CHAPTER IV.
While Beresford was moving upon Bordeaux1814. March. Soult and Wellington remained in observation, each thinking the other stronger than himself. For the English general having intelligence of Beurman’s march, believed that his troops were intended to reinforce and had actually joined Soult. On the other hand that marshal, who knew not of Beresford’s march until the 13th, concluded Wellington still had the twelve thousand men detached to Bordeaux. The numbers on each side were however nearly equal. The French army was thirty-one thousand, infantry and cavalry, yet three thousand being stragglers detained by the generals of the military districts, Soult could only put into line, exclusive of conscripts without arms, twenty-eight thousand sabres and bayonets with thirty-eight pieces of artillery. On the allies’ sideOfficial Report, MSS. twenty-seven thousand sabres and bayonets were under arms, with forty-two guns, but from this number detachments had been sent to Pau on one side, Roquefort on the other, and the cavalry scouts were pushed into the Landes and to the Upper Garonne.
Lord Wellington expecting Soult would retreat upon Auch and designing to follow him, had causedApril. Beresford to keep the bulk of his troops towards the Upper Garonne that he might the sooner rejoin the army; but the French general having early fixed his line of retreat by St. Guadens was only prevented from retaking the offensive on the 9th or 10th by the loss of his magazines, which forced him first to organize a system of requisition for the subsistence of his army. Meanwhile his equality of force passed away, for on the 13th Freyre came up with eight thousand Spanish infantry, and the next day Ponsonby’s heavy cavalry arrived. Lord Wellington was then the strongest, yet he still awaited Beresford’s troops, and was uneasy about his own situation. He dreaded the junctionSee [Chap. VI., Book XXIII.] of Suchet’s army, for it was at this time the Spanish regency referred the convention, proposed by that marshal for the evacuation of the fortresses, to his decision. He gave a peremptory negative, observing that it would furnish twenty thousand veterans for Soult while the retention of Rosas and Figueras would bar the action of the Spanish armies of Catalonia in his favour. But his anxiety was great because he foresaw that Ferdinand’s return and his engagement with Suchet, already related, together with the evident desire of Copons that the garrisons should be admitted to a convention would finally render that measure inevitable. Meanwhile the number of his own army was likely to decrease. The English cabinet, less considerate even than the Spanish government, had sent the militia, permitted by the recent act of parliament to volunteer for foreign service, to Holland, and with them the other reinforcements originally promised for the army in France: two or three regiments of militia only came to the Garonne when the war was over. To make amends the ministers proposed that lord William Bentinck should send four thousand men from Sicily to land at Rosas, or some point in France, and so join lord Wellington, who was thus expected to extend his weakened force from the Bay of Biscay to the Mediterranean in order to cover the junction of this uncertain reinforcement. In fine experience had taught the English statesmen so little that we find their general thus addressing them only one week previous to the termination of the war.
Having before declared that he should be, contrary to his wishes, forced to bring more Spaniards into France, he says:—
“There are limits to the numbers with which this army can contend and I am convinced your lordship would not wish to see the safety and honour of this handful of brave men depend upon the doubtful exertions and discipline of an undue proportion of Spanish troops.”—“The service in Holland may doubtless be more important to the national interest than that in this country, but I hope it will be considered that that which is most important of all is not to lose the brave army which has struggled through its difficulties for nearly six years.”
The French infantry was now re-organized in six divisions commanded by Darricau, D’Armagnac, Taupin, Maransin, Villatte and Harispe; general Paris’ troops hitherto acting as an unattachedSoult’s Official Report, MSS. body were thus absorbed, the cavalry composed of Berton’s and Vial’s brigades was commanded by Pierre Soult, and there was a reserve division of seven thousand conscripts, infantry under general Travot. The division into wings and a centre, each commanded by a lieutenant-general continued, yet this distinction was not attended to in the movements. Reille though commanding the right wing was at Maubourget on the left of the line of battle; D’Erlon commanding the centre was at Marsiac on the right covering the road to Auch; Clauzel was at Rabastens forming a reserve to both. The advanced guards were towards Plaissance on the right, Madiran in the centre, and Lembege on the left. Soult thus covered Tarbes, and could move on a direct line by good roads either to Auch or Pau.
Lord Wellington driven by necessity now sentMarch. orders to Giron’s Andalusians and Del Parque’s troops to enter France from the Bastan, although Freyre’s soldiers had by their outrages already created a wide-spread consternation. His head-quarters were fixed at Aire, his army was in position on each side of the Adour, he had repaired all the bridges behind him, restored that over the Lees in his front, and dispersed some small bands which had appeared upon his left flank and rear: Soult had however organized a more powerful system of partizans towards the mountains and only wanted money to put them in activity. The main bodies of the two armies were a long day’s march asunder, but their advanced posts were not very distant, the regular cavalry had frequent encounters and both generals claimed the superiority though neither made any particular report.
On the night of the 7th Soult thinking to find only some weak parties at Pau sent a strong detachment there to arrest the nobles who had assembled to welcome the duke of Angoulême, but general Fane getting there before him with a brigade of infantry and two regiments of cavalry the stroke failed; however the French returning by another road made prisoners of an officer and four or five English dragoons. Meanwhile a second detachment penetrating between Pau and Aire carried off a post of correspondence; and two days after, when Fane had quitted Pau, a French officer accompanied by only four hussars captured there thirty-four Portuguese with their commander and ten loaded mules. The French general having by these excursions obtained exact intelligence of Beresford’s march to Bordeaux resolved to attack the allies, and the more readily that Napoleon had recently sent him instructions to draw the war to the side of Pau keeping his left resting on the Pyrenees, which accorded with his own designs.
Lord Wellington’s main body was now concentrated round Aire and Barcelona, yet divided by the Adour and the advanced guards were pushed to Garlin, Conchez, Viella, Riscle and Pouydraguien,[See plan 10.] that is to say, on a semicircle to the front and about half a march in advance. Soult therefore thought to strike a good blow, and gathering his divisions on the side of Maubourget the 12th, marched on the 13th, designing to throw himself upon the high tabular land between Pau and Aire, and then act according to circumstances.
The country was suited to the action of all arms, offering a number of long and nearly parallel ridges of moderate height, the sides of which were sometimes covered with vineyards, but the summits commonly so open that troops could move along them without much difficulty, and between these ranges a number of small rivers and muddy fords descended from the Pyrenees to the Adour. This conformation determined the order of the French general’s march which followed the courses of these rivers. Leaving one regiment of cavalry to watch the valley of the Adour he moved with the rest of his army by Lembege upon Conchez down the smaller Lees. Clauzel thus seized the high land of Daisse and pushed troops to Portet; Reille supported him at Conchez; D’Erlon remained behind that place in reserve. In this position the head of the columns, pointing direct upon Aire, separated Viella from Garlin which was the right of general Hill’s position, and menaced that general’s posts on the great Lees. Meanwhile Pierre Soult marching with three regiments of cavalry along the high land between the two Lees, reached Mascaras and the castle of Sault, he thus covered the left flank of the French army and pushed Fane’s cavalry posts back with the loss of two officers taken and a few men wounded. During this movement Berton advancing from Madiran with two regiments of cavalry towards Viella, on the right flank of the French army, endeavoured toMemoirs by general Berton, MSS. cross the Saye river at a difficult muddy ford near the broken bridge. Sir John Campbell leading a squadron of the fourth Portuguese cavalry overthrewNote by sir John Campbell, MSS. the head of his column, but the Portuguese horsemen were too few to dispute the passage and Berton finally getting a regiment over higher up, gained the table-land above, and charging the rear of the retiring troops in a narrow way leading to the Aire road killed several and took some prisoners, amongst them Bernardo de Sà the since well-known count of Bandeira.
This terminated the French operations for the day, and lord Wellington imagining the arrival of Suchet’s troops had made Soult thus bold, resolved to keep on the defensive until his reinforcements and detachments could come up. Hill however passed the greater Lees partly to support his posts partly to make out the force and true direction of the French movement, but he recrossed that river during the night and finally occupied the strong platform between Aire and Garlin which Soult had designed to seize. Lord Wellington immediately brought the third and sixth division and the heavy cavalry over the Adour to his support, leaving the light division with the hussar brigade still on the right bank. The bulk of the army thus occupied a strong position parallel with the Pau road. The right was at Garlin, the left at Aire, the front covered by the greater Lees a river difficult to pass; Fane’s cavalry was extended along the Pau road as far as Boelho, and on the left of the Adour the hussars pushed the French cavalry regiment left there back upon Plaissance.
On the morning of the 14th Soult intending to fall on Hill, whose columns he had seen the evening before on the right of the Lees, drove in the advanced posts which had been left to cover the retrograde movement, and then examined the allies’ new position; but these operations wasted the day, and towards evening he disposed his army on the heights between the two Lees, placing Clauzel and D’Erlon at Castle Pugon opposite Garlin, and Reille in reserve at Portet. Meanwhile Pierre Soult carried three regiments of cavalry to Clarac, on the Pau road, to intercept the communications with that town and to menace the right flank of the allies, against which the whole French army was now pointing. Fane’s outposts being thus assailed retired with some loss at first but they were soon supported and drove the French horsemen in disorder clear off the Pau road to Carere.
Soult now seeing the strength of the position above Aire, and hearing from the peasants that forty or fifty thousand men were concentrated there, feared to attack, but changing his plan resolved to hover about the right flank of the allies in the hopes of enticing them from their vantage-ground. Lord Wellington on the other hand drew his cavalry posts down the valley of the Adour, and keeping close on that side massed his forces on the right in expectation of an attack. In fine each general acting upon false intelligence of the other’s strength was afraid to strike. The English commander’s error as to the junction of Suchet’s troops was encouraged by Soult, who had formed his battalions upon two ranks instead of three to give himself an appearance of strength, and in the same view had caused his reserve of conscripts to move in rear of his line of battle. And he also judged the allies’ strength by what it might have been rather than by what it was; for though Freyre’s Spaniards and Ponsonby’sMorning States, MSS. dragoons were now up, the whole force did not exceed thirty-six thousand men, including the light division and the hussars who were on the right bank of the Adour. This number was however increasing every hour by the arrival of detachments and reserves; and it behoved Soult, who was entangled in a country extremely difficult if rain should fall, to watch that Wellington while holding the French in check with his right wing did not strike with his left by Maubourget and Tarbes, and thus cast them upon the mountains about Lourdes.
This danger, and the intelligence now obtained of the fall of Bordeaux, induced the French general to retire before day on the 16th to Lembege and Simacourbe, where he occupied both sides of the two branches of the Lees and the heights between them; however his outposts remained at Conchez, and Pierre Soult again getting upon the Pau road detached a hundred chosen troopers against the allies’ communication with Orthes. Captain Dania commanding these men making a forced march reached Hagetnau at nightfall, surprised six officers and eight medical men with their baggage, made a number of other prisoners and returned on the evening of the 18th. This enterprize extended to such a distance from the army was supposed to be executed by the bands, and seemed to indicate a disposition for insurrection; wherefore lord Wellington to check it seized the civil authorities at Hagetnau, and declared that he would hang all the peasants caught in arms and burn their villages.
The offensive movement of the French general had now terminated, he sent his conscripts at once to Toulouse and prepared for a rapid retreat on that place. His recent operations had been commenced too late, he should have been on the Lees the 10th or 11th when there were not more than twenty thousand infantry and two thousand five hundred cavalry to oppose him between Aire and Garlin. On the other hand the passive state of Wellington, which had been too much prolonged, was now also at an end, all his reinforcements and detachments were either up or close at hand, and he could put in motion six Anglo-Portuguese and three Spanish divisions of infantry, furnishing forty thousand bayonets,Morning States, MSS. with five brigades of cavalry, furnishing nearly six thousand sabres, and from fifty to sixty pieces of artillery.
On the evening of the 17th, the English general pushed the hussars up the valley of the Adour, towards Plaissance, supporting them with the light division, which was followed at the distance of half a march by the fourth division coming from the side of Roquefort, on its return from Langon.
The 18th at daylight the whole army was in movement, the hussars with the light and the fourth division, forming the left, marched upon Plaissance; Hill’s troops forming the right marched from Garlin upon Conchez, keeping a detachment on the road to Pau in observation of Pierre Soult’s cavalry. ThePlan 10. main body moved in the centre, under Wellington in person, to Viella, by the high road leading from Aire to Maubourget. The French right was thus turned by the valley of the Adour, while general Hill with a sharp skirmish, in which about eighty British and Germans were killed and wounded, drove back their outposts upon Lembege.
Soult retired during the night to a strong ridge having a small river with rugged banks, called the Laiza, in his front, and his right under D’Erlon was extended towards Vic Bigorre on the great road of Tarbes. Meanwhile Berton’s cavalry, one regimentBerton’s Memoir, MSS. of which retreating from Viella on the 16th disengaged itself with some difficulty and loss, reached Maubourget, and took post in column behind that place, the road being confined on each side by deep and wide ditches. In this situation pressed by Bock’s cavalry, which preceded the centre column of the allies, the French horsemen suddenly charged the Germans, at first with success, taking an officer and some men, but finally they were beaten and retreated through Vic Bigorre. Soult thinking a flanking column only was on this side in the valley of the Adour, resolved to fall upon it with his whole army; but he recognised the skill of his opponent when he found that the whole of the allies’ centre, moving by Madiran,Soult’s Official Report, MSS. had been thrown on to the Tarbes road while he was retiring from Lembege. This heavy mass was now approaching Vic Bigorre, the light division, coming from Plaissance up the right bank of the Adour, were already near Auriebat, pointing to Rabastens, upon which place the hussars had already driven the French cavalry left in observation when the army first advanced: Vic Bigorre was thus turned, Berton’s horsemen had passed it in retreat and the danger was imminent. The French general immediately ordered Berton to support the cavalry regiment at Rabastens and cover that road to Tarbes. Then directing D’Erlon to take post at Vic Bigorre and check the allies on the main road, he marched, in person and in all haste, with Clauzel’s and Reille’s divisions to Tarbes by a circuitous road leading through Ger-sur-landes.
D’Erlon not seeming to comprehend the crisis moved slowly, with his baggage in front, and having the river Lechez to cross, rode on before his troops expecting to find Berton at Vic Bigorre, but he met the German cavalry there. Then indeed he hurried his march yet he had only time to place Darricau’s division, now under general Paris, amongst some vineyards, two miles in front of Vic Bigorre, when hither came Picton to the support of the cavalry and fell upon him.
Combat of Vic Bigorre.—The French left flank was secured by the Lechez river, but their right, extending towards the Adour, being loose was menaced by the German cavalry while the front was attacked by Picton. The action commenced about two o’clock, and Paris was soon driven back in disorder, but then D’Armagnac’s division entered the line and extending to the Adour renewed the fight, which lasted until D’Erlon, after losing many men, saw his right turned, beyond the Adour, by the light division and by the hussars who were now close to Rabastens, whereupon he likewise fell back behind Vic Bigorre, and took post for the night. The action was vigorous. About two hundred and fifty Anglo-Portuguese, men and officers, fell, and amongst them died colonel Henry Sturgeon so often mentioned in this history. Skilled to excellence in almost every branch of war and possessing a variety of accomplishments, he used his gifts so gently for himself and so usefully for the service that envy offered no bar to admiration, and the whole army felt painfully mortified that his merits were passed unnoticed in the public despatches.
Soult’s march through the deep sandy plain of Ger was harassing, and would have been dangerous if lord Wellington had sent Hill’s cavalry, now reinforced by two regiments of heavy dragoons, in pursuit; but the country was unfavorable for quick observation and the French covered their movements with rear-guards whose real numbers it was difficult to ascertain. One of these bodies was posted on a hill the end of which abutted on the high road, the slope being clothed with trees and defended by skirmishers. Lord Wellington was desirous to know whether a small or a large force thus barred his way, but all who endeavoured to ascertain the fact were stopped by the fire of the enemy. At last captain William Light, distinguished by the variety of his attainments, an artist, musician, mechanist, seaman, and soldier, made the trial. He rode forward as if he would force his way through the French skirmishers, but when in the wood dropt his reins and leaned back as if badly wounded; his horse appeared to canter wildly along the front of the enemy’s light troops, and they thinking him mortally hurt ceased their fire and took no further notice. He thus passed unobserved through the wood to the other side of the hill, where there were no skirmishers, and ascending to the open summit above, put spurs to his horse and galloped along the French main line counting their regiments as he passed. His sudden appearance, his blue undress, his daring confidence and his speed, made the French doubt if he was an enemy, and a few shots only were discharged, while he, dashing down the opposite declivity, broke from the rear through the very skirmishers whose fire he had first essayed in front. Reaching the spot where lord Wellington stood he told him there were but five battalions on the hill.
Soult now felt that a rapid retreat upon Toulouse by St. Gaudens was inevitable, yet determined to dispute every position which offered the least advantage, his army was on the morning of the 20th again in line of battle on the heights of Oleac, two or three miles behind Tarbes, and covering Tournay on the road to St. Gaudens: however he still held Tarbes with Clauzel’s corps, which was extended on the right towards Trie, as if to retain a power of retreat by that road to Toulouse. The plain of Tarbes although apparently open was full of deep ditches which forbad the action of horsemen, wherefore he sent his brother with five regiments of cavalry to the Trie road, with orders to cover the right flank and observe the route to Auch, for he feared lest Wellington should intercept his retreat by that line.
At day-break the allies again advanced in two columns. The right under Hill moved along the high road. The left under Wellington in person was composed of the light division and hussars, Ponsonby’s heavy cavalry, the sixth division and Freyre’s Spaniards. It marched by the road from Rabastens, and general Cole still making forced marches with the fourth division and Vivian’s cavalry, followed from Beaumarchez and La Deveze, sending detachments through Marciac to watch Pierre Soult on the side of Trie.
Combat of Tarbes.—The Adour separated Wellington’s columns, but when the left approached Tarbes, the light division and the hussars bringingPlan 10. up their right shoulders attacked the centre of Harispe’s division, which occupied the heights of Orliex and commanded the road from Rabastens with two guns. Under cover of this attack general Clinton made a flank movement to his left through the village of Dours, and opening a cannonade against Harispe’s right endeavoured to get between that general and Soult’s main position at Oleac. Meanwhile general Hill moving by the other bank of the Adour assailed the town and bridge of Tarbes, which was defended by Villatte’s division. These operations were designed to envelope and crush Clauzel’s two divisions, which seemed the more easy because there appeared to be only a fine plain, fit for the action of all the cavalry, between him and Soult. The latter however, having sent his baggage and encumbrances off during the night, saw the movement without alarm, he was better acquainted with the nature of the plain behind Harispe and had made roads to enable him to retreat upon the second position without passing through Tarbes. Nevertheless Clauzel was in some danger, for while Hill menaced his left at Tarbes, the light division supported with cavalry and guns fell upon his centre at Orleix, and general Clinton opening a brisk cannonade passed through the villages of Oleat and Boulin, penetrated between Harispe and Pierre Soult, and cut the latter off from the army.
The action was begun about twelve o’clock. Hill’s artillery thundered on the right, Clinton’s answered it on the left, and Alten threw the light division in mass upon the centre where Harispe’s left brigade posted on a strong hill was suddenly assailed by the three rifle battalions. Here the fight was short yet wonderfully fierce and violent, for the French, probably thinking their opponents to be Portuguese on account of their green dress, charged with great hardiness, and being encountered by men not accustomed to yield, they fought muzzle to muzzle, and it was difficult to judge at first who would win. At last the French gave way, and Harispe’s centre being thus suddenly overthrown he retired rapidly through the fields, by the ways previously opened, before Clinton could get into his rear. Meanwhile Hill forced the passage of the Adour at Tarbes and Villatte also retreated along the high road to Tournay, but under a continued cannonade. The flat country was now covered with confused masses of pursuers and pursued, all moving precipitately with an eager musquetry, the French guns also replying as they could to the allies’ artillery. The situation of the retreating troops seemed desperate, but as Soult had foreseen, the deep ditches and enclosures and the small copses, villages, and farm-houses, prevented the British cavalry from acting; Clauzel therefore extricating his troops with great ability from their dangerous situation, finally gained the main position, where four fresh divisions were drawn up in order of battle and immediately opened all their batteries on the allies. The pursuit was thus checked, and before lord Wellington could make arrangements for a new attack darkness came on and the army halted on the banks of the Larret and Larros rivers. The loss of the French is unknown, that of the allies did not exceed one hundred and twenty, but of that number twelve officers and eighty men were of the rifle battalions.
During the night Soult retreated in two columns,Official Report, MSS. one by the main road, the other on the left of it, guided by fires lighted on different hills as points of direction. The next day he reached St. Gaudens with D’Erlon’s and Reille’s corps, while Clauzel,Clauzel’s Orders, MSS. who had retreated across the fields, halted at Monrejean and was there rejoined by Pierre Soult’s cavalry. This march of more than thirty miles was made with a view to gain Toulouse in the most rapid manner. For the French general, having now seen nearly all Wellington’s infantry and his five thousand horsemen, and hearing from his brother that the fourth division and Vivian’s cavalry were pointing towards Mielan on his right, feared that the allies would by Trie and Castlenau suddenly gain the plains of Muret and intercept his retreat upon Toulouse, which was his great depôt, the knot of all his future combinations, and the only position where he could hope to make a successful stand with his small army.
The allies pursued in three columns by St. Gaudens, Galan, and Trie, but their marches were short.
On the 21st Beresford who had assumed the command of the left column was at Castlenau, Hill in the vicinity of Lannemezan, Wellington at Tournay.
The 22d Beresford was at Castlenau, Wellington at Galan, Hill at Monrejean, and Fane’s horsemen pushed forwards to St. Gaudens. Here four squadrons of French cavalry were drawn up in front of the town. Overthrown by two squadrons of the thirteenth dragoons at the first shock, they galloped in disorder through St. Gaudens, yet rallied on the other side and were again broken and pursued for two miles, many being sabred and above a hundred taken prisoners. In this action the veteran major Dogherty of the thirteenth was seen charging between his two sons at the head of the leading squadron.
On the 23d Hill was at St. Gaudens, Beresford at Puymauren, Wellington at Boulogne.
The 24th Hill was in St. Martory, Beresford in Lombez, Wellington at Isle en Dodon.
The 25th Hill entered Caceres, Beresford reached St. Foy, and Wellington was at Samatan.
The 26th Beresford entered St. Lys and marching in order of battle by his left, while his cavalry skirmished on the right, took post on the Auch road behind the Aussonnelle stream, facing the French army, which was on the Touch covering Toulouse. The allies thus took seven days to march what Soult had done in four.
This tardiness, idly characterized by French military writers as the sign of timidity and indecision of character, has been by English writers excused on the score of wet weather and the encumbrance of a large train of artillery and pontoons; yet the rain equally affected the French, and the pontoons might have been as usefully waited for on the Garonne after the French army had been pressed in its retreat of ninety miles. It is more probable that the English general, not exactly informed of Soult’s real numbers nor of his true line of retreat, nor perfectly acquainted with the country, was cautious; because being then acrimoniously disputing with the duke of Angoulême he was also uneasy as to the state of the country behind him and on his flanks. The partizans were beginning to stir, his reinforcements from England and Portugal were stopped, and admiral Penrose had not yet entered the Garonne. On the other hand Ferdinand had entered Spain and formed that engagement with Suchet about the garrisons already mentioned. In fine, lord Wellington found himself with about forty-five thousand men composed of different nations, the Spaniards being almost as dangerous as useful to him, opposed to an able and obstinate enemy, and engaged on a line of operations running more than a hundred and fifty miles along the French frontier. His right flank was likely to be vexed by the partizans forming in the Pyrenees, his left flank by those behind the Garonne on the right bank of which a considerable regular force was also collecting, while the generals commanding the military districts beyond Toulouse were forming corps of volunteers national guards and old soldiers of the regular depôts: and ever he expected Suchet to arrive on his front and overmatch him in numbers. He was careful therefore to keep his troops well in hand, and to spare them fatigue that the hospitals might not increase. In battle their bravery would he knew bring him through any crisis, but if wearing down their numbers by forced marches he should cover the country with small posts and hospital stations, the French people would be tempted to rise against him. So little therefore was his caution allied to timidity that it was no slight indication of daring to have advanced at all.
It does seem however that with an overwhelming cavalry, and great superiority of artillery he should not have suffered the French general so to escape his hands. It must be admitted also that Soult proved himself a very able commander. His halting on the Adour, his success in reviving the courage of his army, and the front he shewed in hopes to prevent his adversary from detaching troops against Bordeaux, were proofs not only of a firm unyielding temper but of a clear and ready judgment. For though, contrary to his hopes, lord Wellington did send Beresford against Bordeaux, it was not on military grounds but because treason was there to aid him. Meanwhile he was forced to keep his army for fifteen days passive within a few miles of an army he had just defeated, permitting his adversary to reorganize and restore the discipline and courage of the old troops, to rally the dispersed conscripts, to prepare the means of a partizan warfare, to send off all his encumbrances and sick to Toulouse, and to begin fortifying that city as a final and secure retreat: for the works there were commenced on the 3d or 4th of March, and at this time the entrenchments covering the bridge and suburb of St. Cyprien were nearly completed. The French general was even the first to retake the offensive after Orthes, too late indeed, and he struck no important blow, and twice placed his army in dangerous situations; but his delay was a matter of necessity arising from the loss of his magazines, and if he got into difficulties they were inseparable from his operations and he extricated himself again.
That he gained no advantages in fight is rather argument for lord Wellington than against Soult. The latter sought but did not find a favourable opportunity to strike, and it would have been unwise, because his adversary gave him no opening, to have fallen desperately upon superior numbers in a strong position with an army so recently defeated, and whose restored confidence it was so essential not to shake again by a repulse. He increased that confidence by appearing to insult the allied army with an inferior force, and in combination with his energetic proclamation encouraged the Napoleonists and alarmed the Bourbonists; lastly, by his rapid retreat from Tarbes he gained two days to establish and strengthen himself on his grand position at Toulouse. And certainly he deceived his adversary, no common general and at the head of no common army; for so little did Wellington expect him to make a determined stand there, that in a letter written on the 26th to sir John Hope, he says, “I fear the Garonne is too full and large for our bridge, if not we shall be in that town (Toulouse) I hope immediately.”
The French general’s firmness and the extent of his views cannot however be fairly judged by merely considering his movements in the field. Having early proved the power of his adversary, he had never deceived himself about the ultimate course of the campaign and therefore struggled without hope, a hard and distressing task; yet he showed no faintness, fighting continually, and always for delay as thinking Suchet would finally cast personal feelings aside and strike for his country. Nor did he forbear importuning that marshal to do so. Notwithstanding his previousChoumara. disappointments he wrote to him again on the 9th of February, urging the danger of the crisis, the certainty that the allies would make the greatest effort on the western frontier, and praying him to abandon Catalonia and come with the bulk of his troops to Bearn: in the same strain he wrote to the minister of war, and his letters reached their destinations on the 13th. Suchet, having no orders to the contrary, could therefore have joined him with thirteen thousand men before the battle of Orthes; but that marshal giving a deceptive statement of his forces in reply, coldly observed, that if he marched anywhere it would be to join the emperor and not the duke of Dalmatia. The latter continued notwithstanding to inform him of all his battles and his movements, and his accumulating distresses, yet in vain, and Suchet’s apathy would be incredible but for the unequivocal proofs of it furnished in the work of the French engineer Choumara.