committed by a Jessor Chamâr, who had spent years in the villages to the south of Calcutta in the character of a Brâhman. He at last seduced a young widow from her home, and murdered her for the sake of her jewellery a few miles before reaching his house in Jessor. He was tall and handsome with a clear olive complexion, and I afterwards noticed that some other members of his caste were equally fair. Young men of the Dusâdh caste are often rather good looking, and many of them have a yellowish-brown complexion. [[cxxxiv]]

The facial angle. A single type, a mixed one, universal. 22. “The facial angle of Cuvier, though somewhat discredited by later anthropologists on account of its failure to define minor distinctions of feature, is still a race test that has many advantages. It measures, as is known, the angle made by the plane of the face with the plane of the base of the skull. It is acute in the Negritic peoples, and about a right angle in the Caucasian. Mr. Risley, adopting the notation of Retz, gives the following figures:— [[cxxxv]]

Bengal Proper.Bihâr.North-Western Provinces.Panjab.
Name of caste. Average Index.Name of caste. Average Index.Name of caste. Average Index.Name of caste. Average Index.
Brâhman 67·1 Bind 69·2 Kshatriya 69·6 Gûjar 70·7
Sadgop 67·0 Brâhman 63·7 Goâla 69·4 Sikh 70·4
Bauri 66·4 Dusâdh 68·7 Pâsi 69·4 Biloch 70·3
Mâlê or Asal Pahâria 66·1 Bâbhan 68·6 Brâhman 68·7 Arora 69·3
Mâl Pahâria 66·1 Goâla 68·3 Bhar 67·9 Awan 69·0
Muchi 66·1 Kurmi 67·8 Kurmi 67·9 Khatri 68·8
Mâl 65·8 Musahar 67·2 Kâchhi 67·7 Chûhra 68·8
Chandâl 65·8 Chamâr 67·1 Musahar 67·7 Muchi 68·7
Kaibartta 65·4 Kahâr 66·6 Lodha 67·6 Pathân 67·1
Râjbansi 65·1 Maghaiya Dom 65·7 Barhi 67·1
Goâla 65·1 Koeri 66·9
Pod 65·0 Chamâr 66·9 [[cxxxvi]]
Bâgdi 64·9 Kâyasth 66·7
Kâyasth 64·2 Bâbhan 66·6
Muhammadan 63·7 Kewat 66·6
Guriya 66·4
Banya 66·3
Kanjar 66·3
Lohâr 66·2
Kol 66·1
Thâru 65·9
Dom 65·7
Khatri 65·5

[[cxxxvii]]

“It thus appears that in Bengal the Brâhman is at one end of the scale and the cultivated Kâyasth at the other, whilst at the top of the Bihâr list the fisherman, priest, farm labourer, landlord and cowherd are in close proximity. In the North-Western Provinces the Kshatriya, the Râjput soldier and the Khatri, the Râjput trader, stand at opposite extremes; rat-catchers, carpenters, dancing women, cultivators, toddy-drawers and priests coming in between. No evidence could be more convincing, if anthropometry has any meaning. The Indian races and tribes in the valley of the Ganges from the Afghân frontier to the Bay of Bengal are so absolutely intermingled in blood, that it is impossible to discriminate between the skull characteristics of the castes or functional guilds which have grown up under later Brâhmanical usage.” [[cxxxix]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER III.

The Occupational form of Caste.

Caste based on occupation. We have thus mainly on the evidence from anthropometry endeavoured to establish the fact that, as we find the existing population, the theory of the ethnological basis of caste must be to a great extent abandoned. We have then to search for some other solution of the question of the origin of our present castes. This can only be found in community of function or occupation. The most able advocate of this theory is Mr. J. C. Nesfield.[24] To use his words:—“The bond of sympathy or interest which first drew together the families or tribal fragments, of which a caste is composed, was not, as some writers have alleged, community of creed or community of kinship, but community of function. Function, and function only, as I think, was the foundation upon which the whole caste system of India was built up.”

2. And he goes on to say[25]: “Such a theory as the above is not compatible with the modern doctrine which divides the population of India into Aryan and Aboriginal. It presupposes an unbroken continuity in the national life from one stage of culture to another, analogous to what has taken place in every country in [[cxl]]the world whose inhabitants have emerged from the savage state. It assumes, therefore, as its necessary basis, the unity of the Indian race. While it does not deny that a race of ‘white-complexioned foreigners,’ who called themselves by the name of Arya, invaded the Indus Valley viâ Kâbul and Kashmîr some four thousand years ago, and imposed their language and religion on the indigenous races by whom they found themselves surrounded, it nevertheless maintains that the blood imported by this foreign race became gradually absorbed into the indigenous, the less yielding to the greater, so that almost all traces of the conquering races eventually disappeared, just as the Lombard became absorbed into the Italian, the Frank into the Gaul, the Roman (of Roumania) into the Slav, the Greek (of Alexandria) into the Egyptian, the Norman into the Frenchman, the Moor (of Spain) into the Spaniard, and as the Norwegians, Germans, etc., are at the day becoming absorbed into Englishmen in North America, or as the Portuguese (of India) have already become absorbed into Indians. I hold that for the last three thousand years at least no real difference of blood between Aryan and Aboriginal (except perhaps in a few isolated tracts, such as Râjputâna, where special causes may have occurred to prevent the complete amalgamation of race) has existed; and the physiological resemblance observable between the various classes of the population, from the highest to the lowest, is an irrefragable proof that no clearly-defined racial distinction has survived, a kind of evidence which ought to carry much greater weight than [[cxli]]that of language, on which so many fanciful theories of Ethnology have been lately founded. Language is no test of race; and the question of caste is not one of race at all, but of culture. Nothing has tended to complicate the subject of caste so much as this intrusion of a philological theory, which within its own province is one of the most interesting discoveries of modern times, into a field of enquiry with which it has no connection. The ‘Aryan brother’ is, indeed, a much more mythical being than Râma or Krishna, or any other of the popular heroes of Indian tradition whom writers of the Aryan school have vainly striven to attenuate into Solar myths. The amalgamation of the two races (the Aryan and the Indian) had been completed in the Panjab (as we may gather from the “Institutes” of Manu) before the Hindu, who is the result of this amalgamation, began to extend his influence into the Ganges Valley, where by slow and sure degrees he disseminated among the indigenous races those social and religious maxims which have been spreading wider and wider ever since throughout the continent of India, absorbing one after another, and to some extent civilising, every indigenous race with whom they are brought into contact, raising the choice spirits of the various tribes into the rank of Brâhman, Chhatri, and leaving the rest to rise or fall into the social scale according to their capacities and opportunities.”

3. It is unnecessary to follow Mr. Nesfield through his detailed analysis of the stages through which this differentiation of function was developed. The example, [[cxlii]]as he attempts to show,[26] was given by the Brâhman, who developed from the primitive house priest into the hierophant with the increasing intricacy of his ritual. His example was followed by the Kshatriya, the trader, the agriculturist, and the artisan. Many facts will be noted in succeeding pages illustrative of this process of development.

The fair and the dark races. 4. The remarks on the evidence from anthropometry will have shown that there is proof of the stratification of the existing races; and we must not overlook the possibility of the basis of caste being found to some extent in the antipathy between the fairer and the darker race which comes out so strongly through the whole range of early Indian myth. This is not directly opposed to the occupational theory of the origin of the caste system, because even its most ardent advocates admit that it began with an attempt on the part of the priestly class to exclude outsiders and monopolise the right to perform worship and sacrifice.

5. Mr. Nesfield has, however, gone further and attempted to classify all the existing castes on the basis of occupation. He would divide the existing population, excluding the religious orders and foreign races resident in the Province, into eleven groups. He begins with what he calls the “casteless tribes,” who include the so-called Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau, and a collection of vagrants and gypsy-like people, [[cxliii]]such as Nats, Kanjars, with menials like the Dom and the Musahar. These comprise something like half a million of people. Then we have the “castes allied to the hunting state,” such as Bauriyas, Baheliyas, Pâsis, and the like, to the number of nearly two millions. Then we have about the same number of castes “allied to the fishing state”—Meos, Binds, Mallâhs, Dhîmars, and so on. Next come some five and-a-half millions of people “allied to the pastoral state,” such as Ahîrs, Jâts, and Gadariyas. These are followed by some six millions of agriculturists—the Lodha, the Kurmi, the Taga, Bhuînhâr, and so on. Next come some three millions of Râjputs, who are the “landlord and warrior caste.” In the same way he deals with artisans. We find, to begin with, those artisans who preceded the age of metallurgy, who practise trades like the workers in cane and reed, thread and leather, distillery, pottery, and extraction of salt, and ranging from the Bânsphor and Dharkâr, to the Mochi, Teli, Kalwâr, Kumhâr and Luniya. These represent nearly nine millions of people. Beyond these again are the artisans “coeval with metallurgy,” workers in stone, metals and wood, and ending with dyers and confectioners, aggregating about a million and-a-half. To these follow the groups of traders, including more than a million and-a-half, and these are succeeded by nearly two-and-a-half millions of the “serving castes,” ranging from the Bhangi and Dhobi to the Bhât and the Kâyasth. Last of all come nearly five millions of Brâhmans, who comprise the “priestly castes.” [[cxliv]]

6. As regards this classification, which has an imposing air of simplicity and completeness, it is necessary to speak a word of caution. If it is meant that this progressive development of function represents the actual, normal course by which, in the ordinary progress of culture, the savage becomes civilised, it may be said that we are too ignorant of the principles of the development of civilisation to be sure that it was conducted on this or similar lines. Further, it may be well to guard against the supposition that this classification of castes in any way represents existing facts. It must not be forgotten that there are few of the present occupational groups which invariably adhere to the original trade or handicraft which may have caused their association in past times. There may be some like the Âtishbâz or fire-work makers, the N’alband or farriers, and so on, which do really adhere to the business from which they take their name. But this is certainly not the case with the associations of longer standing. The Chamâr is no more always a worker in leather than the Ahîr, a grazier; the Banjâra, a carrier; or the Luniya, a salt-maker. They all at some time or other cultivate or do field labour, or tend cattle.

7. Hence the extreme difficulty of framing a classification of existing castes on the basis of traditional occupation, and this is very clearly brought out in the classification at the last Census, of which an abstract is given in the Appendix to this chapter: when we compare this with their actual occupations as individually recorded this fact comes out clearly. The Ahiwâsi, [[cxlv]]Baidguâr, Belwâr, Nâik, and Rahbâri, an aggregate of 86,674 persons, are classed as “carriers”—a trade which is carried on by no less than 185,431 individuals. There are about 6½ millions, which include the agricultural tribes; while Mr. Baillie estimates the actual number of persons connected with the land as no less than 34¾ millions. There are 4¾ millions of Brâhmans recorded as priests, but only 412,449 declared this as their occupation. There are about 5½ millions of so-called pastoral trades, while only 336,995 people recorded cattle breeding and tending as their occupation. The instances of this might be largely added to if necessary. What is quite clear is that the existing groups which may have been, and very possibly were, occupational in origin do not now even approximately confine themselves to their primitive occupation.

The effect of the Muhammadan invasion on caste. 8. Again, it will be noted how many of these occupational groups have adopted Muhammadan names. There is no name for the aggregate of the boating castes, but Mallâh, which is Arabic. There were tailors, of course, from the beginning of things, but they are now known as Darzi, not Sûji: the turner must be an old handicraftsman, but his name, Kharâdi, is Arabic. So with the Dafâli, drummer; the Mirâsi, singer; the Tawâif, prostitute; the Rangsâz, painter; the Qalâ’igar, tinner; the Rangrez, cotton printer, and so on. In fact, in the silence of history, we seem to have only a faint idea of the tremendous bouleversement in Indian society, caused by the invasions of brutal invaders like Mahmûd [[cxlvi]]of Ghazni and Shahâb-ud-din Ghori. They came like a mighty flood over the land, and left the Hindu political and social organism a mass of ruins. To begin with, they broke the power of the Râjput completely and drove him from the fertile domains of the Ganges-Jumna valley to the deserts of Râjputâna, or the forests of Oudh. It is to this stupendous event that much of the form of modern Hindu society is due. The downfall of the Kshatriya implied the rehabilitation of the Brâhman, and the needs of a new race of conquerors, and of a court at no time lacking in splendour, and with the house of Timûr rising to unexampled magnificence, gave encouragement to the growth of new industries and the accompanying reorganization of the caste system under a new environment. [[cxlvii]]

Appendix.

Classification of castes by traditional occupation.

Class. Caste or Tribe. Strength.
Military and dominant Bhuînhâr 221,031
Jât 698,826
Râjput 3,633,843
Taga 128,563
Total 4,682,263
Cultivators Barai 153,421
Bhar 417,745
Bhurtiya 423
Dângi 2,363
Gâra 51,088
Golapûrab 9,723
Jhojha 26,847
Kâchhi 703,368
Kamboh 8,578
Khâgi 43,435
Kirâr 18,363
Kisân 364,455
Koeri 540,245
Kurmi 2,005,802
Kunjra 85,529
Lodha 1,029,225
Mâli 245,943[[cxlviii]]
Meo 10,642
Mewâti 60,332
Murâo 664,916
Râin 15,243
Râwa 25,451
Ror 4,459
Sâini 99,245
Total 6,586,841
Cattle-breeders and Graziers Ahar 244,167
Ahîr 3,917,100
Dogar 340
Gaddi 51,970
Ghosi 27,760
Gûjar 344,631
Total 4,585,968
Sheep-breeders Gadariya 929,463
Forest and Hill Tribes Baiswâr 1,898
Bhîl 190
Bhoksa 1,208
Bhuiya 849
Chero 4,883
Goli 21
Gond 8,861
Kharwâr 176[[cxlix]]
Kol 68,556
Korwa 33
Mahra 699
Majhwâr 16,268
Mânjhi 6,122
Musahar 40,662
Soiri 17,822
Sonthâl 1
Thâru 25,492
Total 193,741
Priests Brâhman 4,725,061
Mahâbrâhman 19,829
Total 4,744,890
Devotees Faqîr 623,506
Genealogists Bhât 161,144
Writers Kâyasths 514,327
Astrologers Joshi 35,069
Musicians and Ballad Singers Dafâli 42,075
Dhârhi 1,322
Dom Mirâsi 28,363
Panwariya 512
Total 72,272 [[cl]]
Dancers and Singers Barwa 1,631
Beriya 15,313
Bhagat 485
Gandharb 664
Hurkiya 801
Kathak 2,034
Paturiya 4,714
Râdha 4,354
Tawâif 22,969
Total 52,965
Actors and Mimes Bhând 4,014
Traders Banya 1,369,052
Bhâtiya 265
Bohra 1,131
Dhûsar Bhârgava 12,279
Khatri 46,250
Total 1,428,997
Pedlars Bisâti 959
Ramaiya 4,095
Total 5,054 [[cli]]
Carriers Ahiwâsi 9,502
Baidguâr 420
Banjâra 67,097
Belwâr 6,194
Nâik 2,563
Rahbâri 898
Total 86,674
Goldsmiths Sunâr 255,629
Barbers Nâi 862,273
Blacksmiths Lohâr 592,220
Na’lband 429
Total 592,649
Carpenters and Turners Barhai 559,617
Kharâdi 1,204
Total 560,821
Painters Rangsâz 1,486
Masons Râj 6,633
Brass and Copper Smiths Jastgar 13
Qala’igar 89
Kasera 7,273[[clii]]
Rangdhar 185
Thathera 21,361
Total 28,921
Tailor Darzi 228,926
Grain Parchers and Confectioners Bharbhûnja 310,216
Halwâi 96,246
Total 406,462
Perfumers, Druggists, Sellers of Betel Leaf. Gandhi 858
Tamboli 73,943
Total 74,801
Weavers Julâba 880,231
Kori 919,750
Panka 6,502
Total 1,806,483
Cloth Printers and Dyers Chhîpi 35,177
Rangrez 35,143
Total 70,320 [[cliii]]
Washermen Dhobi 658,745
Cotton Cleaners Dhuna 401,987
Kadhera 51,756
Total 453,743
Oil Pressers Teli 934,080
Potters Kumhâr 713,000
Glass and Lac Workers Chûrihâr 28,953
Lakhera 3,763
Manihâr 65,630
Potgar 12
Total 98,358
Bead Stringers Patwa 30,977
Firework Makers Âtishbâz 534
Salt and Earth Workers Biyâr 18,821
Beldâr 37,299
Dhângar 519
Ghasiyâra 198
Luniya 412,822
Total 469,659
Collectors of Goldsmiths’ Refuse. Niâriya 258 4,651 [[cliv]]
Iron Smelters Agariya 938
Saun 257
Total 1,195
Fishermen, Boatmen, Palanquin Bearers, Cooks, etc. Bargâh 918
Bargi 1,076
Bâri 69,708
Bhatiyâra 30,658
Bihishti 80,147
Châin 28,610
Gond 115,651
Gorchha 963
Kahâr 1,191,560
Kewat 315,882
Lorha 2,622
Mallâh 369,008
Mukeri 6,245
Nânbâi 2,177
Sejwâri 286
Total 2,215,511
Rice Huskers Barwâr 2,379
Kûta 4,029
Total 6,408 [[clv]]
Distillers Kalwâr 348,790
Toddy Drawers Bind 76,986
Tarmâli 27
Total 77,013
Butchers Chik 9,430
Khatîk 189,925
Qassâb 148,516
Total 347,871
Lime Burners Sunkar 1,396
Leather Workers Chamâr 5,816,487
Dabgar 1,482
Dhâlgar 8,019
Mochi 11,693
Total 5,837,681
Village Watchmen 80,574
Balâhar 2,359
Boriya 26,909
Dhânuk 146,190
Dhârhi 12,972
Khangâr 32,929
Kotwâr 97[[clvi]]
Pahriya 495
Pâsi 1,219,311
Total 1,521,836
Scavengers Bhangi 414,946
Domar 16,037
Total 430,983
Grindstone Makers and Stone Quarriers. Khumra 5,198 3,730
Knife Grinders Saiqalgar 4,206
Mat Makers and Cane Splitters. Bânsphor 17,333
Basor 25,447
Dharkâr 29,639
Dom 270,560
Dorha 68
Dusâdh 82,913
Kharot 5,641
Pankhiya 913
Tarkihâr 2,747
Total 435,261
Hunters, Fowlers, etc. Aherîya 19,768
Baheliya 33,755
Bandi 110[[clvii]]
Bangâli 1,353
Gandhîla 134
Gidiya 17
Kanjar 17,873
Total 73,010
Miscellaneous, and Disreputable Livers. Baddhik 126
Barwâr 2,703
Bâwariya 2,729
Bhântu 372
Dalera 2,223
Hâbûra 2,596
Harjala 275
Hijra 1,125
Sânsiya 4,290
Siyârmâr 1
Total 16,440
Tumblers and Acrobats Nat 63,584
Castes foreign to the Province Satgop 177
Sûd 147
Total 324 [[clviii]]
Indian Nationalities not returned by castes. Bhotiya 7,467
Mandrâji 31
Marhatta 732
Pindâri 27
Total 8,527
Sectarian Castes Nau-muslim 88,444
Sâdh 1,870
Total 90,314
Non-Indian Asiatic Races Biloch 13,672
Irâqi 11,677
Mughal 76,673
Pathân 700,393
Shaikh 1,333,566
Sayyid 242,811
Turk 4,994
Total 2,383,786
Non-Asiatic Races Armenians 54
Europeans 27,941
Habshi 194
Total 28,189 [[clix]]
Eurasians Eurasians 7,040
Christian Converts Native Christians 23,406
Castes, unspecified 22,489
Provincial Total Hindu 40,380,168
Musalmân 6,346,667
Jaina 84,601
Christian 58,441
Arya 22,053
Sikh 11,343
Buddhist 1,387
Pârsi 342
Jew 60
Brahmo 14
Deist 3
Unspecified 22
Grand Total 46,905,101

[[clxi]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER IV.

Tribal Nomenclature.

Territorial titles. The question of the origin of tribal nomenclature is a very interesting one, but too wide for detailed analysis at present. The broad features of it are plain enough. We have, to begin with, the territorial title. Such abound in various forms all through the tribal lists, and the preference shown for special places, raises many curious considerations. To attempt a rough classification of this kind of title, we have first those of the most general kind, such as Desi, “of the land,” and Pardesi, “from beyond the land.” Then come Pûrabi, “Eastern,” Dakkhinâha, “Southern,” Pachhiwâha, “Western,” and Uttarâha “Northern,” which are arranged in the order of their popularity. We have next names indicating geographical areas, such as Madhesiya, “residents of Madhyadesa,” “the middleland,” roughly speaking, bounded by the Himâlayas on the north, the Vindhyas on the south and along the Ganges Plain from the Panjâb frontiers to Allahâbâd. Similar to this is Antarvedi, or “those resident in the Lower Ganges-Jumna-Duâb,” from about Etâwah to the junction at Allahâbâd; and Banaudhiya, or those of South Oudh, with parts of Azamgarh, Jaunpur and Benares.

Names derived from rivers. 2. Next we have names taken from the position of tribes and clans in relation to the great rivers—Gangapâri, “those [[clxii]]beyond the Ganges,” Jumnapâri, “those beyond the Jumna,” and, most popular of all, Sarwariya, or Sarjupâri, “those beyond the Sarju.”

Names derived from famous cities. 3. Then we have a set of names derived from famous cities which have long sunk into decay, such as Kanaujiya, “those of Kanauj;” Srivastâvya, corrupted into Sibâstav or Bâtham, from Srâvasti, in North Oudh, now represented by Sahet-Mahet. Another of these ruined cities is Sankisa, in the Farrukhâbâd District, which gives its name to the Saksena Kâyasths, and to many other tribal sections. If Dhusiya is a corruption of Jhusiya it embodies the name of the old town of Jhûsi, on the Ganges, the capital of King Harbong, who is famous in folklore as the hero of many tales of the “Wise men of Gotham” type. Why Jais, now a petty town in the Râê Bareli District, gave its name to the numerous Jaiswâr sections, no one can tell, except on the supposition that it was a much more important place than it is now. The ruins and ancient mounds at Ahâr and Baran prove their former greatness. The name of the ancient kingdom of Magadha survives in that of the Magahiya Doms and many other tribal sections.

Names derived from religious sites. 4. The famous religious sites throughout the Province have naturally left their trace on the caste nomenclature—such are Ajudhya, the land of Braj, Mathura and Brindâban, Gokul and Hardwâr, Chunâr and Rajghât, which are all represented; but it is curious how little trace there is of Prayâga or Allahâbâd, and Kâshi or Benares, while [[clxiii]]places like Bindhâchal, Badarinâth, Bithûr and Batesar are not found at all.

Names derived from other towns. 5. Among existing towns and cities within the Province, Amethi, Azamgarh, Bahrâich, Ghâzipur, Gorakhpur, Hamîrpur, Jalesar, Mainpuri (in connection with its Chauhâns), Partâbgarh, Râjpur, Râmnagar, Râmpur, Fatehpur, Sikri (if the theory be correct that the name of the Sakarwâr sect is derived from it), Jaunpur (in remembrance of its Sharqi Kings), give their name to many sections. But the great capitals like Delhi and Agra, probably owing to their comparatively recent origin, have left little trace, and Lucknow is not found at all; while Cawnpur (Kânhpur) gives its name to an important Râjput sept, and many sections of less important tribes.

Names derived from places outside the province. 6. Many of these local names are taken from places outside the Province. From Bengal we have Baksar, Bhojpur, Gaur (if the old Bengal capital has anything to say to the many tribes and sections of the name), Hâjipur, Patna; from the Panjâb, Panjâbi, Lâhauri and Multâni; from the North, Naipâli, Janakpuri, Kashmîri; from the far West, Bhatner, Gujarât, Indaur, Jaypur, Jodhpur, Mârwâr, Osi, and Pâli are all found; from Madras we have Karnâtak; from Persia, Shirâzi.

Names derived from ancient tribes. 7. It is a curious fact that so few of the tribes mentioned in the Mahâbhârata and in mediæval lists, such as those of the Vishnu Purâna, have left their trace in the tribal [[clxiv]]nomenclature. Panchâla, the great kingdom which extended north and west of Delhi, and from the Himâlaya to the Chambal, has disappeared. The Abhîras, in name at least, are represented by the Ahîrs: the Ambashthas by one very doubtful legend with the Amethiya Râjputs: the Gahvaras or Girigavaras with the Gaharwâr Râjputs: the Haihayas with the Hayobans: the Kambojas with the Kambohs: the Kaivartas with the Kewats: the Khasakas or Khasikas with the Khasiya Râjputs: the Kulindas possibly with the Kunets: the Mâlavas with the Mâlavis: the Malas with the Mals: the Nishâdas with the Nikhâd section: the Takkas with the Tânk Râjputs: the Tomaras with the Tomars: the Yâdavas with the Jâdons. But of the Angas of Bhâgalpur, the Aparakâshis near Benares, the Bahlîkas, the Bahîkas, the Bahayas, the Bhojas, the Kûrus, the Mekâlas, the Sâkas, Salwas, Surasenas, Yamunas, there is perhaps no trace in the existing caste lists. The fact seems to be that these were nations or tribes, and it was on the break up of their tribal organization that the existing castes arose. As Dr. Robertson Smith showed, the same state of things existed in early Arabian History.[27]

Eponymous titles. 8. Next to these names derived from the local areas occupied by tribes, septs, and sections, we have the eponymous titles derived from the worthies of the ancient days. Thus Vatsa seems to give his name to the Bachgoti, Râja Vena to the Benbans: the Rishi Bhâradwaja constantly appears, [[clxv]]while Vasishtha is absent. Râja Durga is represented in the Durgbansis; and we meet constantly with Garga, Gautama, Parâsara, Raghu, and Sandila. Later in history come saints and holy men like Kabîr, Lâlbeg, Madâr, Malûkdâs, and Nânak. Akbar, Humâyun and Shâhjahân have disappeared, and perhaps the only monarchs of the Delhi line who have survived in the caste names are Shêr Shâh and Salîm Shâh, who give their name to two divisions of the Bhathiyâras. A sub-caste of the Chhîpis take their name from Todar Mal, the famous minister of Akbar.

Names derived from Râjput septs. 9. Much of the caste nomenclature is taken from that of the famous Râjput septs who employed or protected the menial peoples. No names recur more often among the sections of the inferior castes than Chauhân, Gaharwâr, Gahlot, Bargûjar, Râthaur, Kachhwâha, Jâdon and Tomar, which possibly represent the serfs and helots attached to them.

Occupational titles. 10. Next comes the great mass of occupational titles, the Bardhiya, “ox-men;” Bedbâf, “cane twisters;” Bâzigar, “acrobats;” Beldâr, “spademen;” Bhainsaha, “buffalo-men;” Bhusiya, “chaff men;” Chiryamâr, “fowlers;” Chobdâr, “mace-bearers;” Dhâlgar, “shield makers;” Dhankûta, “grinders of paddy;” Dhânuk, “bowmen;” Dharkâr, “rope twisters;” Dhelphor, “clod breakers;” Dhenkuliya, “those who work the water lever;” Dhobi, “the washermen;” Dholi, “drummers;” Gadariya, “shepherds;” Ghosi, “those that shout after the cattle;” Guâla, “cow-keepers;” Hardiya, “turmeric growers;” [[clxvi]]Jauhari, “jewellers;” Jonkâha, “leech men;” Julâha, “thread makers;” Kamângar, “makers of bows;” Khâlranga, “dyers of hides;” Kingriya, “violin players;” Kisân and Koeri, “ploughmen;” Kûnchhand, “makers of weavers’ brushes;” Kuppêsâz, “leather vessel moulders;” Lakarhâr, “the workers in wood;” Lohiya, “the dealers in iron;” Luniya, “the saltmen,” and Labâna, “the salt carriers;” Machhimâra, “the fish-killer;” Manihâr, “the jeweller;” Pahlwân, “the wrestler;” Pattharâha, “the stone workers;” Pâwariya, “the singer on a mat;” Piyâzi, “the growers of onions;” Singiwâla, “the cupper;” and Sirkiband, “the people who live under a thatch.”

Personal or contemptuous titles. 11. Then we have names derived from personal peculiarities or used in a contemptuous sense. The sweeper is Mehtar or “prince,” and Bhangi, “the rascal who intoxicates himself with hemp:” in the same range are Barpagwa, “he that wears the broad turban;” Kabûtari, “she that flirts like the pigeon;” Kâlkamaliya, “they that wear black blankets;” Kâmchor, “the loafer;” Kanphata, “he with the torn ears;” Kodokhânê, “they who eat the kodo millet;” and Maskhân, “the eaters of flesh.” Like these are the titles of Khalîfa for a cook or tailor, Jamadâr for a sweeper, and so on.[28] [[clxvii]]

Totemistic titles. 12. Incidentally some reference has been elsewhere made to totemism in connection with the origin of exogamy. From the details which are given in the following pages, and need not be repeated here, it will be seen that there are undoubted survivals of totemism among some of the Dravidian and menial tribes. These take the form of section names obviously derived from those of animals, plants, trees, and the like, the destruction, eating or even touching of which by members of the section whose names are thus derived is prohibited by a rigid tribal sanction. Though the evidence for the existence of totemism among at least one part of the population of this part of India seems sufficient, it will be seen that it now-a-days lurks only among the most primitive tribes. The fact seems to be that, like so many usages of the kind, it has been carried away by the flood of Brâhmanism which has overflowed the land. There is a constant tendency for tribes as they rise in the social scale to adopt the Brâhmanical gotras, because it is a respectable fact to belong to one of them. Thus all the stricter Hindu castes, like Banyas, Khatris, and even Kâyasths, recognise the gotra. The fiction of common descent from the eponymous ancestor naturally disappears, and among such people the gotra has no higher significance than the pedigree worked up to order in the Herald’s College, which ranks the novus homo through the use of a common crest and coat-of-arms with the great houses of Cavendish, Russel, or Howard. [[clxviii]]

The family and the sept. 13. We have seen that it is in the groups or camps of the vagrant tribes like the Beriya, Hâbûra and Sânsiya, that we must look to find what is perhaps the most primitive form of human association, and that the family was almost certainly not the primitive unit, but the sept. The family, in short, arose out of the sept when the stage arrived at which paternity and the incidents connected with it came to be recognised. But of the real tribal form of caste in which the association is based on actual or assumed community of blood through a common ancestor, we find little or no trace, except as Mr. Ibbetson[29] showed to be the case among the Pathâns and Bilûches of the western frontier, who are foreigners in this part of India. But even here the fiction of common descent is being gradually weakened by the wholesale admission of outsiders into the fraternity, who do not even pretend to be able to establish a genealogical connection with the original founder of the sept. Here, too, the differentiation of industries is leading to a distinction, even among the members of the association linked together in theory by the bond of blood. In theory any Pathân, Mughal or Sayyid may marry any girl of his tribe; but if he falls in social position or adopts any degrading occupation his difficulty in marrying into a respectable family is as difficult as it would be in Germany or even in some grades of English society for a parvenu to marry into a family whose claims to rank are undisputed. [[clxix]]

Distinctions of the occupational type. 14. To return to the occupational type of caste, there is here, as Mr Ibbetson[30] has already pointed out, a further distinction. There is the true occupational caste like the Nâi, Chamâr, or Bhangi, and there is the trade-guild association, which is much more flexible than the former, and is generally found in towns, and bears a Muhammadan name, like the Darzi, Âtishbâz, or Nâlband. This form is most unstable at the present day, and one of the main difficulties of the classification of caste statistics lies in the fact that from one decennial period to another new groups are constantly organizing themselves by a process of fission from other groups. Thus the Bâghbân, or gardener, is an offshoot of the Kâchhi, the Sangtarâsh or stone-cutter, from the Gonr, or others who engage in similar industries, the Mewafarosh, or fruit-seller, and the Sabzifarosh, or seller of herbs, from the Kunjra or greengrocer. Here, in fact, we can stand and watch the creation of new so-called castes before our eyes. And the process is facilitated by the creation of new religious groups, which base their association on the common belief in the teaching of some saint or reformer. Most of these sects are connected with the Vaishnava side of Hinduism, and are devoted to the solution of much the same religious questions which beset the searcher after truth in western lands. All naturally aim at the abolition of the privileges and pretensions of the dominant Brâhman Levite, and the establishment of a purer and more intellectual form of public worship. [[clxxi]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER V.

Exogamy.

1. No enquiry into the social relations of the Hindus can leave out of account the thorny subject of the origin of exogamy. By exogamy is generally understood the prohibition which exists against a man marrying within the group to which he belongs: to follow Mr. D. McLennan’s definition,[31] exogamy is prohibition of marriage between all persons recognized as being of the same blood, because of their common blood—whether they form one community or parts of several communities, and accordingly it may prevent marriage between persons who (though of the same blood) are of different local tribes, while it frequently happens that it leaves persons of the same local tribe (but who are not of the same blood) free to marry one another. “Endogamy,” on the other hand, “allows marriage only between persons who are recognised as being of the same blood connection or kindred, and if, where it occurs, it confines marriage to the tribe or community, it is because the tribe regards itself as comprising a kindred.”

Various forms of exogamy. 2. Before discussing the possible origin of exogamy it may be well to explain some of its various forms, of which numerous details, so far as it has been possible to ascertain them, are given in the subsequent pages. We have, then, first [[clxxii]]the Brâhmanical law of exogamy. Persons are forbidden according to the Sanskrit law-books, to intermarry, who are related as sapindas, that is to say, who are within five degrees of affinity on the side of the father. The person himself is counted as one of these degrees, that is to say, two persons are sapindas to each other, if their common ancestor being a male is not further removed from either of them than six degrees, or four degrees where the common ancestor is female.[32]

The gotra. 3. These prohibitions form a list of prohibited degrees in addition to the ordinary formula, which prevents a Brâhman or a member of those castes which ape the Brâhmanical organization, from marrying within his gotra or exogamous section. The word gotra means “a cow-pen,” and each bears the name of some Rishi or mythical saint, from whom each member of the group is supposed to be descended. Theoretically all the Brâhmanical gotras have eight great ancestors only—Viswamitra, Jamadagni, Bhâradvaja, Gautama, Atri, Vasishtha, Kasyapa, and Agastya. These occupy with the Brâhmans pretty much the same position as the twelve sons of Jacob with the Jews; and only he whose descent from one of these mighty Rishis was beyond all doubt could become a founder of a gotra.[33] The next point to remark is that, as Mr. Ibbetson[34] has pointed out, the names of many [[clxxiii]]of the founders of these gotras appear among the ancient genealogies of the earliest Râjput dynasties, the Râjas in question being not merely namesakes of, but distinctly stated to be the actual founders of the gotra; and it would be strange if enquiry were to show that the priestly classes, like the menials, owe their tribal divisions to the great families to whom their ancestors were attached.

All that we know at present about the evolution of the Brâhmanical tribal system tends to confirm this theory. At any rate, whatever may be the origin of these Brâhmanical gotras, it must be remembered that the system extends to all respectable Hindus. As soon as a caste rises in the social scale a compliant priest is always ready to discover an appropriate gotra for the aspirant, just as an English brewer, raised to the peerage, has little difficulty in procuring a coat-of-arms and a pedigree which links him with the Norman conquest. It is obvious in such cases that the idea of common descent from the eponymous founder of the gotra becomes little more than a pious fiction. But among many of the Râjputs who have been promoted at a later date, and in particular with more recent converts to orthodox Hinduism from the forest tribes, with a comical disregard for the theory of gotra exogamy, we find the sept enjoying only a single gotra, and this is very often that of Bhâradvaja, which is a sort of refuge for the destitute who can find no other place of rest. As has already been shown, some of the sectional titles are eponymous, like those of the gotras named after the [[clxxiv]]famous Rishis; others like the Durgbans Râjputs take their name from an historical personage; others, again, are totemistic, and others purely territorial.

Exogamy among the lower castes. 4. Passing on to the inferior castes, such as those of the agriculturists, artisans, and menials generally, we find very considerable differences in their internal structure: some are divided into regular endogamous sub-castes, which again are provided with exogamous sections, or, where these are absent, practise a special exogamous rule which bars intermarriage by reckoning as prohibited degrees seven (sometimes more or sometimes less) generations in the descending line. But it is obvious that, as in the case of Brâhmans, this rule which prohibits intermarriage within the section, is one-sided in its application, as Mr. Risley remarks:—“In no case may a man marry into his own section, but the name of the section goes by the male side, and consequently, so far as the rule of exogamy is concerned, there is nothing to prevent him from marrying his sister’s daughter, his maternal aunt, or even his maternal grandmother.” Hence came the ordinary formula which prevails generally among the inferior castes that a man cannot marry in the line of his paternal uncle, maternal uncle, paternal aunt, maternal aunt. But even this formula is not invariably observed. What the low caste villager will say if he is asked regarding his prohibited degrees, is that he will not take a bride from a family into which one of his male relations has married, until all recollection of the relationship has disappeared. And as rural memory runs hardly [[clxxv]]more than three generations, any two families may intermarry, provided they were not connected by marriage within the last sixty or seventy years. It is only when a man becomes rich and ambitious, begins to keep an astrologer and Pandit, and to live as an orthodox Hindu, that he thinks much about his gotra. To procure one and have the proper prohibited degrees regularly worked out is only a matter of money.

5. Having thus endeavoured briefly to explain the rules of exogamy which regulate the different classes of Hindus,[35] we are now in a position to examine the various explanations which have been suggested to account for this custom.

McLennan’s theory of exogamy. 6. The earliest theory was that of Mr. McLennan,[36] who began by calling attention to the fact that there are numerous survivals of marriage by capture, such as the mock struggle for the bride and so on, to which more particular reference is made in another place: that these symbols show that at one time people were accustomed to procure their wives by force. He went on to argue that among primitive nomadic groups, where the struggle for existence was intense, the girls would be a source [[clxxvi]]of weakness to the community: such children would be ill-protected and nourished, and female infanticide would occur. Hence, owing to the scarcity of brides, youths desirous of marrying would be obliged to resort to violence and capture women by force from the groups. This would in time produce the custom in favour of, or the prejudice against, (which in the case of marriage would soon have the force of tribal law) marrying women within the tribe. This theory has been criticized at length by Mr. Herbert Spencer and Dr. Westermarck[37] mainly on the following grounds:—“The custom cannot have originated from the lack of women, because the tribes that use it are mostly polygamous. It is, again, not proved to prevail among races which practise polyandry. The evidence of the widespread custom of female infanticide among groups in this assumed stage of social development is not conclusive. Primitive man does not readily abandon the instinct of love of the young which he possesses in common with all the lower animals, and women, so far from being useless to the savage, are most valuable as food providers. Further, there may be a scarcity of women in a tribe, and youths unable to find partners be forced to seek wives in another group, the difficulty remains why marriage with surviving tribal women should not only be unfashionable, but prohibited by the severest penalties; in some cases that of death. The position of such women would be nothing [[clxxvii]]short of intolerable, because they could not marry unless an outsider chose to ravish them.”

Spencer’s theory of exogamy. 7. Conscious of these and other difficulties which surrounded Mr. McLennan’s explanation, Mr. Herbert Spencer suggested another theory. According to him[38] exogamy is the result of the constant inter-tribal war which prevailed in early societies. Women, like all other livestock, would be captured. A captured woman, besides her intrinsic value, has an extrinsic value: “like a native wife she serves as a slave; but, unlike a native wife, she also serves as a trophy.” Hence to marry a strange woman would be a test of valour, and non-possession of a foreign wife a sign of cowardice. The ambition, thus stimulated, would lead to the discontinuance of marriage within the tribe. This theory is, as has been shown by Mr. Starcke[39] and Dr. Westermarck,[40] open to much the same objections as that of Mr. McLennan. As before, even if it became customary to appropriate foreign women by force, we are a long way from the absolute prohibition against marrying women of the tribe. The desire of the savage for polygamy would impel him to marriage with any woman whether of the tribe or not. The women of a tribe habitually victorious in war would be condemned to enforced celibacy: a usage based on victory in war could not have extended to the vanquished: the powerful feeling against [[clxxviii]]marriage with near relations could not have arisen merely from the vain desire to possess a woman as a trophy: and lastly, we have no examples of a tribe which did or does marry only captive women, or, indeed, in which such marriages are preferred.

Lubbock’s theory of exogamy. 8. Sir John Lubbock’s[41] theory again depends on his theory of what he calls communal marriage, by which all the women of the group were at the general disposal of all the males. This, however, he thinks, would not be the case with women seized from a different tribe. This theory, so far as it is concerned with communal marriage and polyandry, is discussed elsewhere. It is enough here to say that the evidence for the existence of either among the primitive races of this part of India appears entirely insufficient, and it is difficult to understand, even if communal marriage prevailed, how women captured, as must have been the case, by the general act of members of the group, could have been protected from that form of outrage which would naturally have been their lot.

Starcke’s theory. 9. Mr. Starcke[42] in his account of exogamy attempts to draw a distinction between the license which would permit intercourse between kinsfolk and prohibit marriage between them:—“The clan, like the family, is a legal group, and the groups were kept together by legal bonds long [[clxxix]]before the ties of blood had any binding power. The same ideas which impelled a man to look for a wife outside his family, also impelled him to look for her outside the clan.” This depends upon the further assumption that early marriage was not simply a sexual relation, a fact which he can hardly be considered to have fully established.

Tylor’s theory of exogamy. 10. All these theories, it will be observed, base exogamy more or less on the abhorrence of incest. Dr. Tylor,[43] on the other hand, represents it as a means by which “a growing tribe is enabled to keep itself compact by constant unions between its spreading clans.” That exogamy may have been a valuable means of advancing political influence is true enough, but, as Dr. Westermarck objects, it does not account for the cases in which inter-tribal cohabitation was repressed by the most stringent penalties, even by death.[44]

Morgan’s theory of exogamy. 11. Next comes that advocated by Mr. Morgan[45] and others, that it arises from the recognition of the observed evils of intermarriage between near relations. This theory has been with some slight modifications accepted by Dr. Westermarck[46] and Mr. Risley.[47] Briefly put, it comes to this: No theory of exogamy can be satisfactorily [[clxxx]]based on any conscious recognition by the savage of the evils of interbreeding. Of all the instincts of primitive man the erotic are the most imperious and the least under control. To suppose that a man in this stage of culture calmly discusses the question whether his offspring from a woman of his group are likely to be weaklings is preposterous. But the adoption of marriage outside the group would, in the end, by the process of natural selection, give the group practising it a decided physical advantage. As Mr. Risley puts it:—“As a result of the survival of the fittest the crossed families would tend more and more to replace the pure families, and would at the same time tend to become more and more exogamic in habits, simply as the result of the cumulative hereditary strengthening of the original instinct. It would further appear that the element of sexual selection might also be brought into play, as an exogamous family or group would have a larger range of selection than an endogamous one, and would thus get better women, who again, in the course of the primitive struggle for wives, would be appropriated by the strongest and most warlike man.”

12. This theory, which bases exogamy on the unconscious result of natural selection, gradually weeding out those groups which persisted in the practice of endogamy, and replacing them by a healthier and more vigorous race, seems on the whole best to account for existing facts. It is, however, perhaps premature to suppose that in all cases the same end was reached by the same course. All through the myths of early India [[clxxxi]]nothing comes out more clearly than the instructive hatred of the Arya or white man for the Dasyu, or the man of the black skin. The balance of opinion now seems to be moving in the direction of assuming that the so-called Aryan invasion was much more moral than physical, that the attempt to discriminate between the ethnological strata in the population is practically impossible. The conversion may have been the work, not of armies of invaders moving down the valleys of the Ganges and Jumna, but of small bodies of missionaries who gradually effected a moral conquest and introduced their religion and law among a population with whom they ultimately to a large extent amalgamated. That some form of exogamy was an independent discovery made by the autochthones prior to their intercourse with the Aryans seems certain; but it is possible that the special form of prohibited degrees which was enforced among the higher races may have been to some extent the result partly of their isolation in small communities among a black-skinned population, and partly, as Dr. Tylor suggests, as a means of enhancing the political importance and establishing the influence of these groups. That this procuring of suitable brides from foreign groups was sometimes impossible is proved by the curious Buddhistic legend that the Sakyas became endogamous because they could get no wives of their own rank, and were in consequence known as “pigs” and “dogs” by their neighbours.[48] [[clxxxii]]

Exogamy and Totemism. 13. There is, however, another side to the discussion on the origin of exogamy which must not be neglected. In another place I have collected some of the evidence as to the existence of totemism in Northern India.[49]

The present survey has given indication of the existence of totemistic sections among at least twenty-four tribes, most of whom are of Dravidian origin.

Now we know that one of the ordinary incidents of totemism is that persons of the same totem may not marry or have sexual intercourse with each other,[50] and it is perhaps possible that, among the Dravidians at least, one basis of exogamy may have rested on their totemistic group organization. The indications of totemism are, however, too vague and uncertain, being mainly based on the fact that the names of many of their sections are taken from those of animals and plants, to make it possible at present to express a definite opinion on such an obscure subject. [[clxxxiii]]

[[Contents]]

CHAPTER VI.

Forms of Hindu Marriage.

Communal marriage. Reference has already been made to the question of communal marriage in connection with the origin of exogamy. It has been observed that the evidence is insufficient to justify the belief that among any of the tribes or castes of this part of India the women are at the common service of all the men of the group. On the authority of a compilation entitled, “The People of India,”[51] it has been regarded as established that “the Teehurs of Oudh live together almost indiscriminately in large communities, and even when two people are regarded as married the tie is but nominal.” This has been since quoted as one of the stock examples of communal marriage in India.[52] Now of the Tiyars we have fairly complete accounts. The Oudh people of that name are a sept of Râjputs in the Sultânpur District, who do not appear in the enumeration of the last census. There is another body of Tiyars who are a sub-caste of the Mallâh, or boatman class, found to the number of 1,865 souls in the Ghâzipur District. They are numerous in Behâr and Bengal, and Mr. Risley has given a full account of them.[53] There is no evidence whatever that anything like communal marriage [[clxxxiv]]prevails among them. The fact seems to be that by the necessities of their occupation the husbands leave their wives for long periods at a time and go on voyages as far as Calcutta. That a high standard of female morality is maintained during their absence it would be rash to assert: but this is very different from communal marriage. A rather better example comes from the Beriyas, one of the nomadic and criminal gypsy tribes. The girls of the tribe are reserved, in the Central Ganges-Jumna-Duâb, for prostitution, and if any member of the tribe marries a girl devoted to this occupation, he has to pay a fine to the tribal council. This is what Sir John Lubbock would term “expiation for marriage,” the annexation of the woman by one individual man of the group being regarded as improper.[54] Dr. Westermarck, it may be remarked, disputes the connection of this custom with communal marriage.[55]

Laxity of female morality. 2. It is true that among many of the Dravidian tribes and those of the lower Himâlayas, like the Thârus, the standard of female morality is very low. Intrigues of unmarried girls, or even of married women, are very lightly regarded, provided the paramour is a clansman. Numerous instances of customs of this kind will be found in the following pages. The penalty on the relatives of the offenders is usually a fine in the shape of a compulsory feast to the tribesmen. On the other hand, the penalty is much more [[clxxxv]]severe if the woman’s lover belongs to a strange tribe. If he belongs to one of the higher tribes, the punishment is much less than if he belongs to one of the degraded menial races, such as the Dom, Dharkâr, or Bhangi. In such cases the woman is almost invariably permanently excommunicated. The tolerance of intertribal immorality, while significant is, however, far from actually legalised community of women.

The jus primæ noctis. 3. The custom of the jus primæ noctis has been also adduced as a proof of the existence of communal marriage. Of this the examples collected in the present survey are slight and inconclusive. The Ahîrs and many similar tribes have a custom of paying a fee to the village landlord at a marriage. This is known as mandwâna from mândo, the hut or pavilion in which the marriage is performed. This is hardly more than one of the common village manorial dues, and it is pressing the custom to an illegitimate extent to regard it as a commutation for the jus primæ noctis. There is reason to believe that in comparatively modern times some of the Râjas of Rîwa, a native state bordering on these Provinces, in their annual progresses, insisted on a supply of girls from the lower tribes, and there are still villages which are said to have been presented to the ancestors of women honoured in this way. But this is far from sufficient evidence for anything like the general prevalence of the custom, which is regarded with abhorrence by the public opinion of the country side. [[clxxxvi]]

Polyandry. 4. The same feeling prevails as regards polyandry which, according to Mr. McLennan, formed one of the regular stages in the evolution of marriage. There is certainly no ground for believing that at any time polyandry flourished as a permanent domestic institution. At the same time it seems quite certain that it has prevailed and does still prevail in Northern India, but usually among isolated communities and under exceptional circumstances.

5. To begin with the evidence from history or myth. The legend of the five Pândavas who took Draupadî as a joint wife, has been generally accepted as a proof that it existed among the people whom, for the sake of convenience, we call the early Aryans. It is true that the compilers of the Mahâbhârata clearly wish to refer to it as an exceptional case, and to whittle away its significance by representing it as a result of their misconception of their mother’s order. But there is reason to believe that it was not so exceptional as they endeavour to make out. In the discussion which followed, one of the princes quoted as a precedent the case of Jatilâ, “that most excellent of moral women who dwelt with seven saints, and Varkshî, the daughter of a Muni, who cohabited with ten brothers, all of them Prachetas, whose souls had been purified by penance.” We have next the case of the Aswins who had between them one woman, Sûryâ, the daughter of the sun. Even in the Râmâyana the giant Viradha imputes that Râma and [[clxxxvii]]Lakshmana jointly share the favours of Sîtâ.[56] Professor Lassen’s theory that the whole story of Draupadî and her five lovers is only the symbolical indication of an alliance between the king of Panchâla and the five tribes represented by the five Pândavas has met with little support.

For the fraternal form of polyandry practised by some of the Himalayan races, there is ample evidence. According to Mr. Drew, a very careful observer, it originated in the smallness of the amount of land which could be tilled and the general inelasticity of the country’s resources: while the isolation from the rest of the world, isolation of manners, language and religions, as well as geographical isolation, hindered emigration.[57] According to Dr. Wilson, polyandry in Tibet is not due to the scarcity of women, as a number of surplus women are provided for in the Lama nunneries.[58]

6. As regards the plains, we know that the prevalence of polyandry was noticed by the Greeks in the Panjâb.[59] Of the Gakkars Farishta[60] tells us that “it was the custom as soon as a female child was born to [[clxxxviii]]carry her to the door of the house and there proclaim aloud, holding the child with one hand, that any person who wanted a wife might now take her, otherwise she was immediately put to death. By this means they had more men than women, which occasioned the custom of several husbands to one wife. When the wife was visited by one of her husbands she left a mark at the door, which, being observed by any of the other husbands, he withdrew till the signal was taken away.” Similar customs prevailed among the Khokars of the Panjâb,[61] and the Panjâb Jâts.[62]

7. In all these cases it would seem that polyandry is associated with, and in fact dependent on, female infanticide. In the course of the present survey, it has been ascertained that the custom prevails among some of the pastoral tribes, such as Ahîrs, Gûjars and Jâts, chiefly in the upper valleys of the Ganges and Jumna. It has even been embodied in the current proverb:—Do khasam kî joru, Chausar ka khel,—“The wife with two lords is like a game of backgammon.” The arrangement suits these pastoral people, who graze their herds in the river valleys. The brothers take it in turn to attend the cattle, and one remains at home in charge of the house-wife.

Niyoga and the levirate. 8. Whether the customs known as niyoga and the levirate are or are not connected with polyandry has been the subject of [[clxxxix]]much controversy. Mr. McLennan[63] asserted that the levirate, that is the practice of marrying the widow of a deceased brother, was derived from polyandry. The niyoga, or the custom of a widow cohabiting with the brother of her deceased husband, seems to be referred to in the Veda.[64] Manu[65] allows such unions of a widow with a brother-in-law or other relative of the deceased husband to continue only till one or at the most two sons have been begotten, and declares that they must then cease. In the verses which follow he restricts such temporary unions to classes below the twice-born, or (in contradistinction to what proceeds) condemns them altogether. By the law, as stated by Gautama,[66] a woman whose husband is dead, and who desires offspring, may bear a son to her brother-in-law. “Let her obtain the permission of her gurus (husband’s relatives under whose protection she lives), and let her have intercourse during the proper season only. On failure of a brother-in-law she may obtain offspring by cohabiting with a sapinda, or sagotra, or samân-pravara, or one who belongs to the same caste. Some declare that she shall cohabit with none but her brother-in-law. She shall not bear more than two sons. The child belongs to him who begot it, except if an agreement to the contrary have been made, and the child begotten at a living husband’s request on his wife [[cxc]]belongs to the husband, but if it was begotten by a stranger, it belongs to the latter, or to both the natural father and the husband of the mother, but being reared by the husband belongs to him.”

9. The best recent opinion is in opposition to the theory that the levirate or niyoga is a survival of polyandry. “The levir,” says Mr. Mayne, “did not take his brother’s widow as his wife. He simply did for his brother or other near relation, when deceased, what the latter might have authorised him, or any other person to do during his lifetime. And this, of course, explains why the issue so raised belonged to the deceased and not to the begetter. If it were a relic of polyandry, the issue would belong to the surviving polyandrous husband, and the wife would pass over to him as his wife.”[67]

10. In modern times, in this part of India, practically all the tribes which permit widow marriage allow the levirate in the restricted form that it is only the younger son of the late husband who is allowed or expected to take the widow to wife. Whatever may have been the idea connected with this practice in early times, the fiction that the son was supposed “to raise up seed unto his brother” seems to have altogether disappeared, and no survival of this rule of affiliation has been discovered. In fact, according to common custom, the widow is regarded as a kind of property which has been purchased into the family by the payment of the bride-price; [[cxci]]and among some of the Dravidian tribes there is a rule of tribal law that if the widow goes to live with a stranger to the family, he is bound to repay the bride-price, and in some cases the costs incurred in her first marriage, to her younger brother-in-law or his father. It is noticeable that in this form of the levirate alliance with the elder brother of her late husband is rigidly prohibited: in fact all through the Hindu caste system any intercourse, even to the extent of speaking to, touching, or appearing unveiled in the presence of, her husband’s Jeth, or elder brother, is strictly guarded by a special taboo. There is a Behâr proverb—Latul bhainsur dewar barâbar—“a weak elder brother-in-law is like a younger brother-in-law, with whom you may take liberties.”

Prevalence of widow marriage. 11. The statistics of the last Census fully illustrate the prevalence of widow marriage. To use Mr. Baillie’s summary of the figures[68] “of 10,000 of the total Hindu population, 331 males and 817 females are widowed, 306 males and 747 females among Muhammadans, and no less than 639 males and 1,054 females among Jains.[69] It is clear, therefore, that both males and females, but particularly the latter, re-marry more extensively amongst Muhammadans than Hindus, and very much more frequently [[cxcii]]among Hindus than amongst Jains. As regards females this is exactly what might have been expected from what is known of the social circumstances of the three religions. Muhammadans permit re-marriage alike amongst males and females, and the excess of female widowed is due to the same reasons as the excess in England. The higher proportion of widowed of both sexes as compared with England is, of course, mainly due to the higher proportion of marriages. The somewhat higher proportion of excess among Muhammadan widows over Muhammadan widowers, as compared with English figures, is probably due to the greater facilities an English widow enjoys for re-marriage. Amongst Hindus, as is well known, re-marriage is in the higher castes permitted only for males. The castes which do not permit widow marriage are roughly one-fourth of the whole,[70] so that Hindus as regards female re-marriage occupy a position between Muhammadans and Jains, but nearer the former than the latter. The latter are practically, as regards such matters, Hindus of high caste, and permit no widow re-marriage: hence the high proportion of widows.” [[cxciii]]

12. This marriage of widows, known to the east of the Province as sagâi and to the west as karâo and dharewa, is a perfectly legal form of marriage, and when recognised by the tribal council the children are regarded as legitimate and succeed to their father’s estate. In subsequent pages will be found numerous details of the ritual in widow marriages. Among many of the lower castes the general rule appears to be that the widow is married to a widower: but this rule is subject to exceptions. The prohibited degrees for the widow are the same as for the virgin bride, with the additional limitation, as already explained, that she cannot marry her elder brother-in-law or her senior cousin. Though the marriage is quite legitimate, there is a certain amount of secrecy connected with it. It is performed at night. The bridegroom after eating with the woman’s friends invests her with a new robe and some jewelry, and withdraws with her to a private room. Next day he brings her home and procures the recognition of the union by feasting his clansmen. The rules as regards the custody of children by the first marriage are not very clearly defined. The usual course seems to be that if she has an infant she takes it with her to her new home, where it is practically adopted by its step-father. Children who have passed the stage of helplessness fall under the guardianship of their uncles, who manage their estate until they attain years of discretion, or, in the case of girls, arrange their marriages.

Age for marriage. 13. As regards the age for marriage the following table taken from the last Census Report[71] deserves re-production. [[cxciv]]

Age periods.Absolute number of males and females married.Proportion to 10,000 of same sex and age periods.
Males. Females.Males. Females.
0 Year 857 1,114 10 13
1 Year,, 857 1,172 24 31
2 Year,, 1,883 2,713 31 43
3 Year,, 3,382 5,504 47 73
4 Year,, 6,097 10,014 90 149
0 4 Year,, 13,076 20,517 41 63
5 9 Year,, 139,773 291,373 433 999
Total 0 9 Year,, 152,849 311,890 238 506
10 14 Year,, 684,952 1,221,070 2,417 5,744
15 19 Year,, 1,020,582 1,507,733 5,014 9,119
20 24 Year,, 1,443,669 1,911,373 6,923 9,404
25 29 Year,, 1,654,290 1,856,524 7,849 9,155
30 34 Year,, 1,778,861 1,747,479 8,206 8,501
35 39 Year,, 1,135,619 988,812 8,526 8,040
40 44 Year,, 1,393,582 1,050,977 8,157 6,438
45 49 Year,, 661,188 434,907 7,970 6,002
50 54 Year,, 885,634 454,625 7,541 3,891
55 59 Year,, 263,152 142,643 7,134 4,216
60 and over 746,220 245,005 6,142 1,688
Total 11,820,598 11,873,838 4,863 5,253

[[cxcv]]

Thus 1,971 persons are shown as married in the first year of life. What is known as the petmanganiya or “womb betrothal,” that is the engagement of unborn children should they turn out to be of different sexes, is noted in the case of Kanjars. It is remarkable that the returns show that the proportion of children married below the age of 4 is as high among Muhammadans as Hindus. Mr. Baillie believes that the custom prevails mainly among Muhammadan sweepers; but this is not quite certain. Assuming 9 to be about the age of puberty, about 2½ per cent. of boys and 5 per cent. of girls enter the state of matrimony below that age. But it must be noted that this does not imply premature consummation: these infant marriages are probably nearly all in the families of persons of some wealth and social importance, and in such cases cohabitation is practically always postponed till puberty, when the gauna or bringing home of the bride takes place. Mr. Baillie goes on to remark:—“Between 10 and 14 nearly nine-tenths of the female population pass into the married state; but considerably more than one-half of the males remain unmarried. Between 15 and 19 there are 15 married females for each one unmarried, whilst at the end of the period only 60 per cent. of the males have been married. By 24 practically the whole of the female population have been married, almost the whole of those unmarried at this and later ages being women whose avocations preclude marriage, or whose physical or mental health forbids it. Of men considerably more than a fourth are unmarried up to 24, whilst an appreciable but diminishing number [[cxcvi]]remains unmarried through all subsequent age periods.”[72]

Bachelors and old maids. 14. The census figures show, as might have been expected, that “the largest proportion of males who remain permanently unmarried is among Jâts, Râjputs, Brâhmans, Kâyasths, Khatris, and to a less extent among Banyas. It shows that marriage is latest for men in these castes also, while it is earliest for the low-caste cultivators, forest and hill tribes, Julâhas, Kumhârs, Telis, Dhobis, fishing castes, Chamârs, Pâsis and vagrant castes, the highest figure of all being for Kumhârs. The figures for women are in certain respects both more pronounced and more important than for men. For women, the largest numbers permanently unmarried among respectable Hindus are amongst Râjputs and Khatris. The high proportion among the former may have to do with the claim made by many of the dancing castes to be [[cxcvii]]Râjputs. Why it should be so high among Khatris I have been unable to understand or imagine.[73] Banjâras and vagrant Hindu castes show proportionately much higher numbers. Amongst the Muhammadans, the higher the caste, the higher the proportion of women not married at all. Female infant marriage is most extensive amongst cultivating castes, grazing castes, forest and hill tribes, Koris, Julâhas, Kumhârs, Telis, Dhobis, Chamârs, Pâsis, sweepers, and vagrant castes. Of the whole Pâsis are easily first, Kumhârs following a close second. Widows are most numerous among Brâhmans, Râjputs, Kâyasths, Banyas, Khatris and Sayyids easily, the highest proportion being among Khatris and Brâhmans. The lowest proportion of widows is among the forest and hill tribes, and after them amongst sweepers, Pâsis, Julâhas and Chamârs, in all of which castes woman is peculiarly a helpmate to man.”[74] The prenubial laxity of Dravidian girls enables the men to avoid marriage till they are well advanced in life, and desire to found homes for their old age.

Polygamy. 15. Polygamy is permitted both among Hindus and Muhammadans. As Mr. Mayne remarks[75]:—“One text of Manu seems to indicate that there was a time when a second marriage [[cxcviii]]was only allowed to a man after the death of his former wife (V., 168; IX., 101, 102). Another set of texts lays down special grounds, which justify a husband in taking a second wife, and except for such causes it appears she could not be superseded without her consent (Manu, IX., 72–82). Other passages provide for a plurality of wives, even of different classes, without any restriction (Manu, III., 12; VIII., 204; IX., 85–87). A peculiar sanctity, however, seems to have been attributed to the first marriage.… It is now quite settled that a Hindu is absolutely without restriction as to the number of his wives, and may marry again without his wife’s consent, or any justification except his own wish.” There seems no doubt that a Muhammadan may marry as many as four wives: but the question is debated by the authorities.[76] In spite of this polygamy is most infrequent. The last Census shows 11,820,598 married males to 11,873,838 married females. Similarly in the Panjâb there are 101·2 wives to 100 husbands. The proportion of husbands who have more than one wife is probably under 1 per cent.

Marriage by capture. 16. Something has already been said on the subject of marriage by capture. It may be well to consider if there are any facts which indicate that the people of Upper India in early times procured brides by force. Mr. McLennan, as we have seen, in his theory of marriage, starts with the stage of communal marriage next to polyandry, merging in the [[cxcix]]levirate. This stage attained, some tribes branched off into endogamy, some to exogamy. Exogamy was based on infanticide, and led to marriage by capture.[77] We have already seen the weakness of the evidence for the existence of a general stage of polyandry or communal marriage.

17. In describing the various forms of marriage Manu speaks of that known as Râkshasa:—“The seizure of a maiden by force from her house, while she weeps and calls for assistance, after her kinsmen and friends have been slain in the battle, or wounded, and their houses broken open, is the marriage called Râkshasa”.[78]

18. The difficulty in examining the apparent survivals of marriage by capture lies in determining which are indications of the usual maiden modesty of the bride, her grief at leaving home and her dread at entering a new family, and which are signs of violence on the part of the bridegroom and his friends.

19. From the early literature, beyond the reference in Manu, to which reference has already been made, the traces of the custom in myth are not very numerous or clear. The myth of Urvasî probably indicates the existence of some ancient rule or taboo which prevented ordinary unrestrained intercourse between husband and wife, with the inference that possibly from capture their relations were strained.[79] In the Mahâbhârata the followers of Kîchika attempted to burn Draupadî with [[cc]]his corpse, apparently because from the fact of her capture she was assumed to have been his wife. In the same epic Bhîshma declares that the Swayamvara is the best of all modes of marriage for a Kshatriya, except one, that of carrying away the bride by force. He acquired in this way the beautiful daughters of the Râja of Kâshi as wives for his brother Vichitra Vîrya. In the Sûtras it was provided that at a certain vital stage in the marriage ceremony a strong man and the bridegroom should forcibly draw the bride and make her sit down on a red ox skin.[80]

20. There are numerous examples of feigned resistance to the bridegroom. Thus among the Korwas the bridegroom and his party “halt at a short distance from the bride’s house, and there await her party. Presently emerges a troop of girls all singing, headed by the mother of the bride, bearing on her head a vessel of water surmounted by a lighted lamp. When they get near enough to the cavaliers they pelt them with balls of boiled rice, then coyly retreat, followed, of course, by the young men, but the girls make a stand at the door of the bride’s house and suffer none to enter until they have paid toll in presents to the bridesmaid.”[81] In a Gond marriage “all may be agreed between the parties beforehand, nevertheless the bride must be abducted for the fun of the thing: but the bridegroom has only to overcome the opposition of the young lady’s female friends—it is not [[cci]]etiquette for the men of her village to take any notice of the affair.”[82]

21. Numerous instances of similar practices have been recorded at the present survey. Thus, among the Ghasiyas, the bride hides in a corner of the house, and the youth goes in and drags her out into the presence of the assembled clansmen. It is etiquette that she makes some resistance. Much the same custom prevails among the Bhuiyas and Bhuiyârs. The Kanjar bridegroom comes armed to the bride’s house after the negotiations have been settled, and demands delivery of the girl in threatening tones. Similarly the bridegroom is armed with a bow and arrow.

22. There are numerous other customs which seem to be based on the same form of symbolism. Thus, the members of the bridegroom’s party are mounted on horses and armed: they, on arriving at the bride’s village, do not enter her house, but halt outside; the bridegroom on reaching her door makes a feint of cutting at the arch (toran) with a sword: there is the invariable fiction, no matter how near the houses of the bride and bridegroom are, that she must be carried in some sort of equipage. This the Mânjhis and some other Dravidian tribes call “a boat,” or jahâz; possibly a survival of the time when the bride was taken away by water.

23. We have then the etiquette by which the bride screams and wails as she is being carried away. When she reaches her new home she is lifted across the threshold [[ccii]]by her husband, or carried inside in a basket. This was an old custom on the Scotch border,[83] and may be as much a survival of the respect paid to the threshold as a reminiscence of marriage by capture. As she enters the door is barred by her husband’s sister, who will not allow her to enter until she is propitiated with a gift.

24. We have just noticed the fiction by which a bride is supposed to be brought from a distance. This is a standing rule among the Orâons and Kurmis of Bengal,[84] and more than one example of it may be found in the present survey, as among the Nâis and Pankas. This repugnance to marriage among people residing in close communities has been taken by Dr. Westermarck to be one of the causes which have led to exogamy.[85] In this connection, the system of gang exogamy, prevalent among the gypsy Kanjars and Sânsiyas, with whom it is a rule that the bride must be selected from an encampment different from that of the bridegroom, is most significant. It is possible that here we are very close to exogamy in its most primitive form.[86]

25. In the same category are the numerous taboos of intercourse between a man and his wife and her relations. We have already noticed the legend of Urvasî. The wife must not mention her husband by name, and if he addresses her, it is in the indirect form of mother [[cciii]]of his children. Mr. Frazer has directed attention to the rule by which silence is imposed on women for some time after marriage as a relic of the custom of marrying women of a different tongue. Hence the familiar incident of the Silent Bride which runs through the whole range of folklore.[87] On the same lines is the taboo of intercourse between a man and his mother-in-law, of which Dr. Tylor, though he gives numerous instances, is unable to suggest an explanation.[88] This, also, perhaps accounts for the use of the terms “brother-in-law” (sâla), “father-in-law” (sasur), as abusive epithets.

Runaway marriages. 26. The next form of marriage is the runaway marriage, which was dignified by the early Hindu lawgivers with the name of Gandharva, “the reciprocal connection of a youth and a damsel, with mutual desire, contracted for the purpose of amorous embraces, and proceeding from sensual inclination.”[89] This prevails largely among the Dravidian tribes of the Central Indian plateau. At the periodical autumn feast the Ghasiya damsel has only to kick the youth, of whom she approves, on the ankle, and this is a signal to her relatives that the sooner the connection is legalised the better. We have the same custom in another form in the well known institution of the Bachelors’ Hall among the Orâons and Bhuiyas.[90] This merges [[cciv]]into the Mutʼah marriage, which is legalised among Muhammadans.

Marriage by exchange. 27. Next comes marriage by exchange, known commonly as adala badala, where two fathers exchange daughters in marriage between their sons. This is the simplest form of marriage by purchase.[91] The present survey has disclosed instances of this among Barhais, Bhuiyas, Dharkârs, Ghasiyas, Kanaujiyas, Meos, Musahars and Tarkihârs. It thus is in a great measure confined to the lower castes, and Mr. Ibbetson remarks[92] that in the East of the Panjâb “exchange of betrothal is thought disgraceful, and, if desired, is effected by a triangular exchange,—A betrothing with B, B with C, and C with A: in the West, on the contrary, among all classes, in the Hills and Submontane Districts, apparently among all but the highest classes, and among the Jâts, almost everywhere, except in the Jumna District, the betrothal by exchange is the commonest form.”

Beena marriage. 28. The next stage is what has been called by ethnologists Beena marriage,[93] in which the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride and wins her after a period of probation as Jacob wins Rachel. In these Provinces the custom seems to be confined to the Dravidian tribes of the [[ccv]]Vindhyan plateau, Bhuiyârs, Cheros, Ghasiyas, Gonds, Kharwârs, Majhwârs, and Parahiyas. Among them it bears the name of gharjanwai, which means “the son-in-law residing in the house of the bride.”

Bride purchase. 29. Immediately arising out of this is the more common form of bride purchase which prevails among most of the inferior tribes. In many cases, as will be seen by the examples which have been collected, the bride-price is fixed by tribal custom, and it marks a progressive stage in the evolution of marriage, where the purchase of the bride is veiled under the fiction of a contribution given by the relatives of the youth to cover the expenses of the marriage feast, which is, except in the dola or inferior form of marriage, provided by the relatives of the bride. “Let no father,” says Manu,[94] “who knows the law, receive a gratuity, however small, for giving his daughter in marriage: since the man who, through avarice, takes a gratuity for that purpose, is a seller of his offspring.”

Marriage with dowry. 30. The last stage is when the relatives of the bride provide a dowry for the bride, which is the subject of careful negotiation, and is paid over in the presence of the tribesmen when the wife lives with her husband. [[ccvi]]

Confarreatio. 31. In all these forms of marriage the ceremony of Confarreatio, or the feeding of the married pair by the relatives on both sides, takes an important place. We have seen that it is the main rite in widow marriage. It is regulated by rigid rules of etiquette, one of the chief of which is that both bride and bridegroom must at first refuse the proffered food, and accept it only after much pressure and conciliation by gifts.

The Matriarchate. 32. According to Baudhayana “there is a dispute regarding five practices both in the South and in the North. Those peculiar to the South are to eat in the company of an uninitiated person, to eat in the company of one’s wife, to eat stale food, to marry the daughter of a maternal uncle or paternal aunt. He who follows these in any other country than the one where they prevail commits sin.”[95] There is some want of moral perspective in the classification of these prohibitions: but they chiefly concern us in connection with the matriarchal theory. The prohibition of marriage with a cousin on the mother’s side has been accepted as an indication of the uncertainty of male parentage. There can be no doubt that in Northern India there is some special connection between a boy and his maternal uncle, as is shown by many instances drawn from the usages of the inferior tribes, such as the Agariya, Majhwâr and other Dravidian races. We also find among the Doms and Dharkârs that it is the [[ccvii]]sister’s son who performs the duties of priest at the cremation and worship of the sainted dead, which follows it. He is not, however, regarded as an heir to the deceased to the exclusion of his sons. Similarly though a foster-child has no rights to succeed,[96] the relationship is universally recognised as a bar to intermarriage. There is thus some evidence for some of the tests of female kinship as laid down by Professor Robertson Smith.[97] [[ccviii]]

GENERAL DISTRICT STATISTICS.

District.Area in square miles.Population.Density per square mile.Religions of the people.
Hindu.Musalmân.Jain.Christian.Arya.Sikh.Buddhist.Parsi.Jew.Brahmo.Deist.Unspecified.
Dehra Dûn 1192·9 168,135 140·9 143,718 19,896 234 2,743 784 755 2 3 … … … …
Sahâranpur 2242·0 1,001,280 446·5 667,494 324,432 6,084 1,974 496 792 … 8 … … … …
Muzaffarnagar 1658·2 772,874 466·1 542,563 218,990 9,396 127 1,032 766 … … … … … …
Meerut 2369·7 1,391,458 587·2 1,047,650 316,971 16,380 5,435 2,784 2,237 … 1 … … … …
Bulandshahr 1911·1 949,914 497·0 764,937 179,019 1,284 210 4,430 34 … … … … … …
Aligarh 1952·4 1,043,172 534·3 918,730 120,338 2,507 465 992 126 … 14 … … … …
Mathura 1440·6 713,421 495·2 646,385 62,657 2,403 846 209 919 … 2 … … … …
Agra 1845·5 103,796 543·9 879,319 104,443 13,462 4,758 989 540 254 41 … … … …
Farrukhâbâd 1720·3 858,687 499·1 756,194 99,476 1,048 828 877 24 232 8 … … … …
Mainpuri 1700·9 762,163 448·0 714,294 41,529 5,760 132 326 122 … … … … … …
Etâwah 1691·2 727,629 430·3 682,863 42,325 2,117 134 169 19 … 2 … … … …
Etah 1740·7 702,063 403·3 622,833 72,953 4,945 520 764 43 … 4 … … … 1[[ccix]]
Bareilly 1594·6 1,040,691 652·6 789,603 245,039 4 5,271 351 300 111 12 … … … …
Bijnor 1898·4 794,070 418·2 521,891 267,162 998 908 2,046 1,065 … … … … … …
Budaun 2016·5 925,598 459·0 733,179 148,289 229 2,581 1,215 105 … … … … … …
Morâdâbâd 2282·5 1,179,398 516·7 773,001 400,705 1,002 3,307 1,305 75 … 3 … … … …
Shâhjahânpur 1744·1 918,551 526·6 787,136 129,266 36 1,328 640 144 … 1 … … … …
Pilibhît 1371·7 485,366 353·8 402,120 82,486 11 365 383 1 … … … … … …
Cawnpur 2363·2 1,209,695 511·9 1,103,990 101,541 415 3,036 620 52 … 32 3 6 … …
Fatehpur 1633·1 699,157 428·1 621,923 77,061 83 71 15 4 … … … … … …
Banda 3060·1 705,832 230·6 664,679 40,662 284 74 76 49 2 … … … … 6
Hamîrpur 2288·7 513,720 224·4 480,215 33,281 107 50 37 11 … 19 … … … …
Allahâbâd 2852·3 1,548,737 542·6 1,341,934 199,853 568 5,933 … 155 268 25 1 … … …
Jhânsi 1640·0 409,419 249·6 380,804 23,067 2,521 1,877 131 946 … 66 4 2 … 1
Jâlaun 1479·6 396,361 267·9 370,604 25,501 168 67 12 5 … 4 … … … …
Lalitpur 1947·4 274,200 140·8 258,595 5,946 9,546 63 … 49 … … … … … 1
Benares 1009·5 921,943 913·7 831,730 88,401 138 1,364 … 52 255 1 2 … … …
Mirzapur 5223·0 1,161,508 222·4 4,085,232 75,240 281 465 102 188 … … … … … …
Jaunpur 1549·8 1,264,949 816·0 1,148,505 116,344 6 93 … 1 … … … … … …
Ghâzipur 1462·0 1,077,909 737·3 974,340 102,726 27 576 86 150 … … 4 … … …[[ccx]]
Ballia 1169·7 942,465 805·7 876,095 66,353 … 15 … … … 2 … … … …
Gorakhpur 4676·1 2,994,057 654·3 2,691,164 301,630 44 1,176 … 2 … 19 21 … … 1
Basti 2767·0 1,785,844 645·1 1,509,989 275,729 … 66 60 … … … … … … …
Kumâun 2148·3 1,728,625 804·6 1,502,911 225,639 … 74 … … … 1 … … … …
Azamgarh 7151·0 563,181 78·8 549,572 11,969 5 1,601 … … 34 … … … … …
Garhwâl 5629·0 407,818 72·4 403,603 3,605 2 573 2 … 33 … … … … …
Tarâi 962·7 210,568 218·7 135,160 75,207 39 23 130 9 … … … … … …
Lucknow 967·0 774,163 800·6 605,625 161,369 797 5,769 553 379 193 66 … … … 12
Unâo 1778·0 953,636 536·4 877,451 73,920 8 106 123 28 … … … … … …
Râê Bareli 1751·2 1,036,521 591·7 950,290 85,965 23 145 2 96 … … … 6 … …
Sîtapur 2254·9 1,075,413 476·9 916,680 157,639 234 717 88 44 1 4 … … … …
Hardoi 2324·5 1,113,211 478·9 998,339 114,674 13 167 … 16 2 … … … … …[[ccxi]]
Kheri 2964·8 903,615 304·7 784,855 113,057 10 505 132 56 … … … … … …
Faizâbâd 1728·1 1,216,959 703·7 1,076,831 138,461 161 1,254 55 171 … 4 22 … … …
Gonda 2879·9 1,459,229 506·6 1,253,514 205,425 … 248 … 42 … … … … … …
Bahrâich 2680·3 1,000,432 373·2 829,701 169,798 48 124 37 721 … … 3 … … …
Sultânpur 1709·9 1,075,851 629·2 958,952 116,846 … 53 … … … … … … … …
Partâbgarh 1438·2 910,895 633·4 819,835 90,838 130 77 … 15 … … … … … …
Bârabanki 1740·2 1,130,906 649·9 943,740 185,938 1,043 147 … 35 … … … … 3 …
Total 107,502·8 46,905,085 436·4 40,380,168 6,346,651 84,601 58,441 22,053 11,343 1,387 342 60 14 3 22

[[ccxiii]]

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS AND ANTHROPOMETRICAL DATA.

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22
Number.Caste.Name.Residence.Occupation.Height of Vertex.Height of Trunk.Span.Left Foot.Left Middle Finger.Right Ear Height.Round Head.Inion to Glabella.Tragus to Tragus.Vertex to Chin.Antero­posterior Diameter.Maximum Transverse Diameter.Minimum Frontal Diameter.Bizygomatic Diameter.Nasal Width.Nasal Height.Facial Angle (Cuvier).
1 Agariya Musai Billi Bari, Mirzapur Iron smelting 1610 8001690 244 107 57 540 340 340 212 187 135 109 130 41 50 65
2 Baheliya Thakuri Mirzapur Shikari 1700 8401760 250 113 63 550 330 330 193 185 136 108 134 38 56 73
” Baheliya,, Prayâg Ditto Ditto 1710 8601800 252 110 57 540 340 340 216 187 135 105 132 36 57 70
3 Bairâgi Baldeo Dâs Niraon, Mirzapur Begging 1630 8101669 250 110 62 560 360 360 196 190 145 107 134 32 56 64
4 Baiswâr Bagesari Lâl Chatarwar, Mirzapur Agriculture 1670 8601710 263 114 64 540 330 330 215 192 135 109 133 40 59 67
” Baiswâr,, Deo Nârâyan Ditto Ditto 1650 8701670 259 117 61 550 350 350 209 192 137 104 130 35 60 71
” Baiswâr,, Mohan Ditto Ditto 1600 8101640 260 110 62 540 340 340 205 180 137 103 132 33 54 75
” Baiswâr,, Mithai Lâl Ditto Ditto 1590 8201590 244 111 57 560 350 340 218 194 136 107 124 37 57 70
5 Banya Girdhâri Robertsganj, Mirzapur Grain-dealer 1690 8501770 249 115 62 550 350 350 214 195 139 108 135 35 61 68
36 Bhotiya … … … Not measured.[[ccxiv]]
7 Bhuiyâr Raghunandan Arjhat, Mirzapur Wood-cutter and ploughman 1610 8001660 249 109 56 530 330 340 199 179 132 113 128 38 50 70
8 Bind Ramphal Robertsganj, Mirzapur Ploughman 1690 8401760 268 117 54 560 350 360 213 190 144 110 142 37 56 70
9 Biyâr Bhuar Sajaur, Mirzapur Ditto 1620 8201700 239 106 57 560 350 340 187 192 140 115 135 35 52 60
” Biyâr,, Raghu Ghuas, Mirzapur Ditto 1520 7801580 231 103 56 530 330 320 190 184 132 107 123 32 54 58
10 Chamâr Mekhuri Gothani, Mirzapur Shoemaker and ploughman 1630 8101660 229 108 67 540 330 330 202 185 133 107 137 30 53 60
” Chamâr,, Nathua (child) Ditto Ditto … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … …
11 Chero Chhandu Birar, Mirzapur Wood-cutter and ploughman 1590 8001630 246 108 59 540 340 350 200 186 139 114 140 37 54 60
” Chero,, Faujdâr Katauli, Mirzapur Ditto 1650 8301770 245 114 62 550 350 350 217 188 136 105 132 36 55 63[[ccxv]]
” Chero,, Muniya (female) Salkhan, Mirzapur Wood-cutter and field-labour 1490 7201460 237 108 58 560 360 350 214 191 135 107 127 36 49 69
” Chero,, Katwâru (female) Ditto Ditto 1560 7701560 229 105 66 540 340 330 200 187 132 108 123 35 53 62
” Chero,, Mangaru Ditto Ditto 1600 8301600 233 104 63 550 340 340 209 183 131 108 128 35 55 66
12 Dhângar Beni Bardiha, Mirzapur Field-labour and basket-making1710 8501800 245 115 59 560 360 350 206 195 138 114 140 35 53 66
” Dhângar,, Dukhi Ditto Ditto 1560 8001540 239 102 65 530 330 340 214 182 135 107 132 40 54 67
” Dhângar,, Har Lâl Ditto Ditto 1700 8201760 245 110 63 550 350 340 206 189 134 110 135 36 55 68
” Dhângar,, Râj Kali (female) Ditto Ditto 1530 7601580 230 106 66 530 340 350 206 175 129 102 125 35 54 70
” Dhângar,, Sugiya (female) Ditto Ditto 1400 6501400 210 96 59 520 320 320 186 181 131 100 122 31 52 69
” Dhângar,, Child Ditto Ditto … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … … …
13 Dharkâr Dipu Robertsganj, Mirzapur Basket-making 1560 7901610 229 103 54 540 350 340 199 181 143 112 129 36 53 65
” Dharkâr,, Ekadasiya (female) Ditto Ditto 1500 7701520 224 104 53 530 330 340 190 178 128 100 123 35 52 63
14 Dom Dwârika Ditto Working in bamboo 1710 8501730 260 115 60 550 340 340 209 139 134 110 137 38 55 68
” Dom,, Bhagwanti (female) Ditto Ditto 1600 8101620 236 112 58 560 360 360 206 186 139 110 132 37 53 61
15 Ghasiya Baghola Katauli, Mirzapur Ploughman and wood-cutter 1670 8501620 256 114 65 540 340 350 215 189 131 105 130 42 58 61
16 Gond Buddhu Sanjaur, Mirzapur Ditto 1620 8101730 249 111 53 530 330 330 205 177 142 111 133 31 58 68
17 Jalâli Amîr Ali Shâh Mirzapur Beggar 1670 8601680 250 112 60 570 360 360 201 195 134 112 132 35 49 72
18 Kol Machhal Chirahuli, Mirzapur Ploughman 1640 8101760 251 112 59 540 330 330 213 182 130 105 129 33 49 65
18 Kol,, Bhondu Sahijan, Mirzapur Ploughman 1720 8501790 264 116 64 560 360 350 221 195 140 103 133 38 51 71[[ccxvi]]
18 Kol,, Bhondu Sahijan, Mirzapur Ploughman 1720 8501790 264 116 64 560 360 350 221 195 140 103 133 38 51 71
” Kol,, Biranjiya (female) Ditto Ditto 1540 7901490 232 100 54 550 340 340 190 187 129 106 124 38 57 76
19 Korwa Karîman Bisrâmpur, Mirzapur Ditto 1530 8201560 245 110 60 540 330 340 209 186 134 110 135 42 51 69
20 Korwa,, Bodhu Ditto Ditto 1640 8201720 259 118 67 550 350 350 218 190 134 102 132 41 52 64
” Korwa,, Chhotu Ditto Ditto 1580 7901630 252 117 60 540 340 330 213 185 133 109 130 35 51 62
21 Kumhâr Sarnâm Robertsganj, Mirzapur.Potter 1570 8201580 242 105 61 530 340 340 202 183 127 99 128 37 54 62
22 Mahâbrâhman. Murlidhar Kusumha, Mirzapur Funeral priest 1620 8201630 243 107 66 570 360 360 200 194 140 115 136 32 56 68
” Mahâbrâhman.,, Baban Ditto Ditto 1540 7901540 225 100 56 550 350 350 201 189 134 112 125 31 50 65
23 Mallâh Makholi Kota, Mirzapur Boatman and fisherman. 1570 8101680 252 114 59 520 330 340 204 175 132 114 130 35 50 67
” Mallâh,, Mangaru Ditto Ditto 1640 8601680 251 114 60 560 360 350 219 193 133 107 131 35 56 64

[[1]]

[1] Rig Veda, X., 90; 6, 7. [↑]

[2] Chips from a German Workshop, II., 312. [↑]

[3] Ibid, 211, Monier Williams, Brahmanism and Hinduism, 17 sq. [↑]

[4] Wilson, Rig Veda, Introduction, XLIII., I., 20. [↑]

[5] The translation is from the North British Review, L., 521, note. [↑]

[6] Monier Williams, loc. cit., 51 sq. [↑]

[7] Loc. cit., 345 sq. [↑]

[8] Institutes, III., 12–15; 44: IX., 22, 24; 85–87: III., 16–19: X., 5, 6; 10–15: with Duncker’s comments, History of Antiquity, IV., 245 sq. [↑]

[9] Erato, 60. [↑]

[10] Institutes V., 22 sqq. [↑]

[11] Wilson, Rig Veda, II., 319. [↑]

[12] III., 8026. [↑]

[13] See Vishnu Purâna, Book IV., Cap. I., p. 359: Cap. XIX., p. 451: Muir, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, I., 222 sqq.; 227; 238; 426 sqq. Wilson, Rig Veda, I., 42 note: Essays, II., 309: Max Müller, Chips from a German Workshop, II., 339 sq. Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 58 sq., and compare Rajendra Lâla Mitra, Indo-Aryans, II., 266. [↑]

[14] Grant, Introduction, Central Provinces Gazetteer, CX., sq. [↑]

[15] Highlands of Central India, 8. [↑]

[16] Brief View, 79. [↑]

[17] Oudh Gazetteer, I., 305. [↑]

[18] Ibid., III., 229: I., 365. [↑]

[19] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, VI., 351, 2. [↑]

[20] Ibid., VIII., Part III., 49. [↑]

[21] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, I., 209; 211: II., 12. [↑]

[22] Journey through Oudh, I., 213. [↑]

[23] The derivation from the root such “to be afflicted” hardly deserves consideration. [↑]

[24] Brief view of the caste system of the North-Western Provinces and Oudh. The same theory was, however, advocated before Mr. Nesfield by Mr. Ibbetson in the Panjab Census Report of 1881, page 173, sq. [↑]

[25] Loc. cit., 3. [↑]

[26] Loc. cit., 115. [↑]

[27] Kinship, 239. [↑]

[28] Some of Mr. Nesfield’s identifications and derivation of tribal names must be received with caution e.g., the connection of the Musahar and Bâri; of the Koli and Koiri with the Kol; the Kalwâr with the Kharwâr or Khairwâr; the Bâdi with the Bhât. [↑]

[29] Panjâb Ethnography, 176. [↑]

[30] Loc. cit. 178. [↑]

[31] Quoted by Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., Introduction, XLIII. [↑]

[32] Manu, Institutes, III., 5, and other authorities quoted by Mayne, Hindu Law, 73. [↑]

[33] For further details see Haug, Aitareya Brâhmanam, II., 479 sq. [↑]

[34] Panjâb Ethnography, 182. [↑]

[35] The formula of Musalmân exogamy is thus given in the Qurân, Surah IV., 27:—“Ye are forbidden to marry your mothers, your daughters, your sisters and your aunts both on the father’s and on the mother’s side; your brother’s daughters and your sister’s daughters; your mothers who have given you suck and your foster sisters; your wives’ mothers and your daughters-in-law born of your wives with whom ye have cohabited. Ye are also prohibited to take to wife two sisters (except what is already past) nor to marry women who are already married.” [↑]

[36] Studies in Ancient History, 75 sqq. [↑]

[37] Principles of Sociology, I., 614, sqq.; History of Human Marriage, 311, sqq. [↑]

[38] Loc. cit. I., 619, sqq. [↑]

[39] Primitive Family, 216, sqq. [↑]

[40] History of Human Marriage, 316, sq. [↑]

[41] Origin of Civilisation, 135, sq. [↑]

[42] Primitive Family, 230, sq. [↑]

[43] Journal Anthropological Institute, XVIII., 267, sqq. [↑]

[44] Loc. cit., 317. [↑]

[45] Ancient Society, 424. [↑]

[46] Loc. cit. Chapter XV. [↑]

[47] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, Introduction, LXII. [↑]

[48] Spencer Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, 136, 293, 318. [↑]

[49] Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 278, sqq. [↑]

[50] Frazer, Totemism, 58, sqq. [↑]

[51] II. Page 85. [↑]

[52] e.g., by Lubbock, Origin of Civilization, 89. [↑]

[53] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, II., 328, sqq. [↑]

[54] Origin of Civilization, 126. [↑]

[55] History of Human Marriage, 73. [↑]

[56] For a discussion on these early cases of supposed polyandry see Dr. J. Muir, Indian Antiquary, VI., 260, sqq.: E. Thomas, ibid., VI., 275: Rig Veda, I., 119, 5: Wilson, Essays, II., 340: Max Müller, History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature, 44, sqq.: Westminster Review, 1868, page 412: Lang, Custom and Myth, II., 155. [↑]

[57] Jummoo, 250. [↑]

[58] Abode of Snow., 231. For Tibetan Polyandry generally see C. Horne, Indian Antiquary, V., 164: C. R. Stulpnagel, ibid., VII., 132, sqq.: Yule, Marco Polo, II., 33, 38, 40: Williams, Memo of Dehra Dûn, 175. [↑]

[59] Lassen, Ind. Alterthumsk., 2nd Edition, II., 454. [↑]

[60] Briggs, Translation, I., 183, sq. [↑]

[61] Ghulâm Bâsit: Dowson’s Elliot, History, VIII., 202. [↑]

[62] Kirkpatrick, Indian Antiquary, VII., 86, sq. [↑]

[63] Studies, 112, sqq. [↑]

[64] Rig Veda, X., 40, 2; and Muir’s remarks, Ancient Sanskrit Texts, V., 459. [↑]

[65] Institutes, IX., 59, 62; with Muir’s comment, Indian Antiquary, VI., 315. [↑]

[66] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryans, Part I., 267, sq. [↑]

[67] Hindu Law, 61; and see Starcke, Primitive Family, 141, sqq.: Westermarck, History of Human Marriage, 510, sqq. [↑]

[68] Census Report, North-Western Provinces, 1891, 249. [↑]

[69] The Panjâb returns show 145 widows to 1,000 women, 23 per cent. of women over 15 years of age are widows. This rises to 25 for Hindus and falls to 21 for Muhammadans. (Maclagan, Census Report, 226). Mr. O’Donnell (Bengal Census Report, 186) attributes much of the relative increase of Muhammadans in that Province to their toleration of widow marriage. [↑]

[70] The exact figures are:—

Not permitting widow marriage 9,713,087, or 24·05 per cent.
Permitting widow marriage 30,667,081, or 75·95 per cent.
Total Hindus 40,380,168, or 100 per cent.

These figures are, however, subject to the correction that some even of the lower castes partially prohibit widow marriage, and this is represented by the Byâhut section, which appears in many of them. In the whole of the Behâr Provinces (Census Report, 200) the Musahars of the north-eastern area, with only 5·5 per cent. of widows amongst women between 15 and 40 years, are most addicted to widow marriage. The Thârus of Champâran, and the Dhobis, Lohârs and Dusâdhs of North-West Behâr, follow them very closely in this respect. [↑]

[71] Page 246. [↑]

[72] Of the Panjâb Mr. Maclagan remarks (Report, 255) that “the practice of child marriage among girls prevails mainly in the east of the Province. It is primarily a Hindu practice, and is found most strongly developed in the districts where Hinduism is the prevailing religion; and in the Province generally it is much more common among Hindus than among Musalmâns. But the early marriage of girls has now become a matter more of custom than of religion, and the Musalmâns in Hindu districts are nearly as much addicted to it as the Hindus, while among Hindus in Musalmân districts it is almost as rare as among the Musalmâns. In fact, the Muklâwa is very little in vogue among Hindus anywhere in the extreme south and west of the Province.” The Bihâr returns (Census Report, 199) show that “the age of Kâyasth and Brâhman girls before they find husbands to be much higher than that assigned by popular opinion. The Râjput girl marries, like the Bâbhan and the aboriginal Thâru, a little later than the Dusâdh. So do the Nuniya, Lohâr, Kurmi and Kahâr, but only on an average a month or two later. The Dhânuk girl marries earlier than females in any other large caste in this area, though a year later than girls of low caste in North-East Bihâr.” [↑]

[73] Mr. Ibbetson shows that the difficulty of marrying among the Khatris of the Panjab is due to the strong law of hypergamy or necessity of marrying a girl in a higher grade than her husband, which prevails among them as well as among Brâhmans and hill Râjputs (Report, 356). This probably explains the fact in these Provinces. [↑]

[74] Census Report, 255. [↑]

[75] Hindu Law, 77. [↑]

[76] Hughes, [Dictionary of Islam], 462, sqq. [↑]

[77] Primitive Marriage, 138. Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 102, sq. [↑]

[78] Institutes, III., 33. [↑]

[79] On this see Lang, Custom and Myth, 65, sqq. [↑]

[80] Weber, Indische Studien, 325, quoted by McLennan, Primitive Marriage, 34, sq. [↑]

[81] Dalton, Descriptive Ethnology, 223, sq. [↑]

[82] Ibid., 278, and see Forsyth, Highlands of Central India, 158: Rowney, Wild Tribes, 37, sq. [↑]

[83] Henderson, Folklore of the Northern Countries, 38: Introduction to Popular Religion and Folklore, 151. [↑]

[84] Dalton, loc. cit., 248, 319. [↑]

[85] History of Human Marriage, 321, sq. [↑]

[86] Ibid., 330, sqq. [↑]

[87] Totemism, 68. [↑]

[88] Researches into Early History, 285: and compare Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 13: Wake, Serpent Worship, 169: Development of Marriage, 330. [↑]

[89] Manu, Institutes, III., 32. [↑]

[90] Dalton, loc. cit., 142. [↑]

[91] Westermarck, loc. cit., 390. [↑]

[92] Panjab Census Report, 355. [↑]

[93] Lubbock, Origin of Civilisation, 78. [↑]

[94] Institutes, III., 15. [↑]

[95] Bühler, Sacred Laws of the Aryas, Part I., Intro. L. [↑]

[96] Mayne, Hindu Law, 117. [↑]

[97] Kinship in Arabia, 143, 154, 155, 159, 165. [↑]

[[Contents]]

THE
TRIBES AND CASTES
OF THE
NORTH-WESTERN PROVINCES AND OUDH.

Volume I.

A

Abhyâgat.—(Sans. “Abhyâgata,” “a guest,” “a visitor”) is hardly a special sect. It is referred generally to mendicants and Brâhmans who live by begging. It is practically synonymous with Atît (q.v.). Some live a solitary life, others associate in monasteries (math) under an abbot (mahant).

Agariya.[1]—A Dravidian tribe found in scanty numbers only in the hilly parts of Mirzâpur south of the Son, where, according to the last Census, they number 481 males and 457 females, in all 938 souls. The Mirzâpur Agariyas confined themselves almost entirely to mining and smelting iron. They are certainly quite a different people from those described by Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley in Chota Nâgpur,[2] who claim to be Kshatriya immigrants from the neighbourhood of Agra and live by cultivation. The Mirzâpur Agariyas seem to be almost certainly of non-Aryan origin. A tribe of the same name and occupation in the Mandla District of the Central Provinces is described as a sub-division of the Gonds and among the laziest and most drunken of that race.[3] Colonel Dalton and Mr. Risley again describe a people of the same name as a sub-division of the Korwas, who are undoubtedly Dravidians.[4] It is with these people that the Mirzâpur tribe are almost certainly connected.

AGARIYA.

Appearance. 2. In appearance the Agariyas approximate very closely to allied Dravidian tribes, such as the Korwas, Parahiyas, etc., but they have a particularly [[2]]gaunt appearance and worn expression of countenance, which is undoubtedly the result of the severe occupation which they follow.

Tribal organization. 3. Those in Mirzâpur have seven exogamous septs all of totemistic origin. The Markâm is also a sept of the Mânjhis (q.v., paragraph 3). The word means “a tortoise,” which the members of this sept will neither kill nor eat. The Goirâr take their name from a tree so called, which the members of this sept will not cut. The Paraswân take their name from the palása tree (Butea frondosa), and members of this sept will not cut the tree or eat out of platters (dauna) made of its leaves. The Sanwân say that they take their name from san or hemp, which they will not sow or use. The Baragwâr are named from the bar tree (Ficus Indica), from the leaves of which they will not eat, and which they will not cut or climb.[5] Banjhakwâr, the name of the fifth sub-division, is said to be a corruption of Bengachwâr from beng, “a frog,” which the members of this sept will not kill or eat. The Gidhlê, which is also the name of a sept of the Bengal Orâons,[6] will not kill or even throw a stone at a vulture (Gidh). The Census returns give the chief sept as Bâjutheb, which was not recorded by the members of the tribe examined on the spot.

Tribal council. 4. They have a tribal council (panchâyat) at which all adult males attend. The meetings, in default of any specially urgent business, assemble when the members meet on the occasion of marriages or deaths. The members are summoned by the President of the council (mahto), who circulates a root of turmeric among them. The council deals with caste matters, such as adultery, fornication, and the like. The orders are enforced in the usual way (see Mânjhi, paragraph 9). The office of President is permanent and hereditary. If the incumbent happens to be a minor he can select another clansman to act for him until he becomes competent to fill the post.

Rules of exogamy. 5. The only rule of exogamy is that no one may marry within his sept (kuri). This obviously admits of very close marriage connections, but it is not supplemented by the usual formula which prohibits marriage in the [[3]]family of both the paternal and maternal uncles and paternal and maternal aunts. It is, in fact, admitted on all sides that a man may marry the daughter of his paternal uncle. It is essential that the bridegroom must not be engaged in any degrading labour, such as shoe-making or groom’s work. There is no restriction as to place of origin or family worship, but he must nominally conform to the tribal religion.

Traditions of origin. 6. The Mirzâpur Agariyas say that some five or six generations ago they emigrated from Rîwa, hearing that they could carry on their business in peace in British territory. Their first settlement was in the village of Khairahi in Pargana Dudhi. Their head-quarters in Rîwa are at the village of Rijaura; they do not make any pilgrimages to their original settlements or draw their priests or tribal officials from there.

Marriage. 7. The bride is purchased and her price by tribal custom is fixed at ten rupees. Polygamy is permitted, and an Agariya may have as many wives as he can afford to purchase and maintain. The senior wife (Jethi Mehrâru) is head of the household; she joins her husband in the family worship and she receives a degree of respect among the clansmen at marriages, etc., which is denied to the junior wives. If there are more wives than one they live in the same house, but in separate huts. Concubinage with women who are not members of the tribe and polyandry are prohibited. The women enjoy a considerable amount of liberty both before and after marriage. If an unmarried girl is detected in an intrigue with a clansman, her father can get her married to her lover on paying a tribal fine of ten rupees and providing a feast for the clansmen to the amount of one goat and the necessary quantity of rice. If she offends with a stranger she is permanently expelled.

Marriage ceremonies. 8. The age for marrying girls is between five and ten, and the parents are disgraced if they do not marry their daughters at an early age. The boy’s maternal uncle (mâmu) arranges the marriage.[7] There are no professional marriage brokers. The consent of the parents on both sides is essential, and the parties have no freedom of choice. When the preliminaries are arranged, the boy’s father sends to the girl’s [[4]]father ten rupees and two loin cloths (dhoti). This is the invariable rate whatever the means of the parties may be. None of this becomes the property of the bride and bridegroom, except one of the loin cloths which is given to the bride; but her father is expected to spend the cash received on the marriage feast. No physical defects are a bar to marriage, and if after marriage the bridegroom discovers any defect in the bride he must take her home. But this very seldom happens because the relatives on both sides take care to inspect the bride and bridegroom before the preliminaries are arranged. The betrothal consists in the approval of the bride by the boy’s maternal uncle and his acceptance of a dinner from the father of the girl. After this the wedding day is fixed. Their marriages usually take place in the light half of the month of Mâgh (January–February). Five days before the wedding day, the matmângar ceremony is performed in the usual way. On the marriage day the bridegroom comes with his procession to the house of the bride. They are put up in a place (Janwânsa) arranged for their reception. On that day it is not the custom for the father of the bride to entertain the party. Next morning the bridegroom comes with his friends to the bride’s house, and going into the inner chamber, where she is hiding, drags her out into the courtyard. This, and the rule of not entertaining the friends of the bridegroom before the marriage, are obvious survivals of marriage by capture. In the courtyard is fixed up a sort of pavilion (mânro), in the centre of which is planted a branch of the sâl tree (Shorea robusta). The sâl is the sacred tree of many of the Dravidian races, and its use at marriages seems to imply that tree marriage was the original custom. Round this the pair walk five times, and then the bride’s father makes a mark with turmeric on the foreheads of both, and warns them to live in unity. After this the clansmen are fed, and the bride is sent home with her husband. When she arrives at the door of her husband’s house his sister (nanad) bars the entrance, and will not admit the bride until the bridegroom gives her a couple of pice. After this the bridegroom’s father feeds his clansmen, who return home next day. Before they enter their new home there is a sort of confarreatio ceremony when the pair have to sit down outside and eat together. The essential part of this marriage ceremony, which is known as charhauwa, because the bride is offered (charhâna) to the bridegroom, is the payment of the bride price and the marking of the foreheads of the pair by the father of the bride. [[5]]

Divorce. 9. There is no real divorce: merely expulsion of the faithless wife from hearth and home. The only ground for expulsion is proof of the wife’s adultery to the satisfaction of the clansmen. In fact, it is understood that no proof short of her being caught in the act of adultery will be sufficient. If a woman is put away for adultery, she cannot be remarried in the tribe. Concubinage with strange women is forbidden. All the sons of all the wives rank and share equally. If a woman has a child by a man of another tribe, he is not received into the caste, cannot be married in the tribe, and the clansmen will not eat with him.

Widow Marriage. 10. Widow marriage in the Sagâi form is allowed. When a man proposes to marry a widow, he can do so with the consent of the head of the family. Both parties give a tribal dinner, and the man rubs some oil on the woman’s head and some red lead on the parting of her hair, and brings her home. When he brings her home he has to entertain the clansmen. The levirate is permitted, with the usual restriction that it is only the younger brother of her late husband who is entitled to claim her. It is only on his renouncing his right to her that she can marry an outsider. If she have children by her first husband, they do not accompany her to her new home, but remain with their father’s brother. The widow, on re-marriage, has no rights to her first husband’s property. If the children are very young, the uncle, who maintains them, gets half their property as his remuneration. In the same way if their uncle does not care to look after them, and they go to their step-father, he receives half their inheritance, and in this case the children are considered to be his own.

Adoption. 11. Adoption is permitted to a sonless man or one whose son is permanently expelled from caste; but there is no idea of religious merit in adoption. The son adopted must be of the sept (kuri) of the adopter, and is in most cases a brother’s son. Having once adopted he cannot adopt again as long as the adopted son is alive. A bachelor, an ascetic, or a blind man cannot adopt, nor can a married woman without the leave of her husband, and under no circumstances has the widow this power. A man may give his eldest, but not his only son, in adoption to another. There is no condition of age in the boy to be adopted. Girls cannot be adopted. The adopted [[6]]son is not excluded from succeeding to his natural father, and will do so if he have no other son. If a natural son be born after adoption, both share equally in the estate.

These are the rules as stated in a meeting of the caste, but they obviously represent the influence of their Hindu neighbours. It is very doubtful if the real Agariyas have any idea of adoption.

Succession. 12. The rules of succession are very similar to those of the Mânjhis (q.v.). When a man dies leaving a widow or widows, a son or sons, a daughter or daughters, brothers or other relatives, the sons alone inherit, and primogeniture is so far observed that the eldest son gets one animal or article, an ox, a brass pot, etc., in excess of the others. The sons take their shares per capita. When a man leaves only a sonless widow, his brothers inherit with the obligation of maintaining the widow for her lifetime or until she marries again. She can be expelled for unchastity. Stepsons inherit only the amount of their father’s property which their step-father may have received, but he is bound to support and marry them. Many of the elaborate rules which the tribe pretend to observe are derived from Hindu practice; and it is obvious that it is seldom difficult for an Agariya to dispose of his simple property.

Relationship. 13. The relations of the husband are regarded as relations of the wife, and vice versâ. The scheme of relationship agrees with that of the Kols (q.v.).

Birth ceremonies. 14. There are no ceremonies during pregnancy. Contrary to ordinary Hindu custom the woman lies on a bed facing east during delivery. She is attended during seclusion by the Chamâin midwife, who cuts the cord and buries it outside under the eaves of the house. The mother is dosed with a decoction of dill (ajwâin), and gets in the evening a mess of boiled sâwân, millet and konhrauri or balls made of urad pulse, and cucumber (konhra). On the sixth day the clothes of the mother and all the household are washed by one of them. They do not employ a Dhobi which, as the birth pollution is much dreaded, marks a very low stage of ceremonial purity. On the same day mother and child are bathed by the midwife, who gets a loin cloth (dhoti) as her fee. The mother then cooks for the family and a few of the neighbouring clansmen. On the same day the delivery room (saur) is cleaned and replastered by the sister of the husband (nanad), who receives a fee of four annas for her trouble. On the twelfth day the clansmen and their wives who live in the neighbourhood are fed. [[7]]

Couvade. 15. The husband is allowed to do no work on the day his wife is delivered, and has to take the first sip of the cleansing draught which is given her after delivery. He does not cohabit with his wife for a month after her confinement.

Puberty ceremonies. 16. There is no regular ceremony on arrival at puberty. The only rite in the nature of initiation is the ear-boring, which is done both for boys and girls in the fifth year. Up to this they may eat from the hands of a person of any caste. After this ceremony they must conform to tribal usage.

Death ceremonies. 17. The dead, except young children and those dying of small-pox, are cremated in the jungle. This is done very carelessly, and in times of epidemic disease the corpses are merely exposed in the jungle to be eaten by wild animals. The corpse is laid face upwards on the pyre with the feet to the south. The nearest kinsman moves five times round the pyre and touches the face of the corpse five times with a straw torch. As soon as the pyre blazes all go and bathe. Then they fill their vessels (lota) with water and return to the house of the deceased, where each pours the water he has brought in the court-yard. No fire is lit and no cooking done in the house that day. The food is cooked at the house of the brother-in-law (bahnoi) of the dead man. On the tenth day the clansmen assemble at some running water, and then go and eat at the house of the deceased. The bones which remain after cremation are thrown into the nearest running stream. They are not buried, and subsequently, when convenient, conveyed to the Ganges, as is the custom with the similarly named tribe in Chota Nâgpur.[8]

Ancestor worship. 18. On the day of the Phagua (Holi) they feed a fowl with gram and kill it in the name of the sainted dead. But they recognise no deceased ancestor beyond their father and mother, in whose name after the sacrifice they pour a little water on the ground. Only the members of the family eat the flesh of the victim. They do not employ Brâhmans at funerals; they have no Srâddha, and the sister’s son has no special functions on this occasion. [[8]]

Religion. 19. They call themselves Hindus, but worship none of the regular Hindu deities. In the month of Aghan they get the Baiga to worship the village gods (dih). The offering consists of five fowls and a goat. The Baiga chops off the heads of the victims with his axe and takes the heads as his perquisite, while the worshipper and his family cook and eat the rest of the meat at the shrine. In the month of Pûs they worship the tribal deity—the goddess of iron—Lohâsur Devi. To her is offered a female goat which has never borne a kid and some cakes made of flour and molasses fried in butter. These cakes are broken into pieces before dedication. A fire offering (hom) is lit and some of the scraps of cake are thrown into it. The remainder are eaten by the worshippers. There is no temple or image of this deity. Brâhmans are never employed by them, and they do all their religious business themselves, except the worship of the village gods, which is entrusted to the Baiga. Among them the Baiga is always one of the Parahiya (q.v.) caste. The village gods are worshipped at their special shrine; offerings to Lohâsur Devi and the sainted dead are made in the court-yard of the house. It is only in the case of the sacrifice to the local gods that the Baiga receives the head of the victim; in other cases the whole of the meat is consumed by the worshippers themselves. No substitutes are used in sacrifice, and they do not offer parts of their own bodies, such as locks of hair, drops of blood, etc.

Festivals. 20. Their festivals are the Phagua or Holi and the Baisâkhi called after the months in which they occur. At both they sacrifice to deceased ancestors and drink liquor. Both these are regular fixed feasts. They have no other Hindu holidays, nor at the Phagua do they light the holy fire as Hindus do. Before they offer the black goat to Lohâsur Devi they worship it, and before sacrificing it pour water on its head. Ancestors are worshipped to ward off evil from the household. They do not sacrifice animals at funerals, nor do they make any funeral offerings.

Ghosts. 21. They dread the ghosts of the dead who appear in dreams, not because their obsequies have not been duly performed, but because they have not received their customary periodical worship. They are then appeased by the sacrifice of goats and fowls. [[9]]

Tattooing. 22. All the Dravidian tribes of Mirzapur, the Kharwâr, Majhwâr, Patâri, Panka, Ghasiya, Bhuiya, Parahiya, Bhuiyâr, Korwa, Agariya, etc., have their bodies tattooed. This is done both to married and unmarried girls as soon as they attain to puberty. A widow cannot get herself tattooed, unless she marries again by the sagâi form. If a widow gets tattooed it is believed to bring trouble on the village. There are twenty-four forms of tattoo, any of which may be used by any woman of any of the castes. In general opinion tattooing is a sacred rite by which the body is sanctified. They say that the road to the heaven of Parameswar is full of difficulties, and at the end is a great gate guarded by terrible demons. The keepers will let no woman pass who is not tattooed. Accordingly every woman has to be tattooed, and in particular it is advisable to have the mark of some god marked on the body. They also believe that women who are not tattooed during life are tortured by the keepers of the gate of heaven. They burn them in the fire and brand them with a hot iron. They also roll them among thorns and afflict them in sundry ways. Some are taken to the top of the gate and flung down from thence. The only ornament which accompanies the soul to the other world is the godna or tattoo.[9] Besides being a religious obligation the tattoo is used as a decoration, and it hence takes the form of various kinds of jewelry. The tattooing is done by the women of the Bâdi or Malâr tribes of Nats. The remuneration varies according to the wealth of the patient and the character of the ornament. It ranges from half an anna to four annas. Women get themselves tattooed on the wrists, arms, shoulders, neck, breast, thighs, knees and below the knees. It is done with lamp-black mixed with the milk of the patient. If a woman be unmarried or barren, the milk of another woman of the family is used. If the milk of a woman of another caste be used it is considered most injurious to health. While the operation is going on, the patient is kept amused by the recitation of verses usually obscene. Tattooing is also used as a remedy for pains in various parts of the body. The black substance is made by burning the roots of certain jungle plants known as the gaihora and Chainshora. [[10]]Opium is also mixed with the black pigment to reduce the pain. A favorite remedy for barrenness is to tattoo the part of the stomach below the navel. In the same way a woman whose children are unhealthy and die gets a tattoo mark made on her armpit or stomach.

The chief forms of tattoo used by these jungle tribes are as follows:—The elephant; this is the sign of Ganesa, and women have it done on both arms; the sacred book (pothi),—this is done on the shoulders and arms; Mahâdeva,—this represents the name of Siva and is done on the breast; sankha or the conch shell,—this is done on the wrist, but is prohibited to women of the Majhwâr and Patâri tribes. It is the sign of coverture, and the woman who wears it does not become a widow in this world or in the life to come; pahunchi and chûra—these represent bangles or bracelets; the pahunchi is done on the arms, and the chûra below the knee; Jata Mahâdeva—this represents the matted locks of Siva and is done on the breast and other parts of the body; the hansuli or necklace—this is made on the neck in the place where the necklace is worn. While this mark is being tattooed, the mother of the girl seats her daughter on her knee because it is believed that the existence of this mark ensures that they both shall meet in the next world; the person who makes this mark receives extra remuneration. Pân pattar or betel leaf, châwal or rice mark, and the kharwariya are done on the arms in the place where the ornaments known as the bâju or jaushan are worn. Women of the Bhuiya and Parahiya tribes call this mark rijhwâr or “pleasing.” The bhanwara or large bumble bee is done on the knees and thighs. The murli-manohar is the representation of Krishna as the flute-player. It is done on the wrists and arms. The phulwâri or flower garden is done on the breasts and arms. The dharm gagariya is a mark which is supposed to make the wearer holy in the world to come. The râwana is the sign of Rawana, the enemy of Râma Chandra. It is done on the breast and hands. Garur is the sign of the bird Garuda, the vehicle of Vishnu. It is done on the arms chiefly by women of the Majhwâr, Patâri and Panka tribes. Chandrama is the sign of the moon, and is delineated on the breast and arms. Râdha Krishna is the sign of Krishna and his consort, done on the breast, wrist, and arms. The dhandha or “work” is the mark made below the navel by barren women in the hope of obtaining offspring. Muraila is the mark of the peacock made on the breast. Many of these marks are probably [[11]]totemistic in origin, but the real meaning has now been forgotten, and they are at present little more than charms to resist disease and other misfortunes, and for the purpose of mere ornament.

Tree worship. 23. The only tree they respect is the sâkhu or sâl which is used at these marriages.

Clothes and jewelry. 24. There is nothing peculiar about their clothes, except their extreme scantiness. The men wear rings of brass or gold in the ear-lobes. The women wear ear ornaments made of palm-leaf (tarki), glass bangles (chûri), heavy pewter anklets (pairi), and on the arm brass rings (ragari), with bead necklaces on the throat.

Oaths. 25. They swear on the head of their son and believe that they die if they forswear themselves. They have no form of ordeal.

Witchcraft. 26. There appears to be no idea that their women, like those of the Bengal Agariyas, are notorious witches.[10] They have Ojhas in the tribe, who announce, by counting the grains of rice put before them in a state of ecstacy, what particular Bhût has attacked the patient. The usual result is that he decides that some particular godling (deota) is clamouring for an offering. They believe in dreams which are interpreted by the oldest man in the family. They are usually due to inattention to the wants of the sainted dead. They do not profess to believe in the Evil Eye. But this is more than doubtful.

Food. 27. They eat all kinds of meat, including beef. They will not touch a Dom; they will touch a Chamâr, Dharkâr, Ghasiya, or Dhobi, but will not eat from their hands. They have a special detestation for Doms.

Taboos. 28. They will not touch a menstrual woman or their younger brother’s wife, or mother-in-law, or a connection through the marriage of children (Samdhin). They will not name their wives or elders in the family or the dead. In the morning they will not speak of death or quarrels or unlucky villages or persons of notorious character. They will not eat the flesh of monkeys, horses, crocodiles, lizards or snakes. [[12]]

Social usages. 29. Children eat first, then the men and women eat together, but in separate vessels. They have no ceremony at eating. They use liquor and chewing tobacco freely; they do not use the huqqa, but smoke out of pipes made of the leaf of the sâl tree. When they cannot get liquor to offer to deceased ancestors they mix flowers of the Mahua (Bassia latifolia) in water. They believe that the use of liquor keeps off sickness, but consider drunkenness disreputable. They salute in the same form as the Mânjhis (q.v.). They will eat food cooked in butter (pakka) from the hands of Kahârs, and boiled rice from Chhatris. There is no caste which will drink water touched by them.

Occupation. 30. They practically do no agriculture. Their business is smelting and forging iron. The following account of the manufacture is given by Dr. Ball[11]:—“The furnaces of the Agariyas are generally erected under some old tamarind or other shady tree on the outskirts of a village, or under sheds in a hamlet where Agariyas alone dwell, and which is situated in convenient proximity to the ore or to the jungle of sâl (Shorea robusta), or bijay sâl (Pterocarpus marsupium), where the charcoal is prepared. The furnaces are built of mud and are about three feet high, tapering from below upwards from a diameter of rather more than two feet at base to eighteen inches at top, with an internal diameter of about six inches, the hearth being somewhat wider. Supposing the Agariya and his family to have collected the charcoal and ore, the latter has to be prepared before being placed in the furnace. The magnetic ores are first broken into small fragments by pounding, and are then reduced to a fine powder between a pair of mill-stones. The hematite ores are not usually subjected to any other preliminary treatment besides pounding. A bed of charcoal having been placed on the hearth, the furnace is filled with charcoal and then fired. The blast is produced by a pair of kettle-drum-like bellows, which consist of basins loosely covered with leather in the centre of which is a valve. Strings attached to these leather covers are connected with a rude form of springs which are simply made by planting bamboos or young trees into the ground in a sloping [[13]]direction. The weight of the operator, or pair of operators, is alternately thrown from one drum to the other, the heels acting at each depression as stoppers to the valves. The blast is conveyed to the furnace by a pair of hollow bamboos, and has to be kept up steadily without intermission for from six to eight hours. From time to time ore and fuel are sprinkled on the top of the fire, and as fusion proceeds the slag is tapped off by a hole pierced a few inches from the top of the hearth. For ten minutes before the conclusion of the process, the bellows are worked with extra vigour, and the supply of ore and fuel from above is stopped. The clay luting of the hearth is then broken down, and the ball (giri) consisting of semi-molten iron slag and charcoal is taken out and immediately hammered, by which a considerable portion of the included slag which is still in a state of fusion is squeezed out. In some cases the Agariyas continue the further process, until after various reheatings in open furnaces and hammerings, they produce clean iron fit for the market, or even at times they work it up themselves into agricultural tools, etc. Not unfrequently, however, the Agariya’s work ceases with the production of the giri which passes into the hands of the Lohârs. Four annas or six-pence is the price paid for an ordinary giri, and as but two of these can be made in a very hard day’s work of fifteen hours’ duration, and a considerable time has also to be expended on the preparation of charcoal and ore, the profits are very small. The fact is that although the actual price which the iron fetches in the market is high, the profits made by the native merchants (Mahâjan) and the immense disproportion between the time and labour expended and the outturn, both combine to leave the unfortunate Agariya in a miserable state of poverty.” Some further enquiries recently made in Mirzapur prove the hopelessness of competition between native and imported iron. The native iron is specially valued for tools, etc., but with the diminution of jungle its manufacture will probably soon disappear.

Agariya: Agari.—There is another set of people known under this name who are found in the Central Ganges-Jumna Duâb who have no connection with the Agariyas of Mirzâpur. They claim to be Chauhân Râjputs, and say that they emigrated to Bulandshahr about two centuries ago from Sambhal in the Morâdâbâd district. They are, as a rule, settled, but in the hot weather they migrate to Rohtak, in the Panjab, where they settle in rude [[14]]huts near villages and pursue their trade of making salt (khâri nimak) and saltpetre. They follow the customs of Râjputs in their marriage ceremonies, except that they levy a bride price from the relations of the bridegroom. They profess not to permit widow marriage, but they recognise the levirate. A wife may be put away for adultery or other misconduct with the sanction of the tribal council, and then she can re-marry by the karâo form. Some of them now live by agriculture. Gûjars, they say, will eat and smoke with them.

2. A caste known as Agari are miners and smelters in the hills: there they are regarded as a branch of the Doms.

3. Of the Agaris of the Panjab Mr. Ibbetson writes:—“The Agari is the salt-maker of Râjputâna and the east and south-east of the Panjab, and takes his name from the Agar or shallow pan in which he evaporates the saline water of the lakes or wells at which he works. The city of Agra derives its name from the same word. The Agaris would appear to be a true caste, and in Gurgâon are said to claim descent from the Râjputs of Chithor. There is a proverb,—“The Ak, the Jawása, the Agari and the cartman: when the lightning flashes these four give up the ghost:” because, I suppose, the rain which is likely to follow would dissolve their salt. The Agaris are all Hindus and are found in the Sultânpur tract on the common borders of the Delhi, Gurgâon and Rohtak districts, where the well water is exceedingly brackish, and where they manufacture salt by evaporation. Their social position is fairly good, being above that of the Lohârs, but, of course, below that of Jâts.”[12]

4. Another name for them in these provinces is Gola Thâkur, or illegitimate Râjput. At the last Census they were included in the Luniyas.

Agarwâla.[13]—Usually treated as a sub-caste of the great Banya caste, a wealthy trading class in Upper India. There are various explanations of the name. According to one account they take their title from dealing in the aromatic wood of the agar (Sans. aguru), the eagle wood tree (Aquilaria agallocha). There is, however, no evidence that the sale of this article is, or ever was, a speciality [[15]]of the Agarwâlas. Another story is that there were a thousand families of Agnihotri Brâhmans settled in Kashmîr, and that they were supplied with agar wood for their sacrifices by a special tribe of Vaisyas. When Alexander the Great invaded India he broke their sacred fire pits (Agni kunda), and these Vaisyas were dispersed and settled in the neighbourhood of Agra, whence they derived their name. A third legend again refers the name to Agroha, an ancient town in the Hissâr district of the Panjab, where a lâkh of families of Vaisyas were settled by King Agra Sena. Round this Râja Agra Sena there is a whole cycle of legend. His ancestor was Dhana Pâla, Râja of Pratâpnagar, which some identify with the present State in Râjputâna, and some place vaguely in the Dakkhin or Southern India. He had eight sons—Shiu, Nala, Anala, Nanda, Kunda, Kumuda, Vallabha, Suka, and a daughter, Mukuta. At that time there was a Râja Visâla, who had eight daughters—Padmâvati, Mâlati, Kanti, Subhadra, Sra, Srua, Basundhara and Râja. They were married to the eight sons of Dhana Pâla. Each of these, except Nala, who became an ascetic, had a kingdom of his own. In the family of Shiu there reigned in succession Vishnu Râja, Sudarsana, Dhurandhara, Samadi, Mohan Dâs and Nema Nâtha, who populated Nepâl and called it after his own name. His son Vrinda performed a great sacrifice at Brindâban, and named the place after himself. His son was Râja Gurjara, who occupied Gujarât. Râja Harihar succeeded him, and he had one hundred sons. One of these, Rangji, became Râja, and the others, for their impiety, were degraded into Sûdras. To him, in the fifth generation, succeeded Râja Agra Sena. At that time, Râja Kumuda of Nâga Loka, or “Dragon land,” had a very beautiful daughter named Mâdhavi, who was wooed by the God Indra; but her father preferred to marry her to Râja Agra Sena. After his marriage he performed notable sacrifices at Benares and Hardwâr, and then went to Kolhâpur where he won the daughter of the Râja Mahidhara in the swayamvara. Finally he settled in the neighbourhood of Delhi and made Agra and Agroha his capitals. His dominions reached from the Himâlaya to the Ganges and the Jumna, and as far as Mârwâr on the west. He had eighteen queens, who bore him fifty-four sons and eighteen daughters. In his latter days he determined to perform a great sacrifice with each of his queens. Each of these sacrifices was in charge of a separate Achârya or officiant priest, and the gotras which sprang from him are named after these Achâryas. When he was performing the last [[16]]sacrifice, he was interrupted, and so there are seventeen full gotras and one half gotra. There are considerable differences in the enumeration of these gotras. One list, which seems authoritative, gives them as follows with the Veda, Sâkha and Sutra, to which they conform:—

Gotra.Veda.Sâkha.Sutra.
1. Garga Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
2. Gobhila Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
3. Gautama Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
4. Maitreya Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
5. Jaimini Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
6. Saingala Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
7. Vâsala Sâmaveda.,, Kausthami.,, Gobhila.,,
8. Aurana Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
9. Kausika Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
10. Kasyapa Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.
11. Tandeya Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
12. Mândavya Rigveda. Sakila. Aswilâin.
13. Vasishtha Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
14. Mudgala Rigveda. Sakila. Aswilâin.
15. Dhânyâsha Yajurveda. Mâdhyandina. Kâtyâyana.
16. Dhelana Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
Dhauma
17. Taitariya Yajurveda.,, Mâdhyandina.,, Kâtyâyana.,,
17½. Nagendra Sâmaveda. Kausthami. Gobhila.

The lists given by both Mr. Risley and Mr. Sherring differ considerably from this. Mr. Risley gives—

(1) Garg; (2) Goil; (3) Gâwâl; (4) Batsil; (5) Kâsil; (6) Singhal; (7) Mangal; (8) Bhaddal; (9) Tingal; (10) Airan; (11) Tairan; (12) Thingal; (13) Tittal; (14) Mittal; (15) Tundal; (16) Tâyal; (17) Gobhil; (17½) Goin.

Mr. Sherring gives the Gotras as follows:—

(1) Garga; (2) Gobhila; (3) Garwâla; (4) Batsila; (5) Kasila; (6) Sinhal; (7) Mangala; (8) Bhadala; (9) Tingala; (10) Erana; (11) Tâyal; (12) Terana; (13) Thingala; (14) Tittila; (15) Nîtal; (16) Tundala; (17) Goila and Goina; (17½) Bindal. [[17]]

Agarwâlas again have the divisions Dasa and Bîsa, the “tens” and the “twenties” like the Oswâls (q.v.). One account of their origin is that when the daughters of Râja Vâsuki, the king of the snakes, married the sons of Râja Agra Sena, they each brought a handmaid with them, and their descendants are the Dasas. The Bîsa or pure Agarwâlas do not eat, drink or intermarry with the Dasas.

Connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas. 2. Regarding the legend of the connection of the Agarwâlas and Nâgas Mr. Risley[14] writes:—“With the Agarwâlas, as with all castes at the present day, the section names go by the male side.

In other words a son belongs to the same gotra as his father, not to the same gotra as his mother, and kinship is no longer reckoned through females alone. Traces of an earlier matriarchal system may perhaps be discerned in the legend already referred to, which represented Râja Agar Nâth as successfully contending with Indra for the hand of the daughters of two Nâga Râjas, and obtaining from Lakshmi the special favor that his children by one of them should bear their father’s name. The memory of this Nâga princess is still held in honor. “Our mother’s house is of the race of the snake” (jât kâ nânihâl nâgbansi hai) say the Agarwâlas of Behâr; and for this reason no Agarwâla, whether Hindu or Jain, will kill or molest a snake. In Delhi Vaishnava Agarwâlas paint pictures of snakes on either side of the outside doors of their houses, and make offerings of fruit and flowers before them. Jaina Agarwâlas do not practise any form of snake-worship. Read in the light of Bachofen’s researches into archaic forms of kinship, the legend and the prohibition arising from it seem to take us back to the prehistoric time when the Nâga race still maintained a separate national existence, and had not been absorbed by the conquering Aryans; when Nâga women were eagerly sought in marriage by Aryan chiefs; and when the offspring of such unions belonged by Nâga custom to their mother’s family. In this view the boon granted by Lakshmi to Râja Agar Nâth that his children should be called after his name, marks a transition from the system of female kinship, characteristic of the Nâgas, to the new order of male parentage introduced by the Brâhmans, while the Behâr saying about the Nânihâl is merely a survival of those matriarchal ideas according to [[18]]which the snake totem of the race would necessarily descend in the female line. In the last of the six letters entitled “Orestes—Astika, Eine Griechisch—Indische Parallele” Bachofen has the following remarks on the importance of the part played by the Nâga race in the development of the Brâhmanical polity. The connection of Brâhmans with Nâga women is a significant historical fact.

Wherever a conquering race allies itself with the women of the land, indigenous manners and customs come to be respected, and their maintenance is deemed the function of the female sex. A long series of traditions corroborate it in connection with the autochthonous Nâga race. The respect paid to Nâga women, the influence which they exercised, not merely on their own people, but also in no less degree on the rulers of the country, the fame of their beauty, the praise of their wisdom—all this finds manifold expression in the tales of the Kashmîr chronicle, and in many other legends based upon the facts of real life.”

Snake-worship among Agarwâlas. 3. In connection with these speculations it may be noted that Agarwâlas have a special form of worship in honor of the Saint Astika Muni. He was the son of Jaratkâru by the sister of the great serpent Vâsuki and saved the life of the serpent Takshaka, when Janmejaya made his great sacrifice of serpents. This worship appears to be peculiar to the Agarwâlas, and is said to be performed only by Tiwâri Brâhmans. On the fourth day of the light half of Sâwan they bathe in the Ganges and make twenty-one marks on the wall of the house with red lead and butter; and an offering is presented consisting of cocoa-nuts, clothes, five kinds of dry fruits, and twenty-one pairs of cakes (pâpar), some yellow sesamum (sarson) flowers and a lamp lighted with butter. Some camphor is then burnt, and the usual ârti ceremony performed.

These things are all provided by the Agarwâla who does the worship. Astika Muni they believe to have been the preceptor (Guru) of the Nâga, and Agarwâlas call themselves Nâga Upâsaki or snake-worshippers. After this the women of the family come to the house of the officiating Brâhman. The ârti ceremony is again done by burning camphor, and the Brâhman marking their foreheads with red (rori) gives them part of the cakes as a portion of the sacred offering (prasâda). Each woman presents two pice to the Brâhman in return. This sesamum they sprinkle in their houses as a preservative against snake-bite. [[19]]

They are taught a special mantra or spell for this purpose which is said to run:—“I say that at whosoever’s birth the ceremony of Astika is performed the most poisonous snake runs away when he calls out Snake! Snake!”

This ceremony is performed once a year, and the day after it each person who joins in it gives the officiating Brâhman a present of uncooked grain.

Exogamy. 4. Agarwâlas follow the strict rules of the Shâstras in regulating the prohibited degrees. “All the sections are strictly exogamous, but the rule of unilateral exogamy is supplemented by provisions forbidding marriage with certain classes of relations. Thus a man may not marry a woman, (a) belonging to his own gotra; (b) descended from his own paternal or maternal grandfather, great-grandfather or great-great-grandfather; (c) descended from his own paternal or maternal aunt; (d) belonging to the grand maternal family (nânihâl) of his own father or mother. He may marry the younger sister of his deceased wife, but not the elder sister, nor may he marry two sisters at the same time. As is usual in such cases, the classes of relations barred are not mutually exclusive. All the agnatic descendants of a man’s three nearest male ascendants are necessarily members of his own gotra, and, therefore, come under class (a) as well as class (b). Again, the paternal and maternal aunt and their descendants are included among the descendants of the paternal and maternal grandfathers, while some of the members of the nânihâl must also come under class (b). The gotra rule is undoubtedly the oldest, and it seems probable that the other prohibited classes may have been added from time to time as experience and the growing sense of the true nature of kinship demonstrated the incompleteness of the primitive rule of exogamy.”[15]

Birth ceremonies. 5. In these Provinces when the moment of delivery comes, it is the etiquette for the husband to go himself and call the Chamârin midwife. This is always so in case of the birth of a son; but if it is a girl he can either go himself or send a servant to fetch her. She comes and cuts the cord, which is not, as is the case with many other castes, buried in the delivery room. A fire (pasanghi) is kept burning near the mother to keep off evil spirits, and guns are fired to scare the [[20]]dreaded demon Jamhua. After the child is born the mother is given a dose of assafœtida and water, the bitterness and smell of which she is not under the circumstances supposed to be able to feel. The Chamârin remains three days in attendance, and during that time the mother is fed on fruits and not allowed to eat grain in any form. On the third day she is bathed and the Chamârin dismissed. After this she is fed on grain. On the sixth day is the Chamar Chhathiya when the women keep awake all night and have lamps burning. All the women take lamp-black from one of these lamps and mark their eyes with it to bring good luck, and a little is also put on the eyes of the baby. Within fifteen days of delivery when the Pandit fixes an auspicious time the mother is bathed. There is no twelfth day (barahi) ceremony. The astrological (râs) name is fixed by the Pandit; the ordinary name by the head of the family. The mother is again bathed on the fortieth day, and is then pure and can rejoin her family. If the family can afford it, after this the Pandit is sent for and there is a formal naming ceremony (nâma karma), but this is not absolutely necessary.

Marriage ceremonies. 6. There is no fixed age for marriage. The wealthier members of the tribe marry their daughters in infancy; poorer people keep them till they are grown up in default of a suitable match being arranged. The marriage follows the usual high caste form. When the horoscopes agree (râs barag) and the friends are satisfied, a Pandit is asked to fix a lucky day. No bride price is given or received. Then the boy’s father sends to the bride’s house a maund of curds, some sweets and two rupees in cash to clench the proposal. The curds are sent in an earthen pot smeared with yellow; some red cloth is put over the mouth and on this the money is placed. This constitutes the betrothal. When the marriage day approaches the boy’s father sends the bride some ornaments made of alloy (phûl), a silken tassel, some henna and pomegranates, some sweetmeats, toys and a sheet (sâri). The number of trays of presents should be at least eleven and not more than one hundred and twenty-five. The girl’s father keeps for the bride only the shawl, some sweets and flowers, and sends back the rest. Next day these flowers are tied in the bride’s hair. If the marriage takes place in a town she goes to a temple and worships, and there she meets her future mother-in-law for the first time. After this follows the anointing of the bride and bridegroom, [[21]]known as Tel-hardi. When the bridegroom reaches the house of the bride, he is seated on a wooden stool, and the women of the family take up the bride in their arms and revolve her in the air round the bridegroom. During this the bride sprinkles rice (achhat) over him.

This ceremony is known as Barhi phirâna. Then comes the Sakhran ceremony. Some curds are put in a bag and hung up. When all the whey has escaped, the remainder is mixed with the same quantity of milk and sugar, some cardamoms, pepper and perfume; this is first offered to the family god (kula-deva), the other godlings (deota), and to a Brâhman, and is then distributed in the form of a dinner (jeonâr). This is always given on the day the tilak ceremony is performed. The girl is brought into the marriage pavilion by a near relation (mân), generally her father’s son-in-law, and seated in her father’s lap. He puts her hand in his with some wheat dough and a gold ring. Then he does the Kanyâdân or solemn giving away of the bride to the bridegroom, while the priest reads the formula of surrender (sankalpa). Then a cloth is hung up, and behind it in secret the bridegroom puts five pinches of red-lead on the parting of the bride’s hair, and they march round the pavilion five times. The girls of the family tie the clothes of the pair in a knot. When this is over they are taken to the retiring room (kohabar) where they are escorted by the next-of-kin (mân) of the bride, who sprinkles a line of water on the ground as they proceed. There the bridegroom’s head-dress (sehra) is removed. It is not the custom for the bride to return at once with her husband; there is a separate gauna. This gauna must take place on one of the odd years first, third or fifth after the regular marriage.

Adoption. 7. In a recent[16] case it was held that according to the usage prevailing in Delhi and other towns in the North-Western Provinces among the sect of Agarwâlas who are Sarâogis, a sonless widow takes an absolute interest in the self-acquired property of her husband, has a right to adopt without permission from her husband or consent of his kinsmen, and may adopt a daughter’s son who on the adoption takes the place of a son begotten. It was questioned whether on such an adoption a widow is entitled to retain possession of the estate either as proprietor or as manager of her adopted son. [[22]]

Agarwâlas and Chamârs. 8. Between the Agarwâla, who is perhaps, in appearance, the best bred of the tribes grouped under the name of Banya, and the dark non-Aryan Chamâr, it is difficult to imagine any possible connection, but it is curious that there are legends which indicate this. Thus it is said that an Agarwâla once unwittingly married his daughter to a Chamâr. When after some time the parents of the bridegroom disclosed the fact, the Agarwâla murdered his son-in-law. He became a Bhût and began to trouble the clansmen, so they agreed that he should be worshipped at marriages. Hence, at their weddings they are said to fill a leather bag with dry fruits, to tie it up in the marriage shed, to light a lamp beneath it, and to worship it in the form of a deity called Ohur, which is supposed to save women from widowhood. A similar story is told at Partâbgarh:—“I have heard it alleged (and the story is current, I believe, in parts of the Panjab) that once upon a time a certain Râja had two daughters, named Chamu and Bamu. These married and each gave birth to a son, who in time grew up to be prodigies of strength (pahalwân). An elephant happened to die on the Râja’s premises, and being unwilling that the carcase should be cut up and disposed of piecemeal within the precincts of his abode, he sought for a man of sufficient strength to carry it forth whole and bury it. Chamu’s son undertook and successfully performed this marvellous feat. The son of Bamu, stirred no doubt by jealousy, professed to regard this act with horror and broke off all relations with his cousin and pronounced him an outcaste. Chamârs are asserted to be descendants of the latter and Banyas of the former, and hence the former in some parts, though admitting their moral degradation, have been known to assert that they are in reality possessed of a higher rank in the social scale than the latter.”[17] The story is worth repeating as an instance of some of the common legends regarding the original connection of castes. Why the Chamârs should have selected in the Agarwâla Banyas the most unlikely people with whom to assert relationship, it is very difficult to say. Agarwâlas are also said at marriages to mount the bridegroom secretly on an ass which is worshipped. If this be true, it is probably intended as a means of propitiating Sîtalâ mâi, the dreaded goddess of small-pox, whose vehicle is the ass. [[23]]

Religion. 9. Most of the Agarwâlas are Vaishnavas; some are Jainas or Sarâogis. At the last Census 269,000 declared themselves as Hindus, and 38,000 as Jainas. A small minority are Saivas or Sâktas, but in deference to tribal feeling they abstain from sacrificing animals and using meat or liquor. As Mr. Risley says[18]:—“Owing, perhaps, to this uniformity of practice in matters of diet, these differences of religious belief do not operate as a bar to intermarriage; and when a marriage takes place between persons of different religions, the standard Hindu ritual is used. When husband and wife belong to different sects, the wife is formally admitted into her husband’s sect and must in future have her own food cooked separately when staying at her father’s house.” Their tribal deity is Lakshmi. They venerate ancestors at the usual Srâddha. They worship snakes at the Nâgpanchami in addition to the special tribal worship described in para. 3. Among trees they venerate the pîpal, kadam, sami and babûl. Their priests are generally Gaur Brâhmans. Some of them profess to abstain from wearing certain kinds of dress and ornaments, as they say, under the orders of their family Sati.

Social rules. 10. As regards food, the use of the onion, garlic, carrot and turnip is forbidden. At the commencement of meals a small portion is thrown into the fire, and a little known as Gogrâs is given to the family cow. “All Pachhainiya and most Purabiya Agarwâlas wear the sacred thread. In Behâr they rank immediately below Brâhmans and Kâyasths, and the former can take water and certain kinds of sweetmeats from their hands. According to their own account they can take cooked food only from Brâhmans of the Gaur, Tailanga, Gujarâti and Sanâdh sub-castes; water and sweetmeats they can take from any Brâhmans, except the degraded classes of Ojha and Mahâbrâhman, from Râjputs, Bais Banyas, and Khatris (usually reckoned as Vaisyas), and from the superior members of the so-called mixed castes, from whose hands Brâhmans will take water. Some Agarwâlas, however, affect a still higher standard of ceremonial purity in the matter of cooked food, and carry their prejudices to such lengths that a mother-in-law will not eat food prepared by her daughter-in-law. All kinds of animal food are strictly prohibited, and the [[24]]members of the caste also abstain from jovanda rice which has been parboiled before husking. Jaina Agarwâlas will not eat after dark for fear of swallowing minute insects. Smoking is governed by the rules in force for water and sweetmeats. It is noticed that the Purohits of the caste will smoke out of the same huqqa as their clients.”[19]

Occupation. 11. The Agarwâlas are one of the most respectable and enterprising of the mercantile tribes in the Province. They are bankers, money-lenders and land-holders. These rights in land have generally been acquired through their mercantile business. It is a joke against them that the finery of the Agarwâla never wears out because it is taken so much care of. They are notorious for their dislike to horsemanship, and for the skill of their women in making vermicelli pastry and sweetmeats. The greatness of Agroha, their original settlement, is commemorated in the legend told by Dr. Buchanan[20] that when any firm failed in the city, each of the others contributed a brick and five rupees which formed a stock sufficient for the merchant to recommence trade with advantage.

Distribution of Agarwâlas by the Census of 1891.

District. Hindus. Jainas. Total.
Dehra Dûn 2,109 234 2,343
Sahâranpur 26,448 5,988 32,436
Muzaffarnagar 28,237 9,029 37,266
Meerut 37,792 16,307 54,099
Bulandshahr 26,272 1,053 27,325
Aligarh 16,083 9 16,092
Mathura 27,323 1,196 28,519
Agra 22,439 1,447 23,886
Farrukhâbâd 2,281 122 2,403
Mainpuri 2,350 157 2,507
Etâwah 2,048 137 2,185[[25]]
Etah 2,518 69 2,587
Bareilly 7,401 4 7,405
Bijnor 12,222 779 13,001
Budâun 1,968 3 1,971
Murâdâbâd 10,968 255 11,223
Shâhjahânpur 1,065 33 1,098
Pilibhît 2,255 11 2,266
Cawnpur 6,004 70 6,074
Fatehpur 543 543
Bânda 860 … 860
Hamîrpur 1,542 … 1,542
Allahâbâd 3,340 … 3,340
Jhânsi 3,482 14 3,496
Jâlaun 1,907 1,907
Lalitpur 119 119
Benares 2,833 3 2,836
Mirzâpur 1,920 … 1,920
Jaunpur 263 … 263
Ghâzipur 1,067 26 1,093
Ballia 510 … 510
Gorakhpur 1,539 40 1,579
Basti 277 277
Azamgarh 1,049 1,049
Kumâun 260 260
Garhwâl 1,755 1,755
Tarâi 1,348 36 1,384
Lucknow 2,831 422 3,253
Unâo 149 8 157[[26]]
Râê Bareli 140 23 163
Sîtapur 266 124 390
Hardoi 106 … 106
Kheri 276 … 276
Faizâbâd 1,022 … 1,022
Gonda 802 … 802
Bahrâich 292 30 322
Sultânpur 205 … 205
Partâbgarh 295 … 295
Bâra Banki 500 887 1,387
Grand Total 269,761 38,516 308,277

Agastwâr.—A sect of Râjputs found principally in Pargana Haveli of Benares. They claim to take their name from the Rishi Agastya, who appears to have been one of the early Brâhman missionaries to the country south of the Vindhya range, which he is said to have ordered to prostrate themselves before him.

Aghori, Aghorpanthi, Aughar.[21]—(Sanskrit aghora “not terrific,” a euphemistic title of Siva), the most disreputable class of Saiva mendicants. The head-quarters of the sect are at Râmgarh, Benares. The founder of it was Kinna Râm, a Râjput by caste, who was born at Râmgarh, and was a contemporary of Balwant Sinh, Râja of Benares. When he was quite a boy he retired to a garden near Benares and meditated on the problems of life and death. He became possessed of the spirit and his parents shut him up as a mad-man. When they tried to wean him from the life of an ascetic and marry him, he made his escape and retired to Jagannâth. Some time after he was initiated by a Vaishnava Pandit from Ghâzipur. Then he went to Ballua Ghât at Benares and began to practise austerities. Some time after one Kâlu Râm came from Girnâr Hill, and Kinna Râm attended on him for some years. One day he announced his intention of making a second pilgrimage to Jagannâth, when Kâlu said,—“If I bring Jagannâth before your eyes here will you give up [[27]]your intention?” Kinna Râm agreed, and then by his supernatural power Kâlu Râm did as he had promised to do. This shook the faith of Kinna Râm and he abandoned the Vaishnava sect and was initiated as a Saiva. From that time he became an Aughar or Aghori. Kâlu Râm gave him a piece of burning wood which he had brought from the Smasâna Ghât or cremation ground at Benares, and ordered him with this to maintain the perpetual fire. After this Kâlu Râm returned to Girnâr and Kinna Râm went to the garden where he had stayed at the opening of his life and erected a monastery there. He performed miracles and attracted a number of disciples out of his own tribe.

2. Some time after his own Guru who had initiated him into the Vaishnava sect came to see him. Kinna Râm directed him to go to Delhi, where a number of Sâdhus were then suffering imprisonment at the hands of the Muhammadan Emperor for their faith, and to procure their release by working miracles. The Guru went there and shared their fate. Long after when the Guru did not return Kinna Râm went himself to Delhi in order to effect his release. Kinna Râm, on his arrival, was arrested and sentenced to work on the flour-mills. He asked the Emperor if he would release him and the other Sâdhus, if he was able, by his miraculous power to make the mills move of themselves. The Emperor agreed and he worked the miracle. The Emperor was so impressed by his power that he released the Sâdhus and conferred estates on Kinna Râm. The Sâdhus whom he had released became his disciples, and he returned to Benares, where at Râmgarh he established the Aghori sect and became the first leader. He lived to a good old age, and was succeeded by one of the members elected by general vote of the society.

Form of initiation. 3. The form of initiation into the sect is as follows:—The candidate for initiation places a cup of liquor and a cup of bhang on the stone which covers the tomb of Kinna Râm. It is said that those who wish to become Aughars without losing caste drink only the bhang, while those who desire to be fully initiated drink both the bhang and spirits. Some say that when the candidate has perfect faith, the cups come to his lips of themselves. Then a sacrifice is performed in which various kinds of fruits are thrown into the fire which has been kept alight since it was first lighted by Kinna Râm, and an animal, usually a goat, is sacrificed. It is believed that the animal thus [[28]]sacrificed often comes to life again when the function is over. After this the hair of the candidate is moistened in urine, by preference that of the head of the sect, and shaved. Subsequently the candidate has to meditate on the precepts and teaching of Kinna Râm, which are recorded in a book known as the Bîjaka. Those who are illiterate have these read over to them by other Aughars. The initiation ceremony ends with a feast to all the disciples present, at which spirits and meat are distributed. This is followed by a probation term of twelve years, during which the initiated eats any kind of filthy food, the flesh of corpses being included. Their life is spent in drinking and smoking intoxicating drugs, and they are most abusive to those who will not give them alms. When they go to beg they carry a bottle either empty or full of spirits. They demand alms in the words Jây Kinna Râm ki (Glory to Kinna Râm). It is said that after leading this life for twelve years they abandon the use of spirits and only eat filthy food.

4. A great resort of this class of ascetics is the Asthbhuja hill near Bindhâchal in the Mirzapur District. According to Lassen, quoted by Mr. Risley,[22] the Aghoris of the present day are closely related to the Kapâlika or Kapâladhârin sect of the middle ages who wore crowns and necklaces of skulls and offered human sacrifices to Châmunda, a horrible form of Devi or Pârvati. In support of this view it is observed that in Bhavabhuti’s Drama of Mâlati Mâdhava, written in the eighth century, the Kapâlika sorcerer, from whom Mâlati is rescued, as she is about to be sacrificed to Châmunda, is euphemistically described as an Aghorakantha, from aghora, “not terrible.” The Aghoris of the present day represent their filthy habits as merely giving practical expression to the abstract doctrine of the Paramahansa sect of the Saivites that the whole universe is full of Brahma, and consequently that one thing is as pure as another. The mantra or mystic formula by which Aghoris are initiated is believed by other ascetics to be very powerful and to be capable of restoring to life the human victims offered to Devi and eaten by the officiating priest. Not long since a member of the sect was punished in Budaun for eating human flesh in public. Of the Panjab Mr. MacLagan[23] writes:—“The only real sub-division of the Jogis which are at all commonly recognised are the well-known sects of Oghar and Kanphattas. The Kanphattas, as their name denotes, [[29]]pierce their ears and wear in them large rings (mundra) generally of wood, stone or glass; the ears of the novice are pierced by the Guru, who gets a fee of Re. 1–4–0. Among themselves the word Kanphatta is not used; but they call themselves Darshani or ‘one who wears an ear-ring.’ The Oghar, on the contrary, do not split their ears, but wear a whistle (nâdha) of wood, which they blow at morning and evening and before meals. Kanphattas are called by names ending in Nâth, and the names of the Oghar end in Dâs. The Kanphattas are the more distinctive sect of the two, and the Oghars were apparently either their predecessors or seceders from their body. One account says that the Kanphattas are the followers of Gorakhnâth, the pupil of Jalandharanâth, who sometimes appears in the legends as an opponent of Gorakhnâth. Another account would go further back and connect the two sects with a sub-division of the philosophy of Patanjali.” The difference between the Aughar and Aghori does not seem to be very distinct; the Aghori adds to the disgusting license of the Aughar in matters of food the occasional eating of human flesh and filth.

Distribution of Aghorpanthis and Aughars by the Census of 1891.[24]

District. Aughar. Aghori including
Kinnarâmi. 		Total.
Dehrà Dûn 86 … 86
Muzaffarnagar 1,235 … 1,235
Meerut 1,646 … 1,646
Bulandshahr 49 … 49
Agra 32 13 45
Etah 8 … 8
Bijnor 821 … 821
Budâun 15 … 15
Morâdâbâd 52 … 52
Pilibhît 16 9 25
Cawnpur … 8 8
Bânda … 6 6
Hamîrpur 14 9 23
Allahâbâd 1 17 18
Jhânsi 2 … 2
Benares 186 … 186
Ghâzipur 9 100 109
Ballia … 67 67
Gorakhpur … 260 260
Basti … 96 96
Azamgarh 7 … 7
Kumâon 5 … 5
Tarâi 54 … 54
Lucknow 6 29 35
Râî Bareli … 3 3
Unâo 1 … 1
Sîtapur 12 … 12
Faizâbâd … 13 13
Gonda 45 … 45
Sultânpur 15 … 15
Grand Total 4,317 630 4,947

[[30]]

Agnihotri.[25]—A class of Brâhmans who are specially devoted to the maintenance of the sacred fire. The number of such Brâhmans now-a-days is very limited, as the ceremonies involve heavy expenditure and the rules which regulate them are very elaborate and difficult. They are seldom found among the Pancha Gaur Brâhmans, who are not devoted to the deep study of the Vedas; they are most numerous among the Pancha Drâvira or Dakshini Brâhmans. In one sense, of course, the offering of part of the food to fire at the time of eating is one of the five daily duties of a Brâhman; but the regular fire sacrifice is the special duty of the Agnihotri. In order to secure the requisite purity he is bound by certain obligations not to travel or remain away from home for any lengthened period; to sell nothing which is produced by himself or his family; not to give much attention to worldly affairs; to speak the truth; to bathe and worship the deities in the afternoon as well as in the morning; to offer pindas to his deceased ancestors on the 15th of every month before he takes food; not to eat food at night; not to eat alkaline salt (khâri nimak), honey, meat, and inferior grain, such as urad pulse or the kodo millet; not to sleep on a bed, but on the ground; to keep awake most of the night and study the Shâstras; to have no connection with, or unholy thoughts regarding, any woman except his wife; or to commit any other act involving personal impurity.

2. In the plains there are three kinds of Agnihotris: first, hereditary Agnihotris; second, those who commence maintaining the sacred fire from the time they are invested with the Brâhmanical cord; and third, those who commence to do so later on in life. The proper time to begin is the time of investiture. If any one commence it at a later age, he has to undergo certain purificatory rites, and if subsequently the maintenance of the fire is interrupted, the ceremony of purification has to be undergone again. The ceremony of purification is of the kind known as Prajâpatya vrata, which is equal to three times the krichchhra, which latter lasts for four days, and consists in eating the most simple food once in the 24 hours; to eat once at night on the second day; not to ask for food, but to take what is placed before him; to eat nothing on the fourth day. This course, carried out for twelve days, constitutes [[31]]the Prajâpatya vrata. In default of this the worshipper has to give as many cows to Brâhmans as years have passed since his investiture. In default of this he must tell the gâyatri mantra ten thousand times for every year that has passed since he was invested. Or finally, if he can do none of these, he may place in the sacrificial pit (kunda) as many thousand offerings (âhuti) of sesamum (tila) as years have passed.

3. Agnihotri Brâhmans keep in their houses a separate room, in which is the pit at which the fire sacrifice is performed, and a second pit out of which is taken fire to burn the Agnihotri himself or any of his family when they die; besides these, a third pit is maintained from which fire is taken when it is required for ordinary household work. The first is known as the havaniya kunda, the second dagdha kunda, and the third, grâhya patya. The pit is one cubit in cubic measurement. All three are of the same dimensions. Around it is a platform (vedi), twelve finger breadths in width, and made of masonry or clay. One-third of it is coloured black, and is known as tama, “darkness” or “passion”; one-third, coloured red, is rajas, or “impurity,” and one-third, white, signifying sat, or “virtue.” Sometimes the pit is made in the form of the leaf of a pîpal tree and has the mouth in the shape of the yoni. In the morning the Agnihotri should place in the pit an oblation (âhuti) of ghi: this should be the product of the cow; if this be not procurable, it may be replaced with buffalo ghi, or that of the goat, sesamum oil, curds, milk, or, in the last resort, pottage (lapsi). On certain occasions an offering of rice-milk (khîr) is allowed. Some also offer incense.

4. The sacrifice is made in this way: First of all the pit should be swept with a bundle of kusa grass, and the ashes and refuse thrown into a pure place in the house facing the north-east; next the pit is plastered with cow-dung; then three lines are drawn in the middle with a stalk of kusa grass; from these lines three pinches of dust are collected and thrown towards the north-east. The pit and altar are then sprinkled with water from a branch of kusa grass. Fire is then kindled with the arani, or sacred drill, and lighted with wood of the sandal tree, or palâsa, which are also used for replenishing the fire. After this is performed the nândi srâddha, or commemorative offering to the manes preliminary to any joyous occasion, such as initiation, marriage, etc., when nine balls (pinda) are offered in threes—three to the deceased father, his father, and [[32]]grandfather; three to the maternal grandfather, great-grandfather, and great-great-grandfather; three to the mother, paternal grandmother, and great-grandmother. Water is then filled into the sacrificial vessel (pranîta), and twenty blades of kusa grass are arranged round the altar, so that the heads of all be facing the east. All the sacrificial vessels (pâtra) are arranged north of the pit and the altar. First of all the pranîta is so placed; then three blades of kusa grass; then another sacrificial vessel called the prokshani pâtra; then the âjya or ajyasthalipâtra, which holds the offering of ghi; after these the samârjana, or brush, the sruva, or sacrificial ladle, and the pûrna pâtra, another vessel. The vessels are purified with aspersion from a bunch of kusa grass dipped in water, after which the ghi is poured on the fire out of a bell-metal cup, and, with a prayer to Prajâpati, the fire is replenished with pieces of wood soaked in ghi.

5. Certain ceremonies (sanskâra) are incumbent on Agnihotris. On the fifteenth of every Hindu month they must perform the srâddha for their deceased ancestors: on the last day of every month they must do the srâddha and fire sacrifice (homa) every day during the four months of the rainy season. They must do the homa on a large scale: they must do the srâddha on the eighth day of both the fortnights in Sâwan and Chait: they must do a great fire sacrifice in Aghan and feed Brâhmans. Whenever a man begins to perform the fire sacrifice he always starts on the Amâvas, or fifteenth day of the month. There is a special elaborate ritual when an offering of rice-milk is made, in which sacred mortars and pestles and sacred winnowing fans are used with special mantras in extracting the rice from the husk.

The Agnihotris of the Hills. 6. Of these, Pandit Janardan Datta Joshi writes:—“They originally came from Gujarât, and are worshippers of the Sâma Veda. An Agnihotri commences fire worship from the date of his marriage. The sacred fire of the marriage altar is carried in a copper vessel to his fire-pit. This fire is preserved by a continual supply of fuel, and when the Agnihotri dies this fire alone must be used for his funeral pyre. He takes food once a day only and bathes three times. He must not eat meat, masûr pulse, the baingan, or egg-plant, or other impure articles of food. He never wears shoes: he performs the fire sacrifice (homa) daily with ghi, rice, etc., and recites the mantra of the Sâma Veda. The fire-pit which I have seen was forty feet long and fifteen broad, and is known as Agni Kunda. [[33]]He has to feed one Brâhman daily before he can take his food, and he eats always in the afternoon. Generally, the eldest son alone is eligible for this office, but other sons may practise it if they choose.

7. “The method of producing fire by the arani is as follows:—The base is formed of sami wood one cubit long, one span broad and eight finger breadths deep. In the block a small hole is made four finger breadths deep, emblematical of the female principle (sakti yoni). The middle arani is a shaft eighteen inches long and four finger breadths in diameter. An iron nail, one finger breadth long, is fixed to its end as an axis or pivot. The top arani, which is a flat piece of wood, is pressed on this nail, and two priests continue to press the bottom arani and maintain them in position. The point in the drill where the rope is applied to cause it to revolve, is called deva yoni. Before working the rope the gâyatri must be repeated, and a hymn from the Sâma Veda in honour of the fire god Agni. After repeating this hymn the fire produced by the friction is placed in a copper vessel, and powdered cowdung is sprinkled over it. When it is well alight it is covered with another copper vessel, and drops of water are sprinkled over it while the gâyatri is recited three times. The sprinkling is done with kusa grass. Again a Sâma Veda hymn in honour of Agni is recited. It is then formally consigned to the fire-pit. If the Agnihotri chance to let his fire go out he must get it from the pit of another Agnihotri, or produce it by means of the arani.”

Agrahari: Agrehri.—A sub-caste of Banyas found in considerable numbers in the Allahâbâd, Benares, Gorakhpur, Lucknow, and Faizâbâd divisions. They claim partly a Vaisya and partly a Brâhmanical descent, and wear the sacred cord. Their name has been connected with the cities of Agra and Agroha. Mr. Nesfield derives it from the agara or aloe wood, which is one of the many things which they sell. There is no doubt that they are closely connected with the Agarwâlas, and Mr. Nesfield suggests that the two groups must have been “sections of one and the same caste which quarrelled on some trifling question connected with cooking or eating, and have remained separate ever since.” Mr. Sherring remarks that they, unlike the Agarwâlas, allow polygamy, and Mr. Risley[26] suggests that if this be true it may [[34]]supply an explanation of the divergence of the Agraharis from the Agarwâlas. In Mirzapur they do allow polygamy, but with this restriction, that a man cannot marry a second wife in the lifetime of the first without her consent.

Internal organisation. 2. They have a large number of exogamous groups (gotra), the names of which are known only to a few of their more learned Bhâts. In Mirzapur they name seven—Sonwân; Payagwâr or Prayâgwâl; Lakhmi; Chauhatt; Gangwâni; Sethrâê; and Ajudhyabâsi. There are also the Purbiya or Purabiya, “those of the East;” Pachhiwâha, “those of the West,” and Nariyarha. To these Mr. Sherring adds, from Benares, Uttarâha, “Northern;” Tanchara; Dâlamau from the town of Dalmau, in the Râê Bareli District; Mâhuli from the Pargana of Mâhul, in Azamgarh; Ajudhyabâsi, from Ajudhya, and Chhiânawê, from a Pargana of the name in Mirzapur. In Mirzapur they regard the town of Kantit, near Bindhâchal, as their head-quarters. The levirate is recognised, but is not compulsory on the widow.

Religion. 3. Some of them are initiated in the Sri Vaishnava sect and some are Nânakpanthis. To the east of the Province their clan deities are the Pânchonpîr and Mahâbîr, and, as a rule, the difference of worship is a bar to intermarriage. Their family priests are Sarwariya Brâhmans. The use of meat and spirits is prohibited; but a few are not abstainers, and these do not intermarry with the more orthodox families.

Occupation. 4. They are principally dealers in provisions (khichari-farosh) and they have acquired some discredit as compared with their kinsfolk the Agarwâlas by not isolating their women and allowing them to attend the shop. They also specially deal in various sweet-smelling woods which are used in religious ceremonies, such as agara or aloe-wood and sandal-wood (chandana), besides various medicines and simples. The richer members of the caste are bankers, dealers in grain, etc., or pawnbrokers. All Banyas, but not Brâhmans, or Kshatriyas, will eat pakki from their hands; only low castes, like Kahârs or Nâis, will eat kachchi cooked by them, and they will themselves eat kachchi only if cooked by one of their own caste or by their Brâhman Guru. [[35]]

Distribution of the Agrahari Banyas according to Census, 1891.

District. Numbers.
Dehra Dûn 4
Meerut 26
Farrukhâbâd 1
Cawnpur 856
Fatehpur 5,708
Bânda 3,605
Allahâbâd 5,871
Benares 2,984
Mirzapur 6,354
Jaunpur 9,600
Ghâzipur 744
Ballia 11
Gorakhpur 6,106
Basti 17,256
Azamgarh 3,564
Lucknow 898
Unâo 42
Râê Bareli 7,439
Faizâbâd 9,713
Gonda 796
Bahrâich 88
Sultânpur 14,944
Partâbgarh 4,597
Bârabanki 21
Total 1,01,228

Ahar.—A pastoral and cultivating tribe found principally in Rohilkhand along the banks of the Râmganga and west of that river. These tracts are familiarly known as Aharât. Sir H. M. Elliot[27] says that they smoke and drink in common with Jâts and Gûjars, but disclaim all connection with Ahîrs, whom they consider an inferior stock, and the Ahîrs repay the compliment. Ahars say that they are descended from Jâdonbansi Râjputs; but Ahîrs say that they are the real Jâdonbansi, being descended in a direct line from Krishna, and that Ahars are descended from the cowherds in Krishna’s service, and that the inferiority of Ahars is fully proved by their eating fish and milking cows. It seems probable that the name and origin of both tribes is the same. The Collector of Mathura reports that the names Ahîr and Ahar appear to be used indiscriminately, and in particular in most cases the Ahîr clans of Bhatti, Deswâr and Nugâwat appear to have been recorded as Ahars. To the east of the Province Ahar appears to be occasionally used as [[36]]a synonym for Aheriya, and to designate the class of bird-catchers known as Chiryâmâr.

2. At the last census the Ahars were recorded under the main sub-castes of Bâchar, or Bâchhar, Bhirgudi, Deswâr, Guâlbans, and Jâdubans. In the returns they were recorded under no less than 976 sub-castes, of which the most numerous in Bulandshahr are the Nagauri and Rajauliya; in Bareilly the Alaudiya, Baheriya, Banjâra, Bharthariya, Bhusangar, Bhijauriya, Dirhwâr, Mundiya, Ora, Rajauriya, and Siyârmâr, or “Jackal killers;” in Budâun the Alaudiya, Baisgari, Bareriya, Bhagrê, Chhakrê, Doman, Gochhar, Ghosiya, Kara, Kathiya, Mahâpachar, Mahar, Murarkha, Ora, Rahmaniyân, Rajauriya, Sakariya, Sansariya and Warag; in Morâdâbâd the Alaudiya, Bagarha, Baksiya, Bhadariya, Bhosiya, Chaudhari, Janghârê, Mahar, Nagarha, Ora, Rajauriya, Râwat, Saila and Sakoriya; in Pilibhît the Bharthariya and Dhindhor. The analogy of many of these with the Ahîrs is obvious, and many of the names are taken from Râjput and other sources.

3. In manners and customs they appear to be identical with the Ahîrs. They have traditions of sovereignty in Rohilkhand, and possibly enjoyed considerable power during the reign of the Tomars (700 to 1150 A. D).[28]

Distribution of the Ahars according to the Census of 1891.

District.Sub-Castes.Total.
Bâchar.Bhirgudi.Deswâr.Guâlbans.Jâdubans.Others.
Meerut … … … … … 2,632 2,632
Bulandshahr … 1,953 2 78 1,420 1,765 5,218
Etah … 1,414 … … 298 102 1,814
Bareilly 5,291 335 2,040 360 649 36,083 44,758
Bijnaur … … … … … 3 3
Budâun … … 1,514 97 7 137,846 139,464
Morâdâbâd … 60 2,163 203 712 31,913 35,051
Pilibhît 2,419 221 74 3,789 767 5,447 12,717
Kumâon … … … … … 36 36
Tarâi 8 … 145 243 856 1,221 2,473
Total 7,718 3,983 5,938 4,770 4,709 217,048 244,166

[[37]]

Ahban.—(Probably Sans. ahi, “the dragon,” which may have been the tribal totem.) A sept of Râjputs chiefly found in Oudh. Their first ancestors in Oudh are said to have been Gopi and Sopi, two brothers of the Châwara race, which ruled in Anhalwâra Pâtan of Gujarât. Of the Châwaras or Chauras, Colonel Tod writes[29]:—“This tribe was once renowned in the history of India, though its name is now scarcely known, or only in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance. It belongs neither to the Solar nor to the Lunar race; and consequently we may presume it to be of Scythic origin. The name is unknown in Hindustân, and is confined with many others originating beyond the Indus to the peninsula of Saurâshtra. If foreign to India proper, its establishment must have been at a remote period, as we find individuals of it intermarrying with the Sûryavansa ancestry of the present princes of Mewâr when this family were the Lords of Ballabhi. The capital of the Châwaras was the insular Deobandar on the coast of Saurâshtra; and the celebrated temple of Somnâth, with many others on this coast, dedicated to Balnâth, or the Sun, is attributed to this tribe of the Sauras, or worshippers of the Sun; most probably the generic name of the tribe as well as of the peninsula. By a natural catastrophe, or, as the Hindu superstitious chroniclers will have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the prince of Deo, the element whose privileges he abused rose and overwhelmed his capital. As this coast is very low, such an occurrence is not improbable; though the abandonment of Deo might have been compelled by the irruptions of the Arabians, who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and the plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punishment on the Châwaras. That it was owing to some such political catastrophe, we have additional grounds for belief from the Annals of Mewâr, which state that its princes inducted the Châwaras into the seats of the power they abandoned on the continent and peninsula of Saurâshtra.” After describing their subsequent history Colonel Tod goes on to say:—“This ancient connection between the Sûryavansi chiefs and the Châwaras or Chauras of Saurâshtra is still maintained after a lapse of more than one thousand years, for, though an alliance with the Râna’s family is the highest honour that a Hindu prince can obtain, as being the first in rank in Hindustân, yet is the humble Châwara sought out [[38]]even at the foot of fortune’s ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Râma. The present heir-apparent of a line of one hundred kings, prince Jovana Sinh, is the offspring of a Châwara woman, the daughter of a petty chieftain of Gujarât.”

2. These two leaders, Gopi and Sopi, are said to have come into Oudh shortly after the commencement of the Christian era. The former obtained the Pargana Gopamau, in Hardoi, and a descendant of the latter took possession of Pataunja, near Misrikh, in Pargana Nîmkhâr, of Sîtapur District. “This is the reputed residence of the Dryad Abbhawan, who is alleged to have given supernatural assistance to the Châwar chief, her favourite, who thenceforth took the name of Ahban. At any rate Pataunja became a centre of secular and religious power. A tribe of Kurmis and a gotra of Tiwâri Brâhmans have called themselves after Pataunja—a fact which tends to indicate that, although now a mere village, it was formerly the capital of a state possessing some independence.”[30] The Ahban race rose afterwards to great prosperity; “how great it is impossible to state, for of all Chhatri clans they are the most mendacious, and many plans for the advancement of individuals have been foiled by this defect of theirs. The sept labours under a superstitious aversion to build houses of brick or line wells with them.

3. Of the Ahbans General Sleeman writes[31]:—“No member of the Ahban tribe ever forfeited his inheritance by changing his creed; nor did any of them, I believe, change his creed except to retain his inheritance, liberty, or life, threatened by despotic and unscrupulous rulers. They dine on the same floor, but there is a line marked off to separate those of the party who are Hindus from those who are Musalmâns. The Musalmâns have Musalmân names, and the Hindus have Hindu names, but they still go under the common patronymic name of Ahban. The Musalmâns marry into Musalmân families, and the Hindus into Hindu families of the highest class, Chauhân, Râthaur, Raikwâr, Janwâr, etc. Their conversion took place under Muhammad Farm ’Ali, alias Kâlapahâr, to whom his uncle Bahlol, king of Delhi, left Bahrâich as a separate inheritance a short time before his death, which occurred in 1488 A.D. This conversion stopped infanticide, as the Musalmân portion of the tribe would not associate with the Hindus who practised it.” [[39]]

4. In Sîtapur they generally supply brides to the Tomar and occasionally to the Gaur septs, while they marry girls of the Bâchhal, Janwâr, and occasionally of the Gaur. In Kheri their daughters many Chauhâns, Kachhwâhas, Bhadauriyas, Râthaurs, and Katheriyas, and their sons marry girls of the Janwâr, Punwâr, Bais Nandwâni or Bâchhal septs. In Hardoi their gotra is Garga, and they give brides to the Sômbansi, Chauhân, Dhâkrê and Râthaur septs, and take brides from the Dhâkrê, Janwâr, Kachhwâha, Râikwar and Bâchhal.

Distribution of the Ahban Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.
Agra 1
Farrukhâbâd 125
Shâhjahânpur 116
Pilibhît 52
Bânda 1
Ballia 16
Lucknow 333
Râê Bareli 30
Sîtapur 998
Hardoi 2,413
Kheri 1,331
Bahrâich 71
Sultânpur 3
Partâbgarh 2
Bârabanki 520
Total 6,012

Aheriya.[32]—(Sans. akhetika, a hunter.) A tribe of hunters, fowlers, and thieves found in the Central Duâb. Their ethnological affinities have not as yet been very accurately ascertained. Sir H. M. Elliot describes them as a branch of the Dhânuks, from whom they are distinguished by not eating dead carcases, as the Dhânuks do. They are perhaps the same as the Hairi or Heri of the Hills, a colony of whom Bâz Bahâdur settled in the Tarâi as guards, where they, and some Mewâtis settled in a similar way, became a pest to the country.[33] At the same time Mr. Williams describes the Heri in Dehra Dûn as aborigines and akin to the Bhoksas, with whom in appearance and character the Aheriyas of [[40]]Aligarh and Etah seem to have little connection. They are almost certainly not the same as the Ahiriya or Dahiriya of the Gorakhpur Division, who are wandering cattle-dealers and apparently Ahîrs.[34] In Gorakhpur, however, there is a tribe called Aheliya, said to be descended from Dhânuks, whose chief employment is the capture of snakes, which they eat. There is again a tribe in the Panjab known as Aheri, who are very probably akin to the Aheriyas of the North-West Provinces.[35] They trace their origin to Râjputâna, and especially Jodhpur and the prairies of Bikâner. “They are vagrant in their habits, but not infrequently settle down in villages where they find employment. They catch and eat all kinds of wild animals, pure and impure, and work in reeds and grass. In addition to these occupations they work in the fields, and especially move about in gangs at harvest time in search of employment as reapers, and they cut wood and grass and work as general labourers on roads and other earthworks.” Mr. Fagan describes them in Hissâr as making baskets and winnowing fans and scutching wool. He thinks that the Jodhpuriya section, who appear to have been the ancestors of the tribe, may possibly have been Râjputs, and the other Aheris are probably descended from low castes who intermarried with them. In default of any distinct anthropometrical evidence, the most probable theory seems to be that the Aheriyas of these Provinces are connected with the Bhîl and their congeners, the Baheliya, who are a race of jungle hunters and fowlers. In Aligarh, they distinctly admit that in former times, owing to a scarcity of women in the tribe, they used to introduce girls of other castes. This, they say, they have ceased to do in recent years, since the number of their females has increased. This may, perhaps, point to the prevalence of infanticide in the tribe; but in any case it is very probable that a tribe of this character should become a sort of Cave of Adullam for every one who was in debt, and every one that was in distress or discontented.

The Aligarh tradition. 2. In Aligarh they seem to be known indifferently by the names of Aheriya, Bhîl, or Karol. They call themselves the descendants of Râja Piryavart, who (though the Aheriyas know nothing about him) is probably identical with Priyavrata, who was one of the two sons of Brahma and [[41]]Satarûpa. According to the mythology he was dissatisfied that only half the earth was illuminated at one time by the sun’s rays; so he followed the sun seven times round the earth in his own flaming car of equal velocity, like another celestial orb, resolved to turn night into day. He was stopped by Brahma, and the ruts which were formed by his chariot wheels were the seven oceans; thus the seven continents were formed. The Aheriyas say that the son of the solar hero, whose name they have forgotten, was devoted to hunting, and for the purpose of sport took up his abode on the famous hill of Chitrakût, in the Bânda District. Here he became known as Aheriya, or “sportsman,” and was the ancestor of the present tribe. Thence they emigrated to Ajudhya, and, after the destruction of that city, spread all over the country. They say that they came to Aligarh from Cawnpur some seven hundred years ago. They still keep up this tradition of their origin by periodical pilgrimages to Chitrakût and Ajudhya.

Tribal council. 3. They have a tribal council (panchâyat), constituted partly by election and partly by nomination among the members or the tribe. They decide all matters affecting the tribe, but are not empowered to take up social questions suo motu. They have a permanent, hereditary chairman (sarpanch). If the son of a deceased chairman happen to be a minor, one of the members of the council is appointed to act for him during his minority. At the same time, if the new chairman, on coming of age, is found to be incompetent, he may be removed, and a new candidate selected by the votes of the council.

Marriage rules. 4. They have no exogamous or endogamous sub-divisions. The marriage of first cousins is prohibited, and a man cannot be married in a family to which during memory a bride from his family has been married. Difference of religious belief is no bar to marriage, provided there has been no conversion to another faith, such as that of Christians or Muhammadans. They can have as many as four wives at the same time, and may marry two sisters together. An apparent survival of marriage by capture is found in the ceremony which follows marriage when the newly-married pair are taken to a tank. The wife strikes her husband with a thin switch of the acacia (babûl). She is then brought into the house, where the relations of her husband give her presents for letting them see her face (munh-dikhâi). The senior wife rules the household, and those junior to her have to [[42]]do her bidding. They live, as a rule, on good terms, and it is only under very exceptional circumstances that separate houses are provided for them. The age for marriage varies from seven to twenty. Any marriage is voidable at the wish of the parties with the approval of the tribal council. The match is arranged by some relation of the youth with the help of a Brâhman and barber. When the parties are grown up, their wishes are considered, but in the case of minors the match is arranged by their friends or guardians. There is no regular bride price; but if the girl’s father is very poor the friends of the boy assist him to defray the cost of the marriage feast. In other cases the girl’s father is supposed to give something as dowry (jahez). As to the ownership of this there is no fixed rule; but it is understood that the presents which the bride receives at the munh-dikhâi ceremony, above described, become her private property. Leprosy, impotency, idiocy, or mutilation occurring after marriage are considered reasonable grounds for its annulment; but if any physical defects were disclosed before the marriage, they are not held to be a ground for dissolving the union. Charges of adultery are brought before the tribal council, and, if proved, a divorce is declared. Divorced women can marry again by the karâo form; but women divorced for adultery, though such a course is possible, are seldom remarried in the tribe. Children born of a father or mother who are not members of the tribe are called lendra, and are not admitted to caste privileges.

Widow marriage. 5. When a man desires to marry a widow, he provides for her a suit of clothes, a set of glass bangles (chûri) and a pair of toe-rings (bichhua). The council is assembled and the woman is asked if she accepts her suitor. If she agrees, an auspicious day is selected by the advice of a Brâhman, and the new husband dresses her in the clothes and ornament and takes her home. After this he gives a feast to the brotherhood. In this form of marriage, known as karâo or dhareja, there is no procession (bârât), and no walking round the sacred fire (bhanwar). The levirate is enforced unless the younger brother of her late husband is already married, in which case the widow may live with an outsider. If she marries a stranger she loses her right to maintenance from the estate of her first husband, and also the guardianship of his children, unless they are of tender age. There is no trace of the fiction that children of the levir are attributed to his deceased brother. [[43]]

Birth ceremonies. 6. When pregnancy is ascertained the caste men are assembled and some gram and wheat boiled with molasses is distributed. Contrary to prevailing Hindu custom the woman is delivered on a bed with her feet turned towards the Ganges. The midwife is usually a sweeper woman, and after delivery her place as nurse is taken by a barber woman. When the child is born molasses is distributed to friends; and women sing songs and play on a brass tray (thâli). On the sixth day (chhathi) they worship Sati, and throw a little cakes and incense into the fire in her honour. On the twelfth day the mother is bathed, and seated in the court-yard inside a sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman, with wheat-flour. He then names the child, and purifies the house by sprinkling water all about it and reciting texts (mantra). The caste-men are feasted, and the women sing and dance. This is known as the Dashtaun. But if the child happen to be born in the asterism (nakshatra) of Mûl the Dashtaun is performed on the nineteenth or twenty-first day. Leaves of twenty-one trees or plants, such as the lime, mango, siras, jâmun, pomegranate, nîm, custard apple, etc., are collected. They also bring water from twenty-one wells, and little bits of lime stone (kankari) from twenty-one different villages. These things are all put into an earthen jar which is filled with water, and with this the mother is bathed. Grain and money are given to Brâhmans, and the purification is concluded. If twins are born, the father and mother sit together inside the sacred square on the day of the Dashtaun, and the Brâhman ties an amulet (râkhi), made of thread, round the wrists of both to keep off ill-luck.

Adoption. 7. On an auspicious day selected by a Pandit the father of the boy makes him over to the person adopting him. The adopter then dresses the boy in new clothes and gives him sweetmeats. A feast is then given to the clansmen. The child to be adopted must be under the age of ten.

Marriage ceremonies. 8. The marriage ceremonies begin with the betrothal, which is finished by the boy eating some betel sent to him by a barber from the house of the bride. It seems to be the custom in many cases to betroth children in their infancy. Then comes the lagan, consisting of cash, clothes, a cocoanut and sweets sent by the father of the bride with a letter fixing the marriage day; inside this is placed some dûb grass. The Brâhman recites verses (mantra) as he gives these things [[44]]to the boy seated in a sacred square, while the women beat a small drum and sing songs. This goes on the whole night (ratjaga). Next follows the anointing (ubtana) of the bride and bridegroom. During this time the pair are not allowed to leave the house through fear of the Evil Eye and the attacks of malignant spirits. On the day fixed in the lagan some mango and chhonkar leaves, some turmeric and two pice are tied on a bamboo, which is fixed in the court-yard by some relation on the female side, or by the priest. He is given some money, clothes, or grain, which is called neg. Then a feast of food, cooked without butter, known as the marhwa, or “pavilion,” is given to the friends. The bridegroom is dressed in a coat (jâma) of yellow-coloured cloth, and wears a head-dress (maur) made of palm leaves. When they reach the bride’s village, they are received in a hut (janwânsa), prepared for them. The bridegroom’s father sends, by a connection (mân), some sharbat to the bride, and she sends food in return: this is known as barauniya. After this the pair walk seven times round the sacred fire, and a fire sacrifice (homa) is offered. Then follows the “giving away” of the bride (kanyâdân), and the pair are taken into an inner room, where they eat sweetmeats and rice together; this is known as sahkaur, or confarreatio. A shoe is tied up in cloth, and the women try to induce the boy to worship it as one of the local godlings. If he falls into the trap there is great merriment. The knot which has been tied in the clothes of the bride and bridegroom is then untied, his crown is taken off, and the marriage being over he returns to the janwânsa. Among poor people there is no lagan and no betrothal. Some money is paid to the bride’s father, and the girl is taken to her husband’s house and married there. No pavilion is erected, and the ceremony consists in making the girl and boy walk round the sacred fire, which is lighted in the court-yard. Girls that are stolen or seduced are usually married in this way, which is known as dola.

Disposal of the dead. 9. Rich people cremate the dead; poorer people bury, or consign the corpse to some river. The dead are buried face downwards to bar the return of the ghost; the feet face the north; some bury without a shroud. After cremation the ashes are usually taken to the Ganges, but some people leave them at the pyre. Fire is provided by a sweeper, who gets a small fee and the bamboos of the bier as his perquisite. After the cremation is over, some on their way home bathe, but this is not essential. After they bathe [[45]]they collect a little kusa grass and throw it on the road by which the corpse was removed. Then they throw some pebbles in the direction of the pyre. The popular explanation of this practice is, in order that “affection for the dead may come to an end” (moh chhût jâwê); the real object is to bar the return of the ghost. On the third or seventh day after the cremation the son or person who has lighted the pyre shaves; then he has some large cakes (tikiya) cooked, and some is placed on a leaf of the dhâk tree (butea frondosa), and laid in a barley field for the support of the ghost. The clansmen are feasted on the thirteenth day; thirteen pieces of betel-nut and thirteen pice are placed, one in each of thirteen pots, and this, with some grain, is divided among thirteen Brâhmans. Then a fire-sacrifice is made. There is no regular srâddha; but they worship the souls of the dead collectively in the month of Kuâr, and throw cakes to the crows, who represent the souls of the dead.

Ceremonial pollution. 10. The death pollution lasts for thirteen days; after child-birth for ten, and after menstruation for three days. The first two are removed by regular purification; the third by bathing and washing the hair of the head.

Religion. 11. Devi is their special object of worship, but Mekhâsur is the tribal godling. His name means “Ram demon,” but they can give no account of him. His shrine is at Gangîri, in the Atraula Tahsîl. He is worshipped on the eighth and ninth of Baisâkh, with sweets and an occasional goat. An Ahîr takes the offering. Zâhir Pîr is the well known Gûga. His day is the ninth of the dark half of Bhâdon, and his offering cloth, cloves, ghi and cash, which are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim. Miyân Sâhib, the saint of Amroha, in the Morâdâbâd District, is worshipped on Wednesday and Saturday with an offering of five pice, cloves, incense, and cakes, which are taken by the faqîrs who are the attendants (mujâwir) at his tomb. They also make a goat sacrifice known as kandûri, and consume the meat themselves. Jakhiya has a square platform at Karas, in the Iglâs Tahsîl, at the door of a sweeper’s hut. His day is the sixth of the dark half of Mâgh, and his offering is two pice and some betel and sweets. These are taken by the sweeper officiant. They also sometimes sacrifice a pig, and the sweeper rubs a little of the blood on the children’s foreheads in order to ward [[46]]off evil spirits. Barai is a common village godling. He is represented by a few stones under a tree; his offering is a chhakka or six cowries, some betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman Panda. This godling is the special protector of women and children. His days are the seventh of the light half of Chait and the seventh of the light half of Kuâr. Mâta, the small-pox goddess, and Masâni, the spirit of the burning ground, are represented by some stones placed on a platform under a tree. They are worshipped on the same days as Barai by women and children, and a Brâhman takes the offerings. Châmar also has his abode under a tree, and is worshipped on the first Monday of every Hindu month. His offering is a wheat cake; and a ram is offered in serious cases, and consumed by the worshippers. When cattle are sick or lose their milk, a little unboiled milk is poured on the shrine. Bûrha Bâba has his shrine at Chândausi, in the Khair Tahsîl. His day is the third of the light half of Baisâkh, and he is presented with cloth, betel and sweets, which are taken by a Brâhman. Sâh Jamâl, who appears to be one of the Pânch Pîr, has a shrine near the city of Aligarh. The offerings here are taken by a Muhammadan Khâdim.

Patron Saint. 12. Vâlmîki, the author of the Râmâyana, is a sort of patron saint of the tribe. According to the Aheriya legend Vâlmîki was a great hunter and robber. After he had taken many lives he one day met the saint Nârada Muni in the jungle. As he was aiming his arrow at the Rishi, Nârada asked him if he knew what a sin he was committing. At last Nârada convinced him of his wickedness and tried to teach him to say Râma! Râma! but for a long time he could get no nearer it than Mâra! Mâra! (Kill! kill!) Finally his devotion won him pardon, and he became learned enough to compose the Râmâyana. Hence he is the saint of the Aheriyas.

House worship. 13. Some make a house shrine dedicated to Mekhâsur in a room set apart for the purpose. Women regularly married are permitted to join in this worship, but unmarried girls and karâo wives are excluded. The sacrifices to these tribal godlings are done by some member of the family, not by a regular priest. In the case of Miyân Sâhib and Jakhiya they sometimes release the victim after cutting its ear; in all other cases the animal is killed, and the flesh eaten by the worshippers. Most of their festivals are those common to all Hindus, which will be often mentioned. There is a [[47]]curious survival of human sacrifice in the observance at the festival known as the Sakat Chauth, when they make the image of a human being of boiled rice, and at night cut it up and eat it. They venerate the pîpal tree, and have a special worship of the âonla (phyllanthus emblica) on the eleventh of the light half of Phâlgun. Women bow down before the tree and offer eight small cakes and water at noon. At the Nâgpanchami women draw pictures of snakes on the walls of their houses and throw milk over them. Men take milk to the jungle and place it near the hole of a snake. Their favourite tattoo mark is Sîtâ ki rasoi, or a representation of the cooking room of Sîta, which is still shown on the Chitra Kûta hill. Their chief oath is on the Ganges, and this is made more binding if the person taking it stands under a pîpal tree or holds a leaf of it in his hand.

Social rules. 14. They cannot eat or drink with any other caste; but they will eat kachchi cooked by Ahîrs, Barhais, Jâts, and Kahârs; they eat pakki, cooked by a Nâi, but he will not eat pakki cooked by them.

Industries. 15. Their industries are what might have been expected from their partially nomad life. Like the Musahar of the Eastern Districts they make the leaf platters which Hindus use at meals (see Bâri). They also collect reeds for basket-making, etc., honey and gum from the dhâk and acacia, which they sell in the towns. But the business which they chiefly carry on is burglary and highway robbery, and they are about the most active and determined criminals in the Province. A band of Aheriyas, arrested for committing a highway robbery on the Grand Trunk Road, gave the following account of themselves to Colonel Williams[36]:—“Our children require no teaching. At an early age they learn to steal. At eight or nine years of age they commence plundering from the fields, and as opportunities offer take brass vessels or anything they can pick up. So that by fifteen or sixteen they are quite expert, and fit to join in our expeditions. Gangs consist of from ten to twenty. Sometimes two gangs meet on the road and work together. I have known as many as forty in one highway robbery. Our leaders (Jamadâr) are elected for their skill, intelligence, and daring. A good Jamadâr has no lack of followers. The Jamadâr collects his band, gets an advance from Banyas to support his followers during the expedition, which money [[48]]is repaid with interest, and our families are never allowed to want while we are absent. We assemble in the village and start together, but disperse into parties of two or three to avoid observation, and generally state that we are Kâchhis, Lodhas, or even Râjputs, going to Benares on pilgrimage. We do this as our tribe has a bad name. We also avoid putting up at sarâis, and generally encamp 100 or 200 paces from the high road to watch travellers, carts, and vans passing. We all carry bludgeons, rarely weapons; one or two in the gang may have a sword. Our mode of proceeding in highway robberies is to look out for vans, carts, or camels laden with cloth: finding such as are likely to afford a booty, the members of the gang are warned to follow. The most expert proceed ahead to fix a spot for the attack. We have followed camels for three or four days before an opportunity offered. We commence by pelting the guards with pieces of limestone (kankar) or stones. This generally causes them to fly; but, if not, we assemble and threaten them with our bludgeons. If they still resist, we give up the attack. We, however, rarely fail, and at the first shower of kankar the guards all fly. If any of our gang are captured, it is the business of our Jamadâr to remain at hand, or depute some intelligent man of the band for this special duty: no expense is spared to effect their release. We find the Police readily accessible. If separated, we recognise each other by the jackal’s cry; but we have no peculiar terms or slang to distinguish each other. We take omens. Deer and the sâras crane on the right, jackals, asses, and white birds on the left, while proceeding on an expedition, are highly propitious. Unfavourable omens cause the expedition to be deferred until they become otherwise. On returning, if jackals, asses, and white birds appear on the left, or deer, sâras, or owls on the right, we rejoice exceedingly, and fear no evil. Some of our Jamadârs are so brave that they don’t care for omens. We dispose of our booty through middlemen (arhatiya), who sell it to the great Mahâjans. Of course they know it is plundered property from the price they give; and how could we have silk and fine linen for sale if not plundered? Our zamîndârs know we live by plunder, and take a fourth of the spoil. Sometimes they take such clothes as suit them. On returning from a highway robbery we use great expedition, travelling all night. During the day the plunder is concealed in dry wells; we disperse and hide in the fields. Two or three of the sharpest of the gang go to the nearest village for food, generally prepared food. We soon become [[49]]acquainted with all the sharp men on the road. One rogue readily finds a companion, and we thus get information of parties travelling and suitable booty. Though we pilfer and thieve wherever we can, we prefer highway robbery, as it is more profitable, and if the booty is cloth, easily disposed of. Always thieves by profession, we did not take to highway robbery till the great famine of 1833. Gulba and Suktua, Baheliyas, first opened the way for us, and taught us this easy mode of living. These two are famed men, and resided near Mirzapur, in Pargana Jalesar (now in the Etah District). The Baheliyas and Aheriyas of Mirzapur soon took a leading part, and were highly distinguished. They are noted among us as expert thieves and highway robbers.” Since this was written the Aheriyas have begun to use the railway in their expeditions, and are known to have made incursions as far as the Panjab, Central India, Bengal, and Bombay. The Etah branch of the tribe is under the provisions of the Criminal Tribes Act. Curiously enough they have escaped record at the last Census.

Distribution of Aheriyas according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.
Muzaffarnagar 125
Meerut 1,437
Bulandshahr 2,905
Aligarh 9,877
Mathura 765
Agra 4
Mainpuri 781
Bijnor 229
Morâdâbâd 481
Pilibhît 29
Hamîrpur 73
Benares 668
Mirzapur 6
Jaunpur 129
Lucknow 2,266
Faizâbâd 4
Total 19,779

Ahîr[37]:—An important and widely-distributed caste of herdsmen and agriculturists, found in large numbers throughout the Province. According to the Brâhmanical tradition, as given by Manu, they are descended by a Brâhman from a woman of the Ambastha, [[50]]or tribe of physicians. “In the Brahma Purâna it is said that they are descended from a Kshatriya father and a woman of the Vaisya caste; but on the question of the descent of the various tribes, the sacred books, as in many other matters, differ very much from each other, and none are to be implicitly trusted. This pastoral tribe of the Yâdubansi stock was formerly of much greater consideration in India than it is at present. In the Râmâyana and Mahâbhârata the Abhîras in the west are spoken of; and in the Purânik Geography, the country on the western coast of India, from the Tâpti to Devagarh is called Abhîra, or the region of cowherds. When the Kattis arrived in Gujarât, in the eighth century, they found the greater part of the country in the occupation of the Ahîrs. The name of Asirgarh, which Farishta and Khizâna Amîra say is derived from Asa, Ahîr, shows that the tribe was of some importance in the Dakkhin also, and there is no doubt that we have trace of the name in the Abiria of Ptolemy, which he places above Patalene. Ahîrs were also Râjas of Nepâl at the beginning of our era, and they are perhaps connected with the Pâla, or shepherd dynasty, which ruled in Bengal from the 9th to the latter part of the 11th century, and which, if we may place trust in monumental inscriptions, were for some time the universal rulers of India.”[38]

Origin of the tribe. 2. On the tribe to the east Mr. Risley writes[39]:—“The traditions of the caste bear a highly imaginative character, and profess to trace their descent from the god Krishna, whose relations with the milk-maids of Brindâban play an important part in Hindu mythology. Krishna himself is supposed to have belonged to the tribe of Yâdavas, or descendants of Yadu, a nomadic race, who graze cattle and make butter, and are believed to have made an early settlement in the neighbourhood of Mathura. In memory of this tradition, one of their sub-castes, in the North-Western Provinces, is called Yadu, or Jâdubansi, to the present day. Another story, quoted by Dr. Buchanan, makes out the Guâlas to be Vaisyas, who were degraded in consequence of having introduced castration among their herds, and members of the caste who are disposed to claim this distinguished ancestor may lay stress upon the fact that the tending of flocks and herds is mentioned by the authorities among the duties of the Vaisya order. Taken as a whole, the Guâla traditions hardly can be said to do [[51]]more than render it probable that one of their earliest settlements was in the neighbourhood of Mathura, and that this part of the country was the centre of distribution of the caste. The large functional group known by the name Guâla seems to have been recruited not merely by the diffusion along the Ganges valley of the semi-Aryan Guâlas of the North-Western Provinces, but also by the inclusion in the caste of pastoral tribes who were not Aryans at all. These, of course, would form distinct sub-castes, and would not be admitted to the jus connubii with the original nucleus of the caste. The great differences of make and feature which may be observed among Guâlas seem to bear out this view, and to show that whatever may have been the original constituents of the caste, it now comprises several heterogeneous elements. Thus, even in a district so far from the original home of the caste as Sinhbhûm, we find Colonel Dalton remarking that the features of the Mathurâbâsi Guâlas are high, sharp and delicate, and they are of a light brown complexion. Those of the Magadha sub-caste, on the other hand, are undefined and coarse. They are dark-complexioned, and have large hands and feet. Seeing the latter standing in a group with some Sinhbhûm Kols, there is no distinguishing one from the other. There has, doubtless, been much intermixture of blood. These remarks illustrate both the processes to which the growth of the caste is due. They show how representatives of the original tribe have spread to districts very remote from their original centre, and how at the same time people of alien race who followed pastoral occupations have become attached to the caste, and are recognized by a sort of fiction as having belonged to it all along.”

3. Another account represents them to be the descendants of the Abars, one of the Scythian tribes who in the second or first century before Christ entered India from the north-west, or, and this is perhaps more probable, they are regarded as an old Indian or half-Indian race who were driven south before the Scythian invasion. That they were very early settlers in these Provinces and the neighbourhood is certain. The Nepâl legend[40] states that the Kirâtas obtained possession of the valley after expelling the Ahîrs. In the Hindu drama of the Toy-Cart,[41] the successful usurper who overthrows Pâlaka, King of Ujjain, is Aryaka, of the cowherd caste; and similarly in the Buddhist chronicles Chandragupta is described as a [[52]]cowherd of princely race. In Oudh they appear to have been early, probably aboriginal, inhabitants before the Râjput invasion. They are also said to be closely connected with the Bhars, and they attend at great numbers on the occasion of a fair at Dalmau in the Râê Bareli district held in honor of the Bhar hero Dal, who has been, in connection with that tribe shown to be mythical.[42] General Cunningham[43] assumes from the reference to them in Manu that they must certainly have been in India before the time of Alexander, and that as they are very numerous in the eastern districts of Mirzapur, Benares, and Shâhâbâd, they cannot possibly, like the Jâts and Gûjars, be identified with the Indo-Scythians, whose dominions did not extend beyond the Upper Ganges. It is merely a conjecture of Mr. Nesfield that the Kor or Kur sub-caste is derived from the Kols of the Vindhyan plateau.[44]

4. At the same time, as might have been expected, some of their traditions indicate a tendency to aspire to a higher origin than those which would associate them with menial tribes such as the Bhars. Thus in Bulandshahr[45] they claim to be Chauhân Râjputs. The Rohilkhand branch say that they came from Hânsi Hissâr about 700 years ago. In Gorakhpur the Bargaha sub-caste provide wet-nurses in Râjput families[46]: others call themselves Jâts and refer their origin to Bharatpur, while they call themselves Kshatriyas. There is again a very close connection between the Dauwa sub-caste and the Bundela Râjputs for whom they provide wet-nurses.[47] In Azamgarh[48] they claim to have been once Kshatriyas who ruled the country; in Mainpuri[49] they assert that they are descendants of Râna Katîra of Mewâr, who had been driven from his own country by an invasion of the Muhammadans and took refuge with Digpâla, Râja of Mahâban, whose daughter, Kânh Kunwar his son subsequently married, and by her became the ancestor of the Pâthak sub-caste. They are the highest clan in that part of the country, and there is a ridiculous legend in explanation of their name, that Râna Katîra was attacked by the King of Delhi, [[53]]and that out of the twelve gates (phâtak) of his capital only one held out to the end. When the enemy had retired, the Râna, in order to commemorate the signal bravery shown by the guard of the twelfth gate, issued a decree that they and their descendants should be for ever designated by the title of Pâthak or Phâtak.

Internal structure. 5. At the last Census the Ahîrs were recorded in eighteen main sub-castes—Benbansi, the offspring of Râja Vena, the famous sinner of the mythology; Bhirgudi; Dauwa; Dhindhor; Gaddi; Gamel; Ghorcharha, “riders on horses;” Ghosi, or “Shouters;” Gûjar; Guâlbans; Jâdubans, “of the Yâdava race;” Kamariha; Khunkhuniya; Kur; Nandabans, “of the race of Nanda,” the foster-father of Krishna; Pâthak; Rajauriya, and Râwat. The internal classification of the Ahîrs was very carefully worked out by Sir H. M. Elliot, who writes:—“There appear to be three grand divisions among them,—the Nandbans, the Jâdubans and the Guâlbans, which acknowledge no connection except that of being all Ahîrs. Those of the Central Duâb usually style themselves Nandbans; those to the west of the Jamuna and the Upper Duâb, Jâdubans; and those in the Lower Duâb and Benares, Guâlbans. The latter seem to have no sub-divisions or gotras. The principal gotras of the Nandbans are Samarphalla, Kishnaut, Bhagta, Bilehniya, Diswâr, Nagauwa, Kanaudha, Dûnr, Râwat, Tenguriya, Kur, Kamariya, Barausiya, Mujwâr, Dahima, Nirban, Kharkhari, Dirhor, Sitauliya, Jarwariya, Barothi, Gonda and Phâtak—amounting in all to eighty-four. In Bighoto, besides many of these there are the Molak, Santoriya, Khosiya, Khalliya, Loniwâl, Aphariya or Aphiriya, Maila, Mhaila, Khoro, Sesotiya, Gandwâl, Gird, Bhamsara, Janjariya, Kankauriya and Niganiya, amounting in all to sixty-four. Many of the two last-named clans have been converted to the Muhammadan faith, and are known as Rângars. The two villages whence they derive their name are celebrated in local legends for turbulence and contumacy.

Dihli ten paintîs kos Kanhaur Nigâna; Apni boi âp khâen, hâkim ne na den dâna.—“Thirty-five kos from Delhi are Kanhaur and Nigâna. There the people eat what they sow, and do not give a grain to the Government.”

6. Amongst these the Khoro rank first; but their claim to superiority is denied by the Aphiriya, who have certainly in modern times attained the highest distinction. They all, including the [[54]]Khoro, intermarry on terms of equality, avoiding, like all other Ahîrs, only the four gotras nearest related. A man, for instance, cannot marry into his father’s, mother’s paternal or maternal gotras; and no intermarriages take place between distant clans. Thus those of the Duâb and Bighoto hold little or no personal intercourse, and each declares the other an inferior stock.”

7. In Agra we find the Guâlbans, Nandbans, Kamariha and Ghusiya. The Nandbans call themselves the offspring of Nanda, the foster-father of Krishna, and the Guâlbans say that they are descended from the Gopis who danced with the god in the woods of Brindâban and Gokul. The Nandbans women wear bangles (chûri) of glass (kâncha) and white clothes. Those of the Guâlbans wear bangles of lac and coloured or embroidered dresses. All of them, at the time of marriage, except the Ghusiya, wear a nuptial crown (maur) made of paper. That of the Ghusiyas is made of the leaves of the palm (khajûr). The Kamariya sub-caste have a curious custom of hanging up cakes made of wheat-flour in the marriage pavilion while the ceremony is going on. All of them admit widow marriage, and these sub-castes are strictly endogamous. In Cawnpur the sub-castes are Nandbans, Jâdubans, Kishnaut, Kanaujiya, Ghosi, Guâlbans and Illahâbâsi, or residents of Allahâbâd. In the east of the Province there is a different set of sub-castes. Thus in Mirzapur they are divided into the Churiya Guâl, who are so called because their women wear bangles (chûri); Mathiya, who wear brass rings (mâthi); Kishnaut; Maharwa, or Mahalwa; Dharora; Bhurtiya; and Bargâhi. The Kishnaut sub-caste allege that it was among them that the infant Krishna was nursed. The Maharwas or Mahalwas tell the following story to account for their name:—“Once upon a time there lived an Ahîr at Agori, the famous fortress of the Chandel Râjputs, on the river Son. He was rich and devoted to gambling. The Râja of Agori also loved the dice. One day they were playing, when the Ahîr lost all his property, and, finally, staked his unborn child. He lost this also. When the Ahîr’s wife brought forth a girl the Râja claimed her, and the Ahîr was called Maharwa, because his daughter had to enter the harem (mâhal) of the Râja.” Another version of the legend connects it with the celebrated Lorik cycle. The Ahîr maiden is said to have been saved by the hero, and took the name of Maharwa because she was saved from the harem.

8. Another legend tells the origin of the Bhurtiyas in this way:—“Once upon a time Sri Krishna blew his flute in the forest and all [[55]]the girls of Brindâban rushed to meet him. They were so excited at the prospect of meeting him that they did not wait to adjust their dress or jewelry. One of them appeared with brass rings (mâthi) on one wrist and lac bangles (chûri) on the other; so she was called by way of a joke Bhurtiya or ‘careless,’ and the name has clung to her descendants ever since.” In memory of this the women of this sub-caste wear both kinds of ornaments.

9. Bargâhi is said, again, in Persian to mean “one who attends a royal court,” and the name is derived from the fact that the women of this sub-caste used to serve as wet-nurses in the families of noblemen. Among these the Churiya and Maharwa intermarry; all the others are endogamous.

10. The detailed Census returns enumerate no less than 1,767 varieties of Ahîrs. Of these, those most largely represented are—in Bulandshahr, the Bhatti, Nirban and Ahar; in Aligarh, the Chakiya, Garoriya; in Mainpuri, the Girdharpuriya and Tulasi; in Etah, the Barwa, Bharosiya, Deswâr, Dholri, Kanchhariya, and Siyarê; in Bareilly, the Chaunsathiya or “sixty-fours;” in Morâdâbâd, the Deswâr; in Shâhjahânpur, the Bâchhar, which is the name of a well-known Râjput sept, Bakaiya, Birhariya, Chanwar, Darswâr, Dohar, Kharê, Katha, Katheriya, Manhpachchar, Râna, Rohendi and Sisariya; in Cawnpur, the Darswâr and Sakarwâr, the latter of which is the title of a Râjput sept; in Fatehpur, the Raghubansi; in Bânda, the Bharauniya; in Hamîrpur, the Rautela; in Jhânsi, the Gondiya, Mewâr and Rautela; in Mirzapur, the Kishnaut; in Ballia, the Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, Majraut; in Gorakhpur, the Bargâh, Kanaujiya, Kishnaut, and Majnûn; in Basti, the Kanaujiya; in Lucknow, the Raghubansi; in Unâo, the Gel, Gokuliya, and Guâlbansi; in Sîtapur, the Râjbansi; in Hardoi, the Kauriya; in Sultânpur, the Dhuriya; in Partâbgarh, the Sohar; in Bârabanki, the Bâchhar, Dharbansi, Muriyâna and Râjbansi.

The Lorik legend. 11. No account of the Ahîrs would be complete without some reference to the famous tribal legend of Lorik, which is most popular among them and is sung at all their ceremonies. There are various recensions of it, and it is most voluminous and embodies a number of different episodes. In what is, perhaps, the most common form of the legend, Siudhar, an Ahîr of the East country, marries Chandain, and is cursed with the loss of all passion by Pârvati. His wife forms an attachment for a neighbour named Lorik and elopes with him. The husband pursues, fails to induce her to return, and fights Lorik, by whom he [[56]]is defeated. The pair then go on and finally meet Mahâpatiya, a Dusâdh, the chief of the gamblers. He and Lorik play till the latter loses everything, including his mistress. She urges that her jewels did not form part of the stake, and induces them to try another throw of the dice. She stands opposite Mahâpatiya and distracts his attention by exposing her person to him. Finally Lorik wins everything back. The girl then tells Lorik how she had been insulted by the low-caste man, who saw her exposed, and Lorik with his two-maund sword cuts off the gambler’s head, when it and his body were turned into stone, and are to be seen to this day. Lorik and Chandain then continued their wanderings, and he attacks and defeats the King of Hardui near Mongir. The Râja is afterwards assisted by the King of Kalinga, defeats Lorik, and imprisons him in a dungeon, whence he is released by the intercession of the goddess Durga, recovers the kingdom and his mistress Chandain, and after some years of happiness returns to his native land.

12. Meanwhile the brother of Lorik, Semru, had been attacked and killed by the Kols and all his cattle plundered. Lorik takes a bloody revenge from the enemy. Before he left home with Chandain, Lorik had been betrothed to an Ahîr girl named Satmanain, who by this time had become a handsome woman, who lived in the hope that Lorik would some day return and claim her. Lorik was anxious to test her fidelity, and when he came near home, concealed his identity. When she and the other woman came to sell milk in his camp he laid down a loin cloth at the entrance. All the other women stepped over it, but such was the delicacy of Satmanain that she refused. Lorik was pleased, and, without her knowledge, filled her basket with jewels, and covered them over with rice. When she returned, her sister found the jewels, and taxed her with receiving them as the price of her honour. She indignantly denied the accusation, and the son of Semru, the dead brother of Lorik, set out to avenge on him the insult to his aunt. Finally, the matter was cleared up, and Lorik reigned for many years in happiness with his wives Chandain and Satmanain. But the god Indra determined to destroy his virtue, and he induced Durga to take the form of his mistress and tempt him. When he gave way to the temptation and touched her she struck him so that his face turned completely round. Overcome by grief and shame he went to Kâsi (Benares), and there they were all turned into stone, and sleep the sleep of magic at the Manikarnika Ghât.[50] [[57]]

Marriage rules. 13. As has been already said, the sub-castes are endogamous. To the west the gotra system is in full force and marriage is barred in the four gotras of father, mother, grand-father, and grand-mother. To the east few of the rural Ahîrs seem to know anything about their gotras. They will not marry in a family to which a sister has been given in marriage until three generations have passed. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, “the Brâhmanical gotras are unknown, and marriage among the Guâlas is regulated by a very large number of exogamous groups (mûl) of the territorial type. In some places where the existing mûls have been found inconveniently large, and marriage has been rendered unduly difficult, certain mûls have broken up into purukhs or sub-sections. Where this has taken place a man may marry within the mûl, but not within the purukh, the smaller and more convenient group.” He goes on to explain at length how this rule of exogamy works in practice, and how it is necessary to supplement it by the standard formula of exogamy common to many of the lower tribes. Of this elaborate system no trace has been found as yet among the western Ahîrs, but it is quite possible that further local enquiry may supply examples of this, or some analogous rule of exogamy prevailing in these Provinces.

Tribal council. 14. The internal affairs of the caste are managed by a panchâyat or tribal council. As an instance of its working, in Mirzapur it is presided over by a permanent chairman (chaudhari) and, as a rule, meets only on the occasion of weddings and funeral ceremonies, when current business is brought before it. The cases usually heard are connected with immorality, eating with a prohibited caste, and family disputes about inheritance and property. The accused person during the hearing of the case is not allowed to sit on the tribal mat with his brethren. The president uses the members only as assessors, and after enquiry announces the decision. A person found guilty of immorality is usually fined eight rupees, and has to supply two feasts for the brethren. Out of the fine the chairman receives one rupee, and the rest is spent in purchasing vessels and other furniture for use at the meetings. If a man is convicted of an intrigue with a woman of the tribe, he is fined only one rupee and has to give two dinners to the brotherhood. Any one who disobeys the orders of the chairman is beaten with shoes in the presence of the council and is excluded from all caste privileges [[58]]until he submits. Instances of the contempt of the orders of the council are seldom heard of.

Marriage. 15. To the west of the Province polygamy is allowed, but it is discouraged. In Mirzapur it is said to be prohibited without the express sanction of the council, which is given only in exceptional cases, such as the hopeless illness or barrenness of the first wife, and if a man ventures to take a second wife without sanction, he is very severely dealt with. There seems to be very little doubt that along the banks of the Jumna polyandry prevails in the fraternal form. That it does exist among some of these tribes is shown by the common saying, Do khasam ki joru chausar ki got (“The wife of two husbands is no better than a draught in backgammon”). Among the Ahîrs of this part of the country it has doubtless originated in the custom of one member of the family remaining away grazing cattle often for a long time. It is very difficult to obtain information about it, as, wherever it exists, the custom is strongly reprobated. The eastern Ahîrs agree in denying its existence, and express the utmost horror at the very idea of such a family arrangement.

16. Marriage, except among the very poorest members of the caste, takes place in infancy. As an example of the arrangements the customs in the Mirzapur District may be described. The match is generally settled by the brother-in-law of the boy’s father or by the brother-in-law of the latter. In all cases the assent of the parents on both sides is essential. The father of the boy pays as the bride price two rupees in cash, two garments, and five sers of treacle and salt. No physical defect, which was disclosed at the time of the betrothal, is sufficient to invalidate the marriage. A husband may put away his wife for habitual infidelity; but a single lapse from virtue, provided the paramour be a member of the caste, is not seriously regarded. Widow marriage is permitted as well as the levirate; but if the widow does not take up with the younger brother of her late husband, she usually marries a widower. Children of virgin brides and widows married a second time rank equally for purposes of inheritance; but it has been judicially decided[51] that an Ahîr, the offspring of an adulterous connection, is incapable of inheriting from his father. At widow marriage there is no regular ceremonial; the bridegroom merely [[59]]goes to the woman’s guardian with two rupees and a sheet on a day fixed by the village Pandit. He pays the bride price and the woman is dressed in the sheet. He eats that night with her family, and next morning takes his wife home, and she is recognized as a duly married woman after the brotherhood have been feasted. If she marry outside the family of her late husband, his estate devolves on his sons by her first marriage; if there be no sons, to the brothers of her late husband. If she marry her husband’s younger brother, he acts as guardian of his nephews and makes over to them the property of their father when they arrive at the age of discretion. There is no fiction of attributing the children of the second to the first husband.

Adoption. 17. Adoption prevails; and, as long as there is a sister’s son available for adoption, no other relative can be selected. A man may adopt, if his only son is disqualified from succession by being permanently excluded from caste, or if he have lost his faith (dharm). Adoption, while a son is alive, is forbidden. A widower may adopt, but it is forbidden in the case of a woman, a bachelor, or a man who is blind, impotent, or crippled. A widow can adopt only with the express permission of her late husband, and not if her husband have adopted a son during his lifetime. A man may adopt his nephew at any age; but in the case of an outsider the child adopted must not be more than twelve years of age. The boy adopted must, in any case, be of the same gotra as his adoptive father. The adoption of a sister’s son is prohibited; as a rule a man adopts the son of his brother or daughter. Adoption is performed in the presence of and with the advice and approval of, the assembled brethren. The man and his wife take their seats in the assembly, and the wife takes the boy into her lap and acknowledges him as her own child. A distribution of food or sweetmeats follows and concludes the ceremony. There is no custom analogous to Beena marriage recognised where the bridegroom is taken into the household of his father-in-law and serves for his bride. They follow, as a rule, the Hindu law of succession.

Domestic ceremonies. Birth. 18. There are no observances during pregnancy. When the child is born the Chamârin midwife is called in; she cuts the umbilical cord and buries it on the spot where the birth occurred, lighting a fire and fixing up a piece of iron—a guard against evil spirits. The mother [[60]]gets no food that day, and next morning she is dosed with a mixture of ginger, turmeric and treacle. The Chamârin attends for six days, and after bathing the mother and child she is dismissed with a present of two-and-a-half sers of grain and two annas in cash. Then the barber’s wife attends, who cuts the nails of the mother and child and dyes the soles of their feet with lac. The purification of the confinement room is done by the sister of the father of the child, who gets a present for the service. The father does not cohabit with his wife for two months after her delivery.

Marriage ceremonies. 19. The following describes a marriage as carried out in the Mirzapur District. When the match is settled the father of the boy pays a visit to the girl’s father to make the final preparations. Next follows the betrothal (sa’at), which is carried out on a day fixed by the Pandit, who gets a fee of two annas. The father of the boy goes to the house of the bride with the bride price already described, pays it over, eats there, and returns next morning. Next follows the matmangar or collection of the sacred earth, which is done exactly as in the case of the Dravidian Bhuiyas, in the article on which tribe the ritual is described. When the earth is brought back to the house it is placed under the sacred water vessel (kalsa) near the pole of siddh wood fixed up in the centre of the marriage shed. This vessel is decorated with lumps of cowdung stuck in a line all round it, and over these grains of barley are sprinkled. The mouth is filled with mango leaves, and over them is placed an earthen saucer (kosa) full of the sânwân millet or barley. When this is completed all the women present are given some parched grain, which they receive in the part of their sheet covering the breast.

20. When this is over the anointing (telhardi) of the bride and bridegroom commences. This goes on every evening till the day before the wedding (Bhatwân). Next morning the boy is bathed by the barber, and the water is carefully kept for use in bathing the bride. The boy is dressed in a yellow loin cloth and a red turban and coat, when his mother takes him in her lap and five unmarried boys make him chew some cakes folded up in mango leaves. Then he spits on the palm of his mother’s hand and she licks it up, when the father and mother, with their hands covered with a cloth so that no one may see them, grind some urad pulse on the family curry stone (sil). This is made into lumps and offered to the [[61]]sainted dead of the household with the prayer “Come and help us to bring the marriage to a successful issue!” Then the boy gets into the litter, while his mother waves a pestle over his head to drive off evil spirits. When the litter is raised the mother is obliged to creep beneath it, and as she attempts to do so the Kahârs put it down, and will not raise it until they receive a present. This present is called pilâi or “a drink.” It is customary with them that the procession should reach the house of the bride after nightfall, a survival of marriage by capture. They then go to the house of the headman of the village and present him with five chhatânks of betel-nut and curd—a possible sign of the commutation of the jus prima noctis, but more probably one of the ordinary dues taken by the village landlord at marriages. They stay some time at his door and dance and sing their own tribal song, the birha. Then they go to the reception place (janwânsa), which is usually arranged under a tree near the village. Then the bride’s barber appears and washes the feet of the party, and a relative of the bride comes and feeds five boys of the gotra of the bridegroom with him on curds and treacle. After this the boy’s father sends to the bride the water in which the bridegroom had been washed; in this she gets the marriage bath. This done the bridegroom goes to the house of the bride, and is received at the door by the mother of the bride, who waves over his head a piece of dough, on which is laid a silver coin and a lighted lamp. This is the parachhan ceremony, and is intended to scare away the evil spirits, which are most to be dreaded at any crisis of life such as marriage. Then the barber’s wife brings out the bride, who is seated on the thigh of her father. The pair worship Gauri and Ganesa, of whom flour images are made. The father then gives away his daughter in the regular kanyâdân form, holding a bunch of kusa grass, water, and rice, in his right hand. Then the bridegroom first performs the emblematical marriage with the siddh tree forming the central pole of the marriage shed, and he then marks the parting of the bride’s hair. The pair next make five circuits round the siddh tree, and the ceremony ends with a salute to the officiating Brâhman.

21. Next the bridegroom walks with the bride into the retiring room (kohabar), an obvious survival of the custom still prevailing among some of the Dravidian tribes, where consummation follows immediately on the marriage ceremony. The sister-in-law of the bride attempts to obstruct his passage, and he is obliged to carry in [[62]]the bride by force. The walls of the retiring room are decorated with rude drawings in red, of elephants and horses. Over these the bridegroom is made to pour a little butter. Then the women crack jokes with the boy. Pointing to a rice pestle they say “That is your father! Salute him!” and taking up a lamp they say, “That is your mother! Salute her!” On this he breaks the lamp with the pestle. Then the knot joining the clothes of the pair is opened and the boy returns to his own party.

22. Next morning the bridegroom is brought with two or three other boys to go through the confarreatio or khichari rite. When he is asked to eat in the house of the bride he holds out for some time, and will not touch the food until he gets a present from his father-in-law; then his party are feasted. Next morning the boy goes again into the marriage shed, and his mother-in-law, as before, waves a pestle over his head and gives him a present. This done, his father shakes one of the poles of the shed and receives a present for so doing, which is known as mânro hilâi. On this, the relations on both sides embrace, and the wedding party start for home. If the bride be nubile she accompanies her husband; if not, in the first, third, or fifth year there is the gauna, when she is brought to the house of her husband. After the party return, a burnt offering (hom) is made in honour of the village godlings (dih), and the barber’s wife takes the marriage jar (kalsa) to a neighbouring stream, where she washes it, and then, filling it with water, pours the contents over the head of the mother of the bridegroom, and asks her if she feels refreshed, meaning thereby if she is satisfied with the marriage of her son. Of course she says that she is satisfied, and blesses him and his wife.

Death ceremonies. 23. The married dead are cremated; children and those who die of epidemic disease are buried. The cremation is carried out in the orthodox way. After it is over the chief mourner plants by the side of a river, or tank, a bunch of the jurai grass, as an abode for the soul until the funeral rites are completed. He cooks for himself, and daily places on a dung-hill a leaf platter (dauna) full of food for the ghost of the dead man. On the tenth day he throws into a tank ten balls of rice boiled in milk (khîr) in honour of the dead. During this the Brâhman repeats texts; and the relatives, after shaving, come home and offer a burnt offering. Clothes, vessels, a cow, and other articles are given to a Mahâbrâhman in the belief that they will pass for the use of the dead man in the next world. [[63]]

Religion. 24. Ahîrs are all Hindus, but are seldom initiated into any of the regular sects. To the east of the Province they worship, by preference, Mahâdeva. They also worship the Pânchonpîr and Birtiya. The latter, they say, was one of their forefathers, who fell in some fight at Delhi. He is worshipped in the month of Sâwan, or at the Holi festival, with a burnt offering, which is made either in the courtyard of the house where the churn is kept, or in the cow-house. They also pour spirits on the ground in his honour. They worship the Pânchonpîr during the Naurâtri or first nine days of Chaitra. Birtiya is regarded as the special guardian of cattle. The only one of the regular pantheon, to whom they offer regular sacrifices, is the Vindhyabâsini Devi, of Vindhyâchal, to whom they occasionally sacrifice a goat. In other parts of the Province they seem, as a rule, to worship Devi. They are served by Brâhmans of all the ordinary priestly classes.

Worship of Kâsinâth. 25. To the east of the province the worship of Kâsinâth is very popular. In most of their villages there is a man who is supposed to be possessed by this deity, who is generally a young, strong man, who lets his hair grow. Once or twice a year Kâsinâth “comes on his head,” as the phrase is. Then he begins to move his hands and shakes his head, and in this state utters prophecies of the prospects of the crops and other matters affecting the village. Then they all assemble in some open ground, outside the village, and arrange for the worship of the godling. They light several fires in a row, and on each a pot of milk is set to boil. Opposite these a pile of parched barley (bahuri) is collected. As soon as the milk begins to boil over, the man possessed of the spirit of Kâsinâth, rushes up and pours the contents of all the pots in succession over his shoulders. It is said that he is never scalded. The rite concludes with the distribution of the barley among the congregation.

Worship of Bîrnâth. 26. In parts of the Mirzapur District, south of the River Son, you may notice, on the side of the road, here and there, a little platform (chaura), with one, three or five rude wooden images, about three feet high, with a sort of representation of a human face and head at the top. These fetish posts are quite black with a continual application of oil or ghi. This is the shrine of Bîrnâth, the Ahîr cattle godling. He was an Ahîr, who, according to some, was killed by a tiger, and he has now [[64]]become a godling, and is worshipped by the Ahîrs of the jungle as the protector of cattle. People make occasional vows to him in seasons of sickness or distress, but his special function is to keep the cattle safe from beasts of prey. He has no special feast day, but is presented with occasional offerings of rice, milk, and cakes. The worshipper first bathes; then fresh plasters the platform of the godling, and deposits his offering upon it and says “Bîrnâth Bâba keep our cattle safe, and you will get more!” This worship is always done in the morning, and more particularly when the cattle are sent into the jungle in the hot weather, or when cattle disease is prevalent. The curious point about the worship is that it is part of the faith of the aboriginal tribes, with whom the connection of the Ahîrs cannot be very close. Thus Mr. S. Hislop[52] writes:—“In the south of the Bhandâra District the traveller frequently meets with squared pieces of wood, each with a rude figure carved in front, set up somewhat close to each other. These represent Bangarâma, Bangara Bai, or Devi, who is said to have one sister and five brothers, the sister being styled Danteswari (“she with the teeth”), a name of Kâli, and four out of the five brothers being known by the names of Ghantarâma, Champarâma, Nâikrâma and Potlinga. These are all deemed to possess the power of sending disease and death upon men, and under these or different names seem to be generally feared in the region east of the city of Nâgpur. I find the name of Bangara to occur among the Kols of Chaibasa, where he is regarded as the god of fever, and is associated with Gohem, Chondu, Negra and Dechali, who are considered respectively the gods of cholera, the itch, indigestion, and death. Bhîm Sen, again, is generally adored under the form of two pieces of wood, standing from three to four feet in length above the ground, like those set up in connection with Bangarâma’s worship.” There can be little doubt that from this form of worship the cultus of Bîrnâth has been developed. The quintette of the brethren may be a reminiscence of the Pândava legend, on which much of the Pânchonpîr cycle is possibly based.

Festivals. 27. The Ahîrs observe the usual Hindu festivals, particularly the Holi, which is the occasion for much drinking and rude horse play. They have a special observance, which takes place a few days after the Diwâli, [[65]]which is known as the Dâng or “club” Diwâli, or the Gobardhana, when the representation of images of the cattle of Krishna are worshipped, and the herdsmen go round singing, playing, and dancing, and collect money from the owners of the cattle they tend. Connected with this is the Sohrâi, which takes place on the fifteenth of Kârttik, when a cow is made to run or dance. Sometimes a young pig is made to squeak near her calf, and the mother, followed by the whole herd, pursue it and gore it to death. Sometimes, according to Mr. Christian,[53] this cruel sport is humanely varied by dragging a large gourd or a black blanket, at which the cows run to butt. Hence the proverb Bûrh gâê sohrâi ke sâdh—“An old cow, and longing to take part in the Sohrâi.”

Social position and occupation. 28. In Cawnpur they will eat kachchi and pakki with all Brâhmans; pakki, with Râjputs and Banyas, and drink and smoke with none but members of their own caste. In Mirzapur they drink water from the hands of Brâhmans, Kshatriyas, and all Vaisyas, except Kalwârs. They will eat Kachchi cooked by a Brâhman, but only if they are well acquainted with him. In Behâr, according to Mr. Risley, they rank with Kurmis and similar castes, from whose hands a Brâhman can drink water. Towards Delhi, Sir H. M. Elliot states, that they eat, drink, and smoke in common, not only with Jâts and Gûjars, but also under a few restrictions with Râjputs. In other places Râjputs would indignantly repudiate all connection with Ahîrs. In rural belief the Ahîr is a boor, faithless, greedy, and quarrelsome. Like Gadariyas and Gûjars, they are naturally dwellers in the jungle—

Ahîr, Gadariya, Gûjar,

Ye tînon châhen ûjar.

The other local proverbs are not much more complimentary to them—Ahîr se jab gun niklê, jab bâlu se ghi—“You can as soon get good out of an Ahîr as butter from sand”; “Blood out of a stone.” Ahîr dekh Gadariya mastâna—“If the Gadariya gets drunk he learns it from the Ahîr.” Ahîr ka pet gahir, Brâhman ka pet madar—“The Ahîr’s belly is deep, but the Brâhman’s a bottomless pit.” Ahîr ka kya jajmân, aur lapsi ka kya pakwân—“As soon be an Ahîr’s client as hold gruel a dainty.” His primary business is the tending of cattle and making of ghi, and [[66]]selling milk. He is not above the suspicion of adulterating his ghi with substances which are an abomination to orthodox Hindus or Musalmâns. As a cultivator he does not take a high place, as he depends more on his cattle than on his field, and in some places he is not free from the suspicion of cattle stealing. [[67]] [[68]]

Distribution of Ahîrs according to the Census of 1891.

District.Sub-Castes.Total.
Benbansi.Bhirgudi.Dauwâ.Dhindhor.Gaddi.Gamel.Ghorcharha.Ghosi.Gûjar.Guâlbans.Jâdubans.Kamariha.Khunkhuniya.Kur.Nandbans.Pâthak.Rajauriya.Râwat.Others.
Dehra Dûn … … … … 3 25 … 1 … 1,782 103 … … … … … … … 371 2,285
Sahâranpur … … … 11 … … … … … 2,594 3,241 … … … … … … … 151 5,997
Muzaffarnagar … … … … … … … … … 246 307 … … … 38 22 … … 382 995
Meerut 463 … … … … … … 139 … 3,180 12,841 … … … 463 … … … 1,413 18,499
Bulandshahr … … … … 8 … … 289 … 165 3,539 … … … 618 … … … 4,779 9,398
Aligarh … … … … … … … 753 … 327 8,977 … … … 5,840 … … 4 13,149 29,050
Mathura … … … … … … … 50 … 884 1,557 1 … … 2,716 17 … … 946 6,171
Agra … 8 2 … … … … 1,474 5 979 627 59 … … 29,778 62 … 42 1,640 34,676
Farrukhâbâd …12,884… … … … 1,133 48,703 32 4,460 407 4,202 35 30 6,753 801 3,775 168 2,520 85,903
Mainpuri … 1 4 … … 28 … 69,554 … 99 27 48,392 14 1 5,8336,406 7,984 34 2,532 1,40,909
Etâwah … … … … … … … 29,504 … 941 4 53,078 … … 5,571 … … … 1,691 90,789
Etah … 2,875… 218 … … … 23,973 … 621 470 14,572 … 2,153 23,434 160 … 2,197 8,234 78,907
Bareilly … 1… … … … … … … 38 816 … … … … … … … 5,316 6,171
Bijnor … … … … … … 7 … … 239 5,182 … … … … … … … 248 5,676
Budâun … … … … … … … 159 … 210 36 … … … 102 … … … 354 861
Morâdâbâd … 6… … … … … 700 … 139 14,293 5 … … 3 … … … 3,530 18,676
Shâhjahânpur 910,487168 322 … 1,8491,970 8,514 40 19,088 6,683 1,350 … 11 193 218 41,039 20,273 72,218
Pilibhît … … … … … … … 5 34 48 257 … … … 1 … … 8 728 1,081
Cawnpur … 1,027 22 26,634 … 4 43 64,709 12 5,756 199 … 14 … 447 … … 33 20,483 1,19,383
Fatehpur … … … 14,239 … 121 20 2,535 158 35,375 262 … 24 … 34 … … … 7,275 60,033
Bânda … 1 74 9,534 … … … 3,669 133 49,022 1 58 18 … 11 … … … 7,131 69,652
Hamîrpur … … 50 5,383 … … … 11,910 … 1,906 118 1,809 9 … 4,219 … … … 4,307 29,711
Allahâbâd … … … 247 … 83 … 78 2 1,38,413 11,297 … 1 … 142 … … … 1,186 1,51,449
Jhânsi … … 9 … … … … 1,442 68 852 381 1,489 … 408 17,831 26 … … 10,579 33,085
Jâlaun … … 69 2,902 … … … 2,850 8 541 24 760 … … 5,042 … … … 2,393 14,589
Lalitpur … 48 46 1 … … … 618 2 21 75 20 … … 25,275 … … … 1,408 27,514
Benares … … … 10,581 … … … 3 5 72,539 13 … … … … … … … 2,303 85,449
Mirzapur … … … … … … … … 1 1,11,821 … … … … … … … … 1,416 1,13,238[[69]]
Jaunpur … … … 18,669 … … … … … 1,76,827 … … … … 201 … … … 1,0311,96,723
Ghâzipur … … … 36,445 … … … 4 … 1,31,907 … … … … … … … 1 1,2131,69,570
Ballia … … … 40,753 … … … … … 33,699 … … … … … … … … 22,606 97,058
Gorakhpur … … … 66,251 … … … 2 … 2,76,185 1 … … … … … … … 4,5593,46,993
Basti … … … 14,557 … … … … 156 1,60,143 1,180 … … … … … … … 8,8981,84,934
Azamgarh … … … 7,257 … … … … 31 2,34,522 … 14,296 … … … … … … 12,5692,68,675
Garhwâl … … … … … … … … … 35 … … … … … … … … 2 37
Tarâi … … … … … … … 964 … 510 460 … … … … … … 11 134 2,079
Lucknow … … … 20,974 … 7,438 17 2,757 2 11,143 25,620 … 39 … 3,260 … … … 2,552 73,802
Unâo … … … 19,8183,040 7,373 137 32,848 13 23,025 4,988 … 769 … 2,729 … … … 10,7711,05,511
Râê Bareli … 9,299… 43,664 … 25,696 62 1,346 254 46,610 1,926 … 94 … … … … … 7311,29,682
Sîtapur … … … 5,429 … 3,947 104 16,275 17 48,784 17,909 65 46 … 93 7 … 99 4,118 96,893
Hardoi … 1,099… … … … 2,760 42,644 3 25,256 3,070 2,302 … 61 … … … … 1,692 78,887
Kheri … 84… 2,421 … 151 96 155 242 65,425 4,611 … 82 … … … … 94 918 74,279
Faizâbâd … … … 3,859 … … … 36 12 1,34,212 213 … … … … … … … 3321,38,664
Gonda … … 29 12,453 … 46 … … 30 1,33,891 627 … … … … … … … 1091,47,185
Bahrâich … … … 16,636 … … … … … 98,153 484 … 19 … … … … … 3661,15,658
Sultânpur … … … 6,566 … 871 … … … 1,18,936 … … … … … … … … 2,1961,28,569
Partâbgarh … 139… 4,406 … 1,847 … … 16,490 88,155 21 … … … … … … … 1,5101,12,568
Bârabanki … … … … … 909 … … … 92,981 34,935 … 160 … … … 709 … 9,0001,38,694
Total47237,9594733,90,2303,05150,3886,3493,68,66317,75023,52,6851,67,7821,42,4581,3242,6641,40,6277,71912,4723,7302,12,04539,18,826

[[72]]

Ahiwâsi[54].—A land-owning, cultivating and labouring tribe found in Mathura and Mewât. The name is derived from Ahi, “the dragon,” and vâsa, “dwelling.” Their legend connects them with the Rishi Saubhari. In his old age the sage was inspired with a desire for offspring, and going to Râja Madhâtri demanded one of his fifty daughters. Afraid to refuse, and yet unwilling to bestow a daughter upon such a suitor, the king temporised and endeavoured to evade the request. At length it was settled that if any one of the daughters should accept him as a bridegroom the King would consent to the marriage. Saubhari was conducted to the presence of the girls; but on his way he assumed a fair and handsome form, so that all the girls were captivated and contended with each other as to who should become his wife. It ended in his marrying them all and taking them home. He caused Viswakarma to build for each a separate palace, furnished in the most luxurious manner, and surrounded with exquisite gardens, where they lived a most happy life, each one of them having her husband always present with her, and believing that he was devoted to her and her only. By his wives he had one hundred and fifty sons; but as he found his hopes and desires for them to daily increase and expand, he resolved to devote himself wholly and solely to penance and the worship of Vishnu. Accordingly, he abandoned his children and retired with his wives into the forest.[55] The Mathura tradition runs that Saubhari, when he retired to the forest, was wrath because birds used to drop offal and dirt upon his hermitage; accordingly he cursed any bird with death who should venture to approach the place. Just at that time Garuda was engaged in one of his periodical attacks on the snakes, and they at last had to make an agreement with him that they would provide him with a victim daily if he agreed to spare the rest. To this Garuda consented; but the great dragon, Ahi, or Kâliya, rescued the victims, and Garuda, in his wrath, pursued him. Ahi sought everywhere for protection, and at last he was advised to seek refuge with the Rishi Saubhari, whose curse would ward off the attack of Garuda. Hence the village of Sunrakh, in the Mathura District, where the hermitage of Saubhari Rishi was situated, came to be known as Ahivâsa, or “the abode of the dragon,” and from this the Ahiwâsis take their name. [[73]]How far the legend represents some early struggle between Vaishnavism and snake worship it is impossible to say. The Ahiwâsis, then, make themselves out to be the descendants of Saubhari Rishi, and consider Sunrakh to be their headquarters. Sunrakh adjoins the Kâli-mardan ghât at Brindâban. The Pandas of the great temple of Baladeva are all Ahiwâsis, and to use Mr. Growse’s words,—“It is matter for regret that the revenues of so wealthy a shrine should be at the absolute disposal of a community so extremely unlikely ever to make a good use of them.”[56]

Sub-divisions. 2. Mr. Growse calls the Ahiwâsis “a Brâhmanical or rather pseudo-Brâhmanical tribe,” and notes that they have as many as seventy-two sub-divisions, two of the principal of which are called Dighiya and Bajrâwat.[57] These gotras are exogamous, and a man cannot marry in the gotra of his mother or grandmother; he may marry two sisters. The only important gotra mentioned in the Census returns is the Bhorak, of Bareilly.

Tribal council. 3. They have local tribal councils (panchâyat), with hereditary chairmen (chaudhari), which deal with matters affecting the caste, and punish offenders by fine or excommunication.

Widow marriage, etc. 4. Widow marriage, the levirate, concubinage, and polyandry, are all prohibited.

Marriage. 5. The marriage customs are of the ordinary Hindu type.

Religion. 6. The tribal deities are Bhagwân and Dâûji. The temple of Dâûji is at Baldeo, in the Mathura District. Mr. Growse notes that “The temple garden was once a well planted grove. It is now a dirty, unsightly waste, as the Pandas have gradually cut down all the trees for fire-wood without a thought of replacing them. It is also asserted to be a common practice for the younger members of the clan, when they see any devotees prostrate in devotion before the god, to be very forward in assisting them to rise and leading them away, and to take the opportunity of despoiling them of any loose cash or valuable ornaments that they can lay their hands upon. It is believed that thefts of this kind are frequent; though the victim generally prefers to accept the loss in silence, rather than incur the [[74]]odium of bringing a charge, that there might not be legal evidence to substantiate, against a professedly religious community.”[58] Among the minor gods Gangaji is worshipped on the Somwati Amâwas, or when the new moon appears on a Monday. Hanumân is worshipped every Tuesday and Saturday. They make pilgrimages to the shrine of Saubhari Rishi, already mentioned. Their priests are Brâhmans of the Gaur, Sanâdhya and Gujarâti tribes. Their chief festivals are the Diwâli, Dasahra, and Holi. At the Diwâli the houses are cleaned, Lakshmi is worshipped, and illuminations are made. On the Dasahra arms and horses are ornamented and worshipped, and gifts are given to Brâhmans, who present blades of barley. At the Salono, rice is cooked and alms given to Brâhmans, who tie amulets round the wrists of their clients.

Oaths. 7. They swear by the Ganges, Jumna, and Baldeoji.

Occupation. 8. Mr. Whiteway, in his Mathura Settlement Report[59] thus describes the Ahiwâsis:—“They are a race well marked by several peculiarities. In appearance they are easily distinguished, the men by their head-dress, and the women by their way of wearing their hair. Their favourite occupation is the carrying trade. Trading in their own carts, they carry salt from Râjputâna all over Northern India, bringing back sugar and other commodities in return. The better off trade with their own money, and, in fact, the heads of the community are very fairly comfortable, and their villages are remarkable for the number of good masonry houses. At the same time these distant journeys keep the male population absent from the villages for months at a time, and the tilling of the field is left entirely to the women. It is natural, therefore, that easily as an Ahiwâsi may be recognised by his appearance and his village by the number of carts, cattle, and masonry houses, so his fields may be told by their slovenly and careless cultivation. The Ahiwâsis complain bitterly of the havoc the net-work of railways, now spreading over the country, is playing with their old occupation.” [[75]]

Distribution of the Ahiwâsis according to the Census of 1891.

Mathura 8,265
Bareilly 1,070
Budâun 105
Morâdâbâd 11
Bahrâich 51
Total 9,502

Ajudhyabâsi.—(Residents of Ajudhya) A sub-caste of Banyas found chiefly in the Agra and Allahâbâd Divisions and Oudh. (See the article on Audhiya).

Distribution of the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.
Agra 30
Farrukhâbâd 2,390
Mainpuri 1,583
Etâwah 1,279
Etah 540
Budâun 86
Shâhjahânpur 1,044
Pilibhît 140
Cawnpur 2,594
Fatehpur 800
Bânda 6,914
Hamîrpur 1,614
Allahâbâd 67
Jhânsi 16
Jâlaun 102
Benares 1
Gorakhpur 35
Basti 35
Lucknow 413
Unâo 18
Râê Bareli 996
Sîtapur 1,284
Hardoi 173
Kheri 967
Faizâbâd 1,324
Gonda 382
Bahrâich 1,510
Sultânpur 1,498
Bârabanki 2,460
Total 30,295

[[76]]

Akâli; Nihang.—A few of these Sikh devotees are sometimes seen at Benares, Hardwâr, and Prayâg. The best account of them is that of Mr. MacLagan:[60] “The fanatical order of Akâlis or Nihangs owes its origin to the express patronage of Guru Govind Sinh. There are two accounts of the founding of this order. According to one, the Guru, seeing his son, Fateh Sinh, playing before him with his turban peaked in the fashion now adopted by Akâlis, blessed him, and instituted a sect which should follow the same custom. According to the other account, the Akâli dress was started by the Guru as a disguise when he was fleeing from Chamkaur, in Ambâla, to the house of some friendly Pathâns, at Machiwâra, in Samrâla. The name means ‘immortal.’ Some understand the term to apply that the Akâlis are followers of the ‘immortal man’ (Akâl Purukh), that is, of God; others that they are invincible in fight. The former is probably the true derivation. It is said by some that Ajît Sinh, the youngest son of Govind, was the first convert. The Akâlis came into prominence very early by their stout resistance to the invocations introduced by the Bairâgi Banda, after the death of Guru Govind, but they do not appear to have had much influence during the following century until the days of Mahârâja Ranjît Sinh. During the Mahârâja’s reign the celebrated Phûla Sinh entered the Panth, and, being a man of great force of character, induced a number of Sikhs to join it. They constituted at once the most unruly and the bravest portion of the very unruly and brave Sikh army. Their head-quarters were at Amritsar, where they constituted themselves the guardians of the faith, and assumed the right to convoke synods. They levied offerings by force, and were the terror of the Sikh chiefs. Their good qualities were, however, well appreciated by the Mahârâja, and when there were specially fierce foes to meet, such as the Pathâns, beyond the Indus, the Akâlis were always to the front.

2. The Akâli is distinguished very conspicuously by his dark, blue, and checked dress, his peaked turban, often surmounted by steel quoits, and by the fact of his strutting about like Ali Babâ’s prince, ‘with his thorax and abdomen festooned with curious cutlery.’ He is most particular in retaining the five kakkas (kes, or uncut hair; kachh, or short drawers; the kara, or iron bangle; the khanda, or steel dagger, and the kangha, or comb), and in preserving every [[77]]outward form prescribed by Guru Govind Sinh. Some of the Akâlis wear a yellow turban underneath the blue one, leaving a yellow band across the forehead; the story being that a Delhi Khatri, called Nand Lâl (the author of the Zindagi nâma), having a desire to see the true Guru in yellow, was gratified by Govind Sinh to this extent. The yellow turban is worn by many Sikhs at the Basant Panchami, and the Akâlis are fond of wearing it at all times. There is a couplet by Bhâi Gurdâs, which says:—

Siâh, sufed, surkh, zardâi,

Jo pahne, soi Gurbhâi.

‘Those that wear black (the Akâlis), white (the Nirmalas), red (the Udasis), or yellow, are all members of the brotherhood of the Sikhs.’ The Akâlis do not, it is true, drink spirits or eat meat as other Sikhs do, but they are immoderate in the consumption of bhang. They are in other respects such purists that they will avoid Hindu rites even in their marriage ceremonies.

3. The Akâli is full of memories of the glorious days of the Khâlsa; and he is nothing if he is not a soldier—a soldier of the Guru. He dreams of armies, and he thinks in lakhs. If he wishes to imply that five Akâlis are present, he will say that ‘five lakhs are before you;’ or, if he would explain that he is alone, he will say that he is ‘with 1,25,000 Khâlsa.’ You ask him how he is, and he replies that ‘the army is well;’ you enquire where he has come from and he says, ‘the troops marched from Lahore.’

4. These sectaries are also known as Nihang, ‘the reckless,’ (others derive the word from nanga ‘naked,’ or the Sanskrit niranga, ‘having no resources’). They meet together at such places as the Akâlbhunga, at Amritsar; the Pîr Sâhib, at Attock, and the shrines of Govind Sinh, at Patna and Apchalnagar; but their chief home is at Kiratpur, in the Hoshyârpur District, where the sacred place of Phûla Sinh stands, and at Anandpur at the shrine par excellence of the Akâlis, the Gurudwâra Anandpur Sâhib, which was Guru Govind’s own house. The presence of these Akâlis at the annual Holi fair at Anandpur renders disturbances likely, and in 1864, a Missionary of the Ludhiâna Mission was killed at this fair by a Sikh fanatic. The influence of these sectaries has, however, very considerably diminished since the downfall of the Sikh power. They have not for some time past had any political significance.” [[78]]

Akâshmukhi.—A Saiva sect so called because they keep their face (mukha) turned towards the sky (akâsha) until the neck muscles become rigid, and the head remains fixed in that position. Some live a lonely, mendicant life: others associate in monasteries, where their natural wants are provided for by the piety of the faithful. They allow the hair of their head and face to grow, cover their bodies with ashes, and wear clothes dyed with ochre (geru).

Alakhgir, Alakhnâmi, Alakhiya.—A Saiva sect said to have been founded by a Chamâr, named Lâlgir. They are so called because when they beg they cry Alakh! Alakh! “the invisible God” (Sans. Alakshya). They wear usually a blanket cloak hanging down to their heels, and a high conical cap. They come to a man’s door and raise their characteristic cry. If their request is granted, they will accept alms: otherwise they go away at once. They are considered a quiet, harmless, begging class. They are generally classed among Jogis. The rule of their founder was that charity was to be practised, the taking of life and use of meat as food forbidden, and asceticism encouraged. The sole rewards he held out to his followers in this life were the attainment of purity, untroubled contemplation, and serenity. There was no future state: heaven and hell (that is, happiness and misery), were within. All perishes with the body, which is finally dissolved into the elements, and man cannot gain immortality.

Amethiya.—A sept of Râjputs who take their name from Amethi, a Pargana in the Lucknow District. Sir H. M. Elliot calls them Chauhân Râjputs of the Bandhalgoti sept, of whom a few have settled in Salempur Majhauli of Gorakhpur. But Mr. W. C. Benett[61] gives a different account of them. According to him, “This tribe of Chhatris are a branch of the Chamar Gaur, and are said to be the descendants of a pregnant Gaur widow, who, at the extirpation of the Chhatris by the Brâhmans, found an asylum in a Chamâr’s hut. The memory of this humble refuge is kept alive among them by the worship of the cobbler’s cutting tool (rânpi). Great numbers of the Chamar Gaurs now hold villages in the Hardoi District, and it is probable that the Amethiyas were an offshoot of the same immigration. Tradition first discovers them at Siupuri and afterwards at the celebrated fortress of Kalinjar. Somewhere about [[79]]the time of the invasion of India by Tamurlane, Râê Pâl Sinh left Kalinjar and settled at Amethi, in the Lucknow District. His descendants say that he was sent by the Delhi Emperor to suppress a rebellion in Oudh, and that he defeated and slew Balbhadra Sena Bisen with sixteen thousand of his host. The figures are slightly improbable, and my enquiries have failed to bring to light a Bisen Râja of that name. Râê Pâl was wounded in the shoulder by a musket shot, and recompensed by a dress of honour and the title of Râja of Amethi. Three or four generations after this, three brothers—Dingur Sâh, Râm Sinh, and Lohang, led the clan from Amethi to Jagdîspur, and came in contact with the Muhammadans: the engagement resulted in the defeat of the Shaikhs, and the occupation of their villages by the invaders. There is every reason to believe that this occurred towards the end of the fifteenth century, and was part of the general re-assertion of Hindu supremacy in Oudh, consequent on the fall of the Jaunpur dynasty, a re-action whose central event was the establishment of the Bais kingdom.” The subsequent fortunes of the sept are given in detail by Mr. Benett, and need not be repeated here. There are, however, other accounts. The Râê Bareli[62] tradition brings them from Lucknow, and another account is that they came from Siupur, near Dwârika, to Narkanjhîl, in Cawnpur, and thence to Oudh. The Cawnpur family still recognise the Oudh branch. According to Mr. Carnegy they were originally Bhars.[63] It is still less probable that they are the modern representatives of the Ambastha of Manu, descended from a Brâhman father of a Vaisya mother, and practising as physicians. The sept still preserve their connection with Amethi, their original head-quarters, by their worship of Shaikh Bandagi Miyân, the local saint of that town. [[80]]

Distribution of the Amethiya Râjputs according to the Census of 1891.

District. Hindus. Muhammadans. Total.
Aligarh 6 6
Mainpuri 9 9
Etâwah 6 6
Budâun 32 32
Pilibhît 1 1
Cawnpur 18 18
Fatehpur 1 1
Allahâbâd 4 4
Benares 4 … 4
Ghâzipur 8 8
Gorakhpur 1,747 … 1,747
Basti 1 … 1
Azamgarh 172 … 172
Lucknow 287 35 322
Unâo 269 269
Râê Bareli 2,125 6 2,131
Sîtapur 107 … 107
Faizâbâd 22 22
Gonda 3 … 3
Bahrâich 161 9 170
Sultânpur 327 15 342
Partâbgarh 8 … 8
Bârabanki 3,555 8 3,563
Total 8,873 73 8,946

[[81]]

Anantpanthi.—One of the reformed Vaishnava sects found in the Râê Bareli and Sîtapur Districts. They number only 170 persons. They are monotheists, and, as the name implies, worship Vishnu in the form of Ananta, “The Infinite.”

Apapanthi.—A Vaishnava sect founded about a century ago by Munna Dâs, a goldsmith ascetic of Mundwa, in the Kheri District, to whose miraculous powers an escape from drought, which threatened the country, was believed to be due, and who has since had a not inconsiderable number of followers in the District of his birth, and Sîtapur and Bahrâich. It does not appear that the tenets taught by Munna Dâs to any considerable extent differ from those of the usual Vaishnava sects.[64] At the last enumeration the Apapanthis numbered 4,267, and the Munna Dâsis, 2,636.

Arakh[65].—A tribe of cultivators and labourers found in Oudh, some of the eastern districts, and scattered about in smaller numbers through some of the western districts.

Traditions of origin. 2. All the traditions connect them with the Pâsis and Parasurâma, the sixth Avatâra of Vishnu. One story runs that Parasurâma was bathing in the sea when a leech bit his foot and caused it to bleed. He divided the blood into two parts: out of one part he made the first Pâsi and out of the second the first Arakh. Another story is that the Pâsis were made out of the sweat (pasîna) of Parasurâma. While Parasurâma was away the Pâsi shot some animals with his bow, and the deity was so enraged that he cursed the Pâsi, and swore that his descendants should keep pigs. This accounts for the degradation of the Pâsis. Subsequently Parasurâma sent for some Pâsis to help him in one of his wars; but they ran away and hid in an arhar field, and were hence called Arakhs. Another story goes that Parasurâma was once meditating in the jungle. From the dirt of his body he made a figure, and gave it life by cutting his little finger and sprinkling blood upon it. In Lucknow they have an extraordinary story that Tilok Chand founded a Bhar dynasty and was a worshipper of the sun (arka), so he called his family Arkabansi. The Arkabans became the Arakhs, and the Râjbansi the Râjpâsi.[66] The Arakhs appear at an early date to have obtained [[82]]considerable power in Oudh, especially in Hardoi. In the early history of Pargana Sandîla Arakhs occupy the place which is filled in other parts of the district by the Thatheras.[67] Two brothers of the tribe, Salhiya and Malhiya, are said to have founded the one Salhiya Purwa, now Sandîla, the chief town of the Pargana; and the other, Malihâbâd, in the adjacent Pargana of that name in the Lucknow District. The Arakhs held the tract till towards the end of the fourteenth century. Sayyid Makhdûm Ala-ud-dîn, the fighting apostle of Nasîr-ud-dîn, the “lamp of Delhi,” undertook to drive out the infidels, and to carry the faith and arms of Islâm a stage further to the south. The promise of a royal revenue-free grant made the prospect of success as tempting to the soldier as was the expulsion of the infidel to the saint. How long or how fiercely the Arakhs resisted we know not. Only the issue of the contest has been remembered. To this day the Arakhs of Atraula, on the Râpti, 120 miles away to the east in Gonda, recall their lost domains in Sandîla.

Tribal organisation. 3. In most places they divide themselves into seven, or what are supposed to be seven exogamous clans. Thus, in Cawnpur, they have the Arakh, Khagâr, Khidmatiya, Chobdâr and Adhrij (which is the highest of all, claiming descent from a Brâhman), Guâr and Bâchhar. These names show that the caste is very much mixed. Khidmatiya means an “attendant,” and was the title given by Akbar to his palace guards. Chobdâr means “mace bearer.” Guâr connects them with the Guâla Ahîrs, and Bâchhar with the Bâchhal Râjputs. In Hardoi they are reported to have no known sub-divisions. The Census returns give their chief clans in Shâhjahânpur, Ratanjat; in Cawnpur, Balahar and Sûpa Bhagat, which connects them with the Doms; in Basti, Maghariya, and Sarjupâri, or “residents of Maghar and the land beyond the river Sarju,” respectively; the Jonkiya, in Lucknow, Unâo, Sîtapur, and Hardoi, who seem to take their name from catching leeches (jonk); in Hardoi, the Mothi; in Gonda, the Adhrij or Adhurj, Bâgri and Baiswâr. In Hardoi too they are said to have no permanent tribal council; the elders merely attend whenever any case comes up for consideration.

Marriage rules. 4. The tendency seems to be towards the establishment of regular exogamous sub-divisions, but these are reported not to be known in Hardoi, and there [[83]]the rule of exogamy is that a boy is not married into a family to which a girl has been given in marriage. A man can marry the sister of his late wife, but he cannot have two sisters to wife at the same time. There is a regular ceremony whereby the newly-married bride is introduced into her husband’s family. His relatives assemble, eat food cooked by her, and then make her a present. As a rule they practise monogamy. Polyandry is prohibited; concubinage with a woman of the tribe in the Dharauna form is recognised. Marriage is both infant and adult. A wife can be divorced for infidelity, and after divorce she can live with a man by the Dharauna form. A widow can marry by Dharauna: the only difference between this and the regular marriage is that there is no walking round (bhanwar) the sacred fire. The levirate prevails; but the widow is free to marry an outsider if she pleases. If her children by the first marriage are grown up, and she marries a person other than the younger brother of her late husband, she leaves them with his relations; if the children are very young she usually takes them to the house of her new husband, and there they are brought up and supported. When she marries a stranger she loses all claim on her husband’s estate, which falls to his children if there are any; if there are no children, to his associated brethren.

Birth ceremonies. 5. At a woman’s first pregnancy, in the seventh month, sweets (gul-gula) are placed in her lap, and then distributed to the caste people. Her parents at this time send her a present of sweetmeats and money.

Marriage ceremonies. 6. The marriage ceremonies are of the usual type; rich people use the ordinary charhauwa ritual; poor people take the bride to her husband’s house and marry her there by the dola form.

Death ceremonies. 7. These are carried out in the usual way. They get a Brâhman to perform the Srâddha ceremony. As in some of the menial tribes, if a Brâhman’s services cannot be secured the sister’s son of the deceased can take his place.

Ceremonial impurity. 8. The woman is impure for seven days after child-birth, and four days after menstruation. The chief mourner is impure for nine days, and is then purified by bathing and shaving.

Religion. 9. They are Hindus, not belonging to any particular sect, visiting no particular shrine, and worshipping no special saint. Their goddess is Devi, whom [[84]]they propitiate with an offering of goats. Their priests are Brâhmans of low social position. Their festivals are the Holi, the Janamashtami, on the eighth of the dark half of Bhâdon. They fast all day and eat at midnight. They observe the Diwâli, or feast of lamps, and the Shivrâtri, on the thirteenth of the dark half of Phâlgun, when they fast all day and night, and worship the idol of Siva. At the Karwa Chauth, in the early part of Kârttik, women worship the moon by pouring water on the ground from a pot (karwa).

Demonology and superstition. 10. Their demonology and superstitions do not differ materially from the beliefs of the allied tribes.

Social rules. 11. They will eat anything except beef, pork, the flesh of monkeys, fowls, crocodiles, snakes, lizards, jackals, rats, vermin and the leavings of other people. During the fifteen days in the month of Kuâr, sacred to the worship of the dead, they do not eat meat.

Occupation. 12. Arakhs say that their original occupation was service. They hold no zamîndâri, but cultivate and work as ordinary labourers. In some places they bear a somewhat equivocal reputation for petty thieving.

Distribution of the Arakhs according to the Census of 1891.

District.Sub-castes.
Chobdâr.Mal.Pârasrâmi.Others.Total.
Meerut 82 … … … 82
Bulandshahr 6 … … … 6
Mathura 170 … … … 170
Agra … … … 83 83
Farrukhâbâd 1 … 164 132 297
Mainpuri 80 … … … 80
Etâwah 31 … … … 31
Etah 10 … … … 10
Shâhjahânpur … … 19 1,913 1,932
Pilibhît … … 1 287 288
Cawnpur … 799 154 696 1,649
Fatehpur … 1,867 … 2,061 3,928
Bânda … 25,132 … 638 25,770[[85]]
Hamîrpur … 2,334 … 149 2,483
Allahâbâd … 2,071 … 432 2,503
Jhânsi … … … 8 8
Mirzapur … … … 1 1
Gorakhpur … … … 250 250
Basti … … … 3,539 3,539
Azamgarh … … … 24 24
Tarâi … … … 12 12
Lucknow … … 481 595 1,076
Unâo … … 1,733 624 2,357
Sîtapur … … 5,181 1,251 6,432
Hardoi … … 19,027 6,599 25,626
Kheri … … … 9 9
Gonda … … … 1,927 1,927
Partâbgarh … … … 1 1
Total 380 32,203 26,760 21,231 80,574

Âshiqân.—(Literally “lovers”). A branch of the Madâri (q.v.) Muhammadan Faqîrs.

Distribution of the Âshiqân according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.
Muzaffarnagar 18
Bulandshahr 59
Mathura 5
Agra 4
Farrukhâbâd 163
Mainpuri 15
Etâwah 12
Etah 36
Bareilly 735
Budâun 108
Morâdâbâd 7
Shâhjahânpur 381
Pilibhît 196
Cawnpur 35
Allahâbâd 2
Ghâzipur 121
Gorakhpur 197
Azamgarh 111
Sîtapur 5
Hardoi 354
Kheri 138
Gonda 1
Bahrâich 19
Total 2,722

[[86]]

Âtishbâz.—(Âtish, “fire,” bâz, bâkhtan or bazîdan “to play”.) Also known as Hawaigar or rocket-maker—the maker of fire-works. The variety of fire-works made is very great: the chief are the grenade (anâr), the rocket (mahtâbi, hawai), and the squib (chachhundar). The trade is a fluctuating one, as fire-works are chiefly in demand about the time of Hindu marriages in May, June, and hardly any are used between the Muharram and Chehlam, when Muhammadans do not marry. The caste is purely occupational, and all are Muhammadans.

Distribution of the Âtishbâz according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.
Sahâranpur 1
Muzaffarnagar 12
Aligarh 9
Farrukhâbâd 8
Etah 1
Bareilly 1
Morâdâbâd 43
Cawnpur 1
Fatehpur 28
Allahâbâd 111
Benares 33
Jaunpur 134
Gorakhpur 4
Azamgarh 2
Râê Bareli 17
Sultânpur 37
Partâbgarh 92
Total 534

Atît[68].—(Sanskrit, Atîta—“past, gone by”.) A term of rather vague significance, but usually regarded as synonymous with Sannyâsi. Some who are known as Sannyâsi Atîts are regular ascetics. The Gharbâri or house-holders have abandoned the celibate life and marry. They marry usually at the age of seven or eight. Widow marriage is not allowed, but it is understood that the widows of the caste very often leave the family and form irregular connections. Concubinage is allowed.

2. Atîts are Saiva Hindus, and worship Mahâbîr, Mahâdeva and Bhairon Nâth. Their priests are Brâhmans. At Mirzapur they [[87]]put some fire into the mouth of the corpse and throw it into the Ganges. The death impurity lasts ten days, as in the case of high caste Hindus. They do not feed Mahâpâtras after a death, but Dasnâmis. Many of them are cultivators and some hold patches of rent-free land which have been granted to them by land-holders. They wear clothes dyed in ochre (geru), and carry a rosary of rudrâksha beads. Brâhmans, Kshatriyas and Vaisyas will not eat either kachchi or pakki from their hands; Kahârs and Nâis will do so. Brâhmans will, however, take water from them. They do not use spirits or flesh. Other people salute them by Namo Nârâyan; and they use the same form of salutation among themselves.

Audhiya.[69]—A tribe found in the Fatehpur District. They are known as Audhiya or Audhya, Ajudhyabâsi or Avadhapuri, and take their name from the city of Ajudhya, in Oudh. They prefer the title of Ajudhyabâsi, or residents of Ajudhya; by outsiders they are usually called Audhiya, or “Oudh men.” They claim to be really Banyas, and say that they emigrated from Ajudhya; but they have no means of fixing the time of their arrival in Fatehpur. One tradition is that their movement was connected with the expedition of Râma Chandra against Lanka or Ceylon.

Divisions. 2. They are divided into two classes—Ûnch or “high,” and Nîch, or “low.” The former are those of pure blood; the latter, the descendants of a woman of another caste, taken as a concubine. These two classes are practically exogamous. Besides these they have no other exogamous sub-divisions, the only other restriction on marriage being that they do not receive brides from a family to which they have already given a daughter in marriage, at any rate until all recollection of the relationship has been lost.

Council. 3. A tribal council sits for the transaction of business connected with the caste. A chairman (sarpanch) is appointed for each meeting.

Marriage rules. 4. The marriage rules agree with those in force among high caste Hindus. The number of wives a man may have is restricted to two. If a girl is detected in immorality before marriage, she is permanently excommunicated, [[88]]and her parents are also put out of caste until they give a tribal feast. Some money is paid by the relations of the bride to those of the bridegroom; but there is no fixed price. A married woman can be turned out by her husband on proof of adultery. Only the children of the regularly married wives inherit their fathers’ estate.

Birth ceremonies. 5. In the fifth month of pregnancy the ceremony of Panchmâsa is celebrated on a day selected by a Brâhman. Friends are invited, and the relatives of the woman bring her presents of clothes and sweetmeats. The woman is seated inside a holy square marked out on the ground with flour by a Brâhman. The barber’s wife pares the nails of all the women present, and after colouring the soles of the woman’s feet with lac-dye (mahâwar) puts some red lead (sendur) in the parting (mâng) of her hair. Her mother, if she be alive, or if not, some senior woman of the family, fills her lap with rice and sweetmeats. She is then dressed in a new suit of clothes in the presence of the women and officiating Brâhman. On the next day the clothes are taken off and put away carefully for use when the sixth month (chhahmâsa) and seven months’ ceremony (satmâsa) are performed. At these ceremonies rice-milk is cooked, and the woman is fed with it. The caste men are feasted, Brâhmans fed and paid, and the whole day is spent in merry-making. The sweeper or Chamâr midwife attends the woman for three days after delivery; then her relatives and the wife of the barber nurse her for a month. On the third day after delivery the mother is bathed at a time fixed by the advice of a Brâhman. On the sixth day is the Chhathi, when the mother, dressed in the clothes she wore at the Panchmâsa ceremony already described, is seated in a sacred square made of flour by the Brâhman, and she, with her husband’s younger brother (dewar), is fed on choice food placed inside the square, at the four corners of which lighted lamps are placed. After this the relatives are feasted and the night is spent in merriment. During this ceremony some rude marks supposed to represent Chhathi or Shashti, the protectress of children, are made on the wall of the room (sobar) in which the woman was delivered; and near the figures is placed an earthen vessel full of water, covered with a saucer, on which a lamp is lighted. The mother and child are taken in there for the night and left there alone, these arrangements being supposed to be a protection against all kinds of demoniacal influence. The only [[89]]special rule about twins appears to be that it is unlucky to take any thing from their hands.

Adoption. 6. The ceremony of adoption of a boy who has not been initiated by the ear piercing ceremony (kanchhedan), is as follows:—The pair who are about to adopt a son sit on a wooden seat (patta) inside a sacred square (chauk) made by a Brâhman on a lucky day selected by him. The parents of the boy about to be adopted, or, in their absence, his nearest relatives, place him in the lap of the person adopting him. The Brâhman then worships an earthen water vessel (kalsa), drums are beaten, and alms distributed to the poor. The ceremony ends with a tribal feast.

Betrothal. 7. In the betrothal ceremony the father or other near relative of the girl visits the bridegroom and secretly presents him with some money. After this, on a day fixed by a Brâhman, the father of the girl sends by a Brâhman or barber some sweetmeats, clothes, rice, betel and money, and these are laid before the boy in the presence of his kinsfolk. The barber is then given a present and dismissed. The acceptance of these presents ratifies the engagement.

Marriage. 8. The actual marriage ceremony is of the normal type. It begins with the reception (agwâni) of the party of the bridegroom as they approach the house of the bride. At the door two women stand, each with a water pot (kalas) on her head. Sharbat mixed with bhang, known as mirchwân, is distributed, and the boy being seated on a stool (patta), the “door worship” (duâr-pûja), and the worship of Ganesa are performed. The boy is seated in a sacred square (chauk) made of flour by a Brâhman, and near him is placed a water vessel surmounted by a lighted lamp, while the Brâhman recites sacred verses. After this the father or other near relative of the bride makes a present of money, cattle, clothes, ornaments, etc., to the bridegroom. Then follows the bhanwar, or perambulation round the sacred fire, which is done in the usual way. Poor people, however, do not go through all this elaborate ritual. The father of the bride and his friends take her to the house of the bridegroom, where he goes through the ceremony of pânw-pûja or “the worshipping of the feet” of the bridegroom, and this is the binding observance. [[90]]

Death. 9. The dead are cremated in the ordinary way. If a person has died of drowning or other accident, cholera, poison, small-pox, or leprosy, the regular death ceremony (kriya karma) is not performed. In such cases the observance is known as Nârâyana bala. The corpse is at once consigned to the Ganges, and within a year a Mahâbrâhman is paid to make a representation of the deceased in gram flour, upon which the regular rites are performed. One Brâhman is fed at the end of each month, and six at the close of the sixth month. When the anniversary of the death comes round, twelve Brâhmans are feasted. The spirits of ancestors who have died childless are propitiated in the same way, and in some cases the relatives employ a Brâhman to go to Gaya and perform the regular srâddha.

Religion. 10. Their tribal deity is Devi. Once their children began to die, and they prayed to the goddess to save them; she heard their prayer, and since then she has been held in honour. If possible they make a pilgrimage to her shrine at Calcutta. Their family priests are Kanaujiya Brâhmans, who suffer no degradation by serving them.

Social rules. 11. They will eat with no one but a member of the caste, and object to touch none but a sweeper or Chamâr.

Occupation. 12. The Audhiyas are well known as a dangerous criminal tribe. They deal largely in counterfeit coin and false jewelry: they never commit crimes of violence. They wander over Northern India as Faqîrs, their journeys commencing generally in June and ending in April; but they are sometimes two or three years away. It is said that if a member of the caste is imprisoned he is excommunicated. They bring home cash only, and dispose of the plunder to agents at different large cities. In the districts where they reside they are perfectly well behaved. They are well-to-do, and to all appearance respectable in their habits. Their women are well-dressed, with plenty of ornaments on their persons. They have no apparent means of support. They neither cultivate land nor trade; and all that appears on the surface is that most of the men and boys go off after the rains and return at the end of the cold weather. If asked how they support themselves, they reply, by begging. Convictions have been obtained against them at Jabalpur, Benares, Patna, Mongir, [[91]]Calcutta, Gwâlior, Sâgar, Murshidâbâd and Nadiya. They are not under the Criminal Tribes Act, but special Police have been quartered on them in Fatehpur. These have recently been removed. In 1890 there were ascertained to be 375 Audhiyas resident in Cawnpur, and 159 in Fatehpur. The majority of the adult males continue to absent themselves from time to time for the purpose of thieving and uttering false coin in distant places. The Audhiyas are not shown separately in the last Census returns, in which they have probably been included with the Ajudhyabâsi Banyas.

Awadhût.—(Sans. Avadhûta “discarded, rejected.”)—A Saiva sect who practise celibacy and make their living by begging. They wear as little clothes as they can, and let their hair (jata) grow long. They crouch over a fire in cold weather. Their life is one of the hardest led by mendicants of this class.

Âzâd.—A Persian word signifying “free, uncontrolled,” connected with the Sanskrit jâta, a class of Muhammadan Faqîrs, so recorded at the last Census. There are two classes of Muhammadan ascetics, the regular or Ba-shara, who follow the rules of Islâm as regards praying, fasting, alms-giving and pilgrimage; and the irregular or Be-shara, who, though nominally Musalmâns, do not accommodate their lives to the principles of any religious creed. The former are known as Sâlik, or “travellers,” and the latter as Âzâd, “free,” or Majzûb, “abstracted.” Dr. Herklots says that the regular Âzâd class “shave their beards, moustaches, eye-brows and eyelashes; in short, the hair in every part of the body, and lead lives of celibacy. They have no inclination for reading prayers daily. If they get anything to eat, be it good or bad, they partake of it. They have no fixed place of abode; the generality of them travel and subsist on alms.”[70] [[92]]

Distribution of the Âzâd Faqîrs according to the Census of 1891.

District. Number.
Agra 5
Farrukhâbâd 27
Mainpuri 62
Etâwah 8
Etah 293
Shâhjahânpur 201
Cawnpur 2
Fatehpur 10
Allahâbâd 223
Jâlaun 1,188
Benares 29
Gorakhpur 19
Azamgarh 174
Lucknow 255
Unâo 113
Râê Bareli 56
Sîtapur 454
Kheri 49
Bahrâich 93
Sultânpur 201
Partâbgarh 78
Bârabanki 890
Total 4,430

[[93]]

[1] Based on enquiries in Parganas Dudhi and Agori of Mirzâpur. [↑]

[2] Ethnology, 322. Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5. [↑]

[3] Central Provinces Gazetteer, 273 sq. [↑]

[4] Ethnology, 221. Tribes and Castes, I., 4. [↑]

[5] These are perhaps analogous to the Barar sub-division of the Urâons, which have the same totemistic respect for the bar tree. Dalton, Ethnology, 254. [↑]

[6] Dalton, loc. cit. [↑]

[7] For the position of the maternal uncle among the allied Gond tribes see Mânjhi, para. 14. [↑]

[8] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4. [↑]

[9] “In Efate two kinds of people were allowed to pass unharmed into Hades: those belonging to a certain tribe call Namtaku (a sort of yam) and those who had printed or graven or branded on their bodies certain marks or figures tattooed.”

Somerville.—Notes on the Islands of the New Hebrides, Journal Anthropological Institute, XXIII., 10. [↑]

[10] Risley, Tribes and Castes, I., 4. [↑]

[11] Jungle life, 668.—For a more detailed account see Watt’s Dictionary of Economic Products, IV., 502., sqq. [↑]

[12] Panjab Ethnography, 330. [↑]

[13] Based on notes by the Deputy Inspector, Schools, Pilibhît, M. Mahâdeva Prasâd, Head Master, Zilâ School, Pilibhît. [↑]

[14] Tribes and Castes of Bengal, I., 5 sq. [↑]

[15] Risley, loc. cit. 6. [↑]

[16] Sheo Singh Rai versus Dakho, Indian Law Reports, Allahabad, I., 688. [↑]

[17] Settlement Report, 61. [↑]

[18] Loc. cit. 7. [↑]

[19] Risley, loc. cit. 8. [↑]

[20] Eastern India, II., 465. [↑]

[21] Based mainly on a note by Pandit Râmgharib Chaube. [↑]

[22] Tribes and Castes, I., 10. [↑]

[23] Panjab Census Report, 115. [↑]

[24] The Census in Bengal shows their numbers to be 3,877. The Jogi Aughars of the Panjab number only 436. [↑]

[25] Based on notes by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaube and Pandit Janardan Dat Joshi, Deputy Collector, Bareilly. [↑]

[26] Tribes and Castes, I., 11. [↑]

[27] Supplemental Glossary, s.v. [↑]

[28] Morâdâbâd Settlement Report, 8. [↑]

[29] Annals, I., 109. [↑]

[30] Oudh Gazetteer, II., 218. [↑]

[31] Journey through Oudh, II., 98. [↑]

[32] Largely based on notes collected through Mr. J. H. Monks, Deputy Collector, Aligarh. [↑]

[33] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 565, 589, and 645. [↑]

[34] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 572; Gorakhpur Gazetteer, 624. [↑]

[35] Ibbetson, Panjab Ethnography, Section 576. [↑]

[36] Papers on Mîna Dacoits and other Criminal Classes of India, I., sqq. [↑]

[37] Based on enquiries at Mirzapur, and notes by Pandit Baldeo Prasâda, Deputy Collector, Cawnpur, and the Deputy Inspector of Schools, Agra. [↑]

[38] Sir H. M. Elliot, Supplementary Glossary, s.v. [↑]

[39] Tribes and Castes, I., 282. [↑]

[40] Atkinson, Himalayan Gazetteer, II., 364. [↑]

[41] Wheeler, History of India, Vol. III., 283, sqq. [↑]

[42] Elliot, Chronicles of Unâo, 20; Râê Bareli Settlement Report, 15. [↑]

[43] Archæological Reports, II., 81. [↑]

[44] Brief View, 106. [↑]

[45] Census Report, 1865, Appendix 21. [↑]

[46] Buchanan, Eastern India, II., 467. [↑]

[47] Gazetteer, North-Western Provinces, I., 160. [↑]

[48] Settlement Report, 33. [↑]

[49] Growse, Mathura., 252. [↑]

[50] Introduction to the Popular Religion and Folklore of Northern India, 290, sqq. [↑]

[51] Dalîp versus Ganpat, Indian Law Reports Alláhábád, VIII., 387. [↑]

[52] Papers 15, sq. [↑]

[53] Bihar Proverbs, 52. [↑]

[54] Principally based on notes by Munshi Atma Râm, Head Master, High School, Mathura. [↑]

[55] Dowson, Classical Dictionary, s.v., Saubhari. [↑]

[56] Mathura, 11. [↑]

[57] Ibid., 10, note. [↑]

[58] Mathura, 272. [↑]

[59] Page 32. [↑]

[60] Panjab Census Report, 166. [↑]

[61] Clans of Râê Bareli, 14, sq. [↑]

[62] Settlement Report, 9. [↑]

[63] Notes, 20, sq. [↑]

[64] Report, Census, North-West Provinces, 1891, page 237. [↑]

[65] Based almost entirely on notes by Bâbu Sânwal Dâs, Deputy Collector, Hardoi. [↑]

[66] Settlement Report, XXIV. [↑]

[67] Oudh Gazetteer, III., 301. [↑]

[68] Mainly based on a note by Pandit Râmgharîb Chaubê. [↑]

[69] Based on notes by Munshi Niyâz Ahmad, Head Master, High School, Fatehpur; also, see Report, Inspector-General, Police, N.-W. P., 1868, pp. 42, 46, 111; idem, 1869, p. 128; Gazetteer, N.-W. P., VIII, Part III., page 44; note of Mr. D. T. Roberts, Police Commission Report, 1890. [↑]

[70] Qânûn-i-Islâm, 197. [↑]

[[Contents]]