SUMMARY OF GROUCHY’S FORCES.

Infantry.Cavalry.Artillery.Engrs.Guns.
Third Corps, Vandamme14,508—78214632
Fourth Corps, Gérard12,5892,3661,53820138
Twenty-First Division, Teste2,316—161—8
Fourth Cav. Division, Pajol—1,234154—6
Second Cav. Corps, Excelmans’—2817246—12
———————————————
Deducting losses at Ligny29,4136,4172,88134796
3,940907600——
———————————————
Totals25,4735,5102,28134796
33,611 men, 96 guns.

It will be seen that Grouchy was given a large proportion of cavalry, although the numbers composing the different units were in most cases very short. Thus the Second Cavalry Corps numbered only 2,817 men, whereas a modern cavalry corps, or rather, two cavalry divisions (as no modern army organises larger bodies of cavalry than divisions), would amount to 9,000 or 10,000 men. The Fourth Cavalry Division (commanded by Soult, brother of the Chief of the Staff, although under the immediate orders of Pajol, commanding the First Cavalry Corps), numbered 1,234 instead of 4,896 men, as the modern British Cavalry Division at war strength would number. The horse batteries consisted of 6 guns, as opposed to 8 in the Prussian horse batteries. The foot batteries contained 8 guns each on both sides. The infantry battalions were weak, averaging from 400 to 500 men. Only Gérard’s Corps was well supplied with cavalry; the remainder of the cavalry was formed in divisions or corps. The idea of cavalry reserves served its purpose on the field of battle in the earlier Napoleonic days, but for such operations as Grouchy was about to carry out, the organisations were too cumbersome.

Grouchy’s men were good soldiers, but without discipline, without confidence in their leaders. This would seem paradoxical; but as far as courage, determination, and tenacity make good soldiers, they were excellent. Houssaye said of Napoleon’s last army: “He had never before handled an instrument of war, which was at once so formidable and so fragile.” Indeed, Ligny proved well enough the impetuosity and dash of the French soldiers, but it was only the influence of victory which impelled them; had they suffered defeat, they would, not improbably, have been panic-stricken. They worshipped the Emperor as their idol, but for their more immediate superiors they had little respect. De Bourmont’s desertion on the 15th June, as the army crossed the frontier, had an injurious effect on the men’s feelings; murmurs rose from the ranks, and mistrust of their generals was everywhere visible. The Republican spirit was in them, but now it needed even more than the personal force of the Emperor to set it blazing again.

At Ligny, the Third (Vandamme’s) and the Fourth (Gérard’s) Corps had borne the brunt of the fighting, and had splendidly attacked the stout-hearted Prussians posted in the villages and on the banks of the stream. The final success of their onslaught against Blucher’s centre and right, where the terrible slaughter gave evidence of the stubbornness of the fight, speaks well for the quality of the men. The cavalry had done little except execute some occasional charges against Thielemann’s Divisions, and seize Tongrenelles and Balâtre: although Milhaud’s Cuirassiers (with whom we are not concerned in this narrative) broke through the centre at Ligny at the close of the day.

The losses were heavy in Vandamme’s and Gérard’s Corps, especially among the infantry—nearly 4000 killed and wounded; while the cavalry lost 900 and the artillery 600.

There was very little of the spirit of co-operation between Napoleon’s generals in this campaign. They all had petty jealousies, but none so strongly as Vandamme, Gérard and Grouchy. And these were the men to whom the pursuit of the Prussians had been entrusted!

Grouchy was, and had been, a brilliant leader of cavalry. He had not the impetuous dash of Murat, the greatest of Napoleon’s cavalry commanders, but he had mastered the art of handling large masses of horsemen. He was a soldier of twenty years’ war experience, and he had distinguished himself at Hohenlinden, Friedland, Eylau, Wagram, and in Russia. He was given the command of the four corps of reserve cavalry—Pajol’s, Milhaud’s, Excelmans’, and Kellermann’s—early in June 1815, but after Ligny he was appointed to a higher and more responsible post—commander of the Right Wing, charged with the duty of following up the Prussians and preventing them from joining Wellington.

Grouchy was not a fit man for independent command. In spite of his exploits in former days, he had never before been exercised in so great a responsibility. And no sooner had he received the appointment than he began expostulating and raising objections. Yet whom else could Napoleon choose? Murat was no longer with him. Davoût was Minister of War and Commandant of Paris—he could not be spared. These were the two men who should have been in Ney’s place and Grouchy’s. Lannes, Dessaix, or Masséna would have well filled the post instead of Grouchy, but Lannes and Dessaix were dead, and Masséna’s services were not available. Napoleon was not now served by his lieutenants as he had been of old, and his generals were not of the stuff which had composed his earlier subordinates. The truth is that he could no longer ignore the claims of rank and seniority. In former days, he could promote to the highest ranks those whom he chose, and those “who had yet a name to make.”

Of the generals in the Waterloo campaign, on the French side, who could have taken Grouchy’s place? We cannot say that Gérard could, simply because he advised Grouchy at Walhain to do the right thing! He was junior, too, to Vandamme. And Vandamme was a rough, uncouth soldier. He had commanded a division at the age of twenty-seven, and had exhibited great qualities as a fighter, but for so important a command as Grouchy’s, he was not the man. Had he been a really capable general, would he not have risen beyond one step in rank since 1799? He was a divisional commander in 1799, and a corps commander in 1815; for sixteen years he had not risen. Besides, he quarrelled both with Gérard and Grouchy (as well as with Soult), and his slow movements on the 15th June, as Napoleon crossed the Sambre, were not entirely due to ignorance of orders.

Soult was the only possible alternative, but he was already Chief of the Staff. As Chief of the Staff he was a failure, but he could not be replaced, and Napoleon desired to have a Marshal of France by his side. Soult was in disgrace on Napoleon’s return from Elba, but the Emperor pardoned him and appointed him to the post that should have been given to Davoût, once the latter had put the organization of the armies in fair order. Suchet was a better man than Soult for Chief of the Staff, and Soult was a better man than Grouchy for the command of the right wing. But Suchet already commanded the army of the Alps.

However, at the time, it was not possible for Napoleon to make an alternative selection, and Grouchy was the only man available. Up to this point there had been no reason to doubt his capabilities, and it is not fair to criticise the man until his faults have been clearly proved; it must be remembered that mistakes in war are inevitable; and the “general who makes no mistakes in war has not waged war for long.”[5]

CHAPTER III
THE RETREAT OF THIELEMANN’S CORPS FROM SOMBREFFE

General Gneisenau, who had taken Bluchers place in command during his temporary disablement (his horse had rolled on him during a close pursuit by French cavalry), gave orders at the close of the battle of Ligny for the First and Second Corps (Zieten’s and Pirch I.‘s) to retreat upon Tilly, and for Thielemann to cover the withdrawal until the centre and right were clear of the field. He was then to retire upon Tilly, or, should he not be able to make for that point, to retreat upon Gembloux, and unite there with the Fourth Corps under Bulow. Thielemann and Bulow were then to effect their junction with the main army.

The First and Second Corps spent the night of the 16th between Mellery, Tilly and Gentinnes, on the two roads which lead towards Wavre, and join at Mont St Guibert. Thielemann remained upon the field of battle until 3 A.M., when he began his retreat upon Gembloux. It was only after the First and Second Corps had reached Tilly and Gentinnes in the middle of the night that Wavre was chosen as the rallying point. It is most probable that Gneisenau’s immediate object was to move the shattered Corps clear of the battlefield under the firm protection of Thielemann’s men, before he cast about for a point of assembly. To ensure an orderly retreat and the soonest possible revival of the defeated troops was the first thing to be aimed at. And Gneisenau, who is credited with initiating the brilliant strategy of the retreat to Wavre, took care first of all to rally his men; for he must have feared a vigorous pursuit by the French, who, he supposed, would soon force Thielemann to withdraw.

The retreat of a defeated army in face of the enemy is one of the most difficult and delicate operations in war. The two chief causes of the success of the Prussian retreat from Ligny were the favourable darkness and Thielemann’s firm behaviour at Sombreffe.

It is not necessary to enter here into the details of the retreat of Zieten and Pirch I., except in so far as they bear upon the subject of Thielemann’s withdrawal, but a brief description of their movements may be given. The two Corps retreated by the roads Tilly-Mont St Guibert and Gentinnes-Mont St Guibert. Pirch’s Corps, arriving second, remained at Mont St Guibert for a time as rear-guard, to protect the cross-roads, and still further to steady the men; for the best troops are unsteadied by retreat. Zieten pushed on to Wavre, arriving at noon, and took his troops across the Dyle, halting at Bierges, about a mile south-west of the town. Pirch followed, but did not cross the Dyle; he halted between Aisemont and St Anne, two villages a mile and two miles south-east of Wavre.

Gneisenau had given Thielemann the choice of retreating upon Tilly or Gembloux, a point which could only be decided according to circumstances. Both of these places were on roads converging upon Wavre, and at Gembloux there were no less than four alternative routes. When Thielemann made preparations for his retreat, he considered carefully the respective advantages of these two points. If he chose Tilly, he would have to make a flank march along the Namur road to Marbais and strike northwards from there. He would then be following the road taken by Pirch I. and Zieten; but this very fact was an objection, because there were sure to be disabled waggons, broken-down guns, and hundreds of stragglers to hinder his passage. He could only use one road, too. But was it safe to expose himself to an attack on his flank by the French, while he was marching on Marbais? Certainly not; for he could not possibly slip by in the darkness; it would be daylight before his rear had cleared Sombreffe. He turned to Gembloux. The road from Sombreffe to that village was direct. He would not expose either flank by marching along that road. It was not encumbered with the remnants of a retreating force; and his troops were already in an easy position to withdraw. At Gembloux, he might expect to meet Bulow’s Corps; and if so, the two could unite and use any of the four roads from thence towards Wavre. It would save a great deal of time if he could employ more than one road for his march, but he would have to make ample provision for guarding the rear of his columns, and it would be more difficult to protect three columns than one. He expected to be closely pursued the moment he began to retreat, but he would leave a strong rear-guard to cover him.

But it must be remembered that Thielemann, at this time, did not know whither the retreat was ordered, beyond Gembloux. He guessed that it was in the direction of Wavre on account of the route taken by the First and Second Corps.

He therefore decided to retire upon Gembloux. During the night, he drew in all his outposts, and collected his somewhat scattered battalions. In the battle, battalions from one division had become mingled with battalions from another, and the Reserve Cavalry Division now consisted only of Lottum’s Brigade; Marwitz’s Brigade had retired with Zieten by Gentinnes. General Borcke, with the Ninth Division, and General Hobe with Lottum’s Cavalry Brigade, were left as rear-guard, drawn up along the Namur road, between Sombreffe and Point du Jour. At 2 A.M. the head of the Corps, consisting of the Reserve Artillery, moved off, and by 4 A.M., after sunrise, the rear-guard started. Two hours’ marching brought the main body to Gembloux. Here Thielemann, having found out that Bulow with the Fourth Corps had reached Baudeset, on the old Roman road, about 3 miles behind Gembloux, called a halt to rest his troops. It was a hazardous step, so far as he knew, for the French might be upon him at any moment; but it must be remembered that he had had no further instructions as to his future movements, beyond the bare fact that he was to join Bulow and together they were to unite with the main army. But where were the First and Second Corps?

Thielemann sent word to Bulow to ask him if he had had any instructions as to their movements, and telling him that he had not yet been followed by the French. Bulow could give no information; but at 9.30 A.M., an aide-de-camp from Blucher arrived with orders for the Fourth Corps to march on Dion-le-Mont, a village 3 miles east of Wavre, viâ Walhain and Corbaix. The orders further stated that Bulow was to post his rear-guard (the Fourteenth Division, under Ryssel—9 battalions, or 6,953 infantry) at Vieux Sart at the end of the march, so as to give notice of the approach of the French; and to send a force consisting of 1 cavalry regiment, 2 battalions of infantry, and 2 guns of horse artillery, to Mont St Guibert, to support Colonel Sohr, who was at Tilly with a cavalry brigade and 4 guns acting as rear-guard to the First and Second Corps. When Sohr fell back, the detachment from Bulow’s Corps was to remain at Mont St Guibert as rear-guard on the Tilly road. Bulow therefore detached Colonel Ledebur with the 10th Hussars, the Fusilier battalions of the 11th regiment of the line and the 1st Pomeranian Landwehr, and 2 guns of No. 12 Battery Horse Artillery, to Mont St Guibert, while the remainder of his Corps marched upon Dion-le-Mont. The movement was painfully slow, and not until 10.30 P.M. were the troops in position.

Thielemann, meanwhile, who had received orders to continue his march on Wavre, made preparations to resume his road. At 2 P.M., his troops having gained a sound and well-earned rest, secure, strange to say, from pursuit—for not a Frenchman had been seen—he again advanced, and passed by Ernage, Nil Perrieux, Corbaix, and La Baraque. He reached Wavre with his main body at 8 P.M., having covered the 15 miles in six hours, and passed through to La Bavette, a mile north of Wavre, where he halted for the night. His rear-guard (the Ninth Division and Lottum’s Cavalry Brigade) did not reach the Dyle until midnight; they bivouacked on the right bank. Marwitz, with his Cavalry Brigade, which had retired by Gentinnes with Zieten, now rejoined the Third Corps, and the troops which had been detached two days before to Dinant (a battalion of the 3rd Kurmark Landwehr, belonging to the Eleventh Division, and two squadrons of the 6th Kurmark Landwehr Cavalry, belonging to Lottum’s Brigade) also arrived. Thus the retreat of the Third Corps was accomplished in security, and accompanied by none of the disastrous effects of a defeat.

Defeat at the hands of so great a master of war as Napoleon usually meant annihilation. To follow up his victory, to pursue the retreating force, and to leave no vestige of fighting power in the vanquished, is the aim and object of every general who wins a battle. When the Prussians were defeated at Ligny, the advantage of vigorous pursuit with all the available cavalry and Lobau’s Corps would have been enormous. The whole aim of Napoleon’s strategy had been to crush the Prussians, and to prevent them from interfering with his attack on Wellington. He had found Blucher ready to fight at Ligny, and he had beaten him. To allow Blucher to retreat with fighting power left in his army was the very result to be avoided at all cost. Then why did not Napoleon follow up his victory? What are the facts?

The battle was over at about 9 P.M., on the 16th, the broken centre of Blucher’s line retreating by Bry. Darkness covered the field. Vandamme’s Third Corps, Gérard’s Fourth Corps, and Milhaud’s Cuirassiers had well-nigh exhausted themselves in their vigorous attacks, but Excelmans, Pajol, with their two Cavalry Corps, and Lobau with the Sixth Corps, were available for the pursuit. Their troops were comparatively fresh; Lobau had only arrived on the field towards the end of the day. But no attempt was made to hinder the retreat of Zieten and Pirch I. Thielemann maintained a firm hold on Sombreffe, but he did not cover Bry or the roads to Tilly.

The French bivouacked on the battlefield; the Third Corps in front of St Amand; the Fourth Corps in front of Ligny; the Imperial Guard on the hill at Bry; the Cavalry behind Sombreffe (and facing Thielemann); and the Sixth Corps behind Ligny. Grouchy’s vedettes were almost within ear-shot of Thielemann’s outposts. Yet, although Thielemann’s rear-guard did not begin to retreat until after sunrise, nothing was discovered, and when day broke the French were still slumbering heavily in their bivouacs. Their vedettes should have been moved forward with the first streak of dawn, to feel for the Prussians. They should, at least, have heard something, even if they saw nothing; for a retreat cannot be carried out with absolute silence. There must be cracking of whips, rumbling of wheels, cries from the drivers, and excitement among the animals, however quiet the troops themselves may be. If even half-a-dozen patrols had been sent out to gather information as soon as day broke, the French could not have failed to discover Thielemann’s retreat, and, having found it, they would not have had much difficulty in locating its direction. There seemed to be a fixed resolve to let the Prussians go free.

On the other hand, there were many reasons which caused Napoleon’s decision not to pursue during that night. The Prussian right wing had not been crushed; it retreated because its position was dangerous as soon as the centre gave way. The left wing, Thielemann’s Corps, was very firm. There was also the probable arrival of Bulow’s Corps by the Namur road. The Prussian army was still full of fight. No news from Ney had been received during the day. Napoleon was in entire ignorance as to the state of affairs on his left wing. Lastly, a pursuit by night, especially the pursuit of a still formidable enemy, is a most dangerous task.

But if there was no actual pursuit by night, means should have been taken to ascertain the direction of the retreat, for it was all-important to discover this, and a very few patrols would have sufficed to gather the information.

If there were good and sufficient reasons for not pursuing by night, there were none for the delay when day broke. Grouchy had been summoned to Napoleon’s headquarters at Fleurus at eleven o’clock at night, when he received orders to send the two Corps of cavalry under Pajol and Excelmans to pursue the enemy at daybreak. Grouchy then remained at Fleurus until 9 A.M., when he was ordered to accompany Napoleon on a tour of inspection of the battlefield! What was the object of visiting the field at this critical time? This behaviour was most unusual on Napoleon’s part. Was he affected at the sight of so much bloodshed, and desirous of cheering the injured? He had witnessed too much slaughter on the battlefield to be touched with emotion, which can only be a weakness in a general. The general should fight with as little loss of human life as possible, but he should not be filled with pitiful reflections in the crisis of a campaign. Besides, the wounded, both French and Prussians, were being cared for. There seems to have been some physical cause for Napoleon’s strange behaviour on the morning of the 17th; for after he had visited the field he discussed politics and affairs in Paris with his generals! He wasted the hours until 11 A.M. Shortly before that hour he had received news from Ney as to the battle at Quatre-Bras, and this decided him to make his final arrangements. He ordered Lobau to take the Sixth Corps (less Teste’s Division) to Marbais, to support Ney and attack Wellington’s left flank. He himself would follow with the Imperial Guard and Domon’s Light Cavalry Division. Grouchy was to take the Third and Fourth Corps, Teste’s Division, and Pajol’s and Excelmans’ Cavalry, and pursue the Prussians. Thus only at 11 A.M. on the morning of the 17th did Napoleon give his orders for the pursuit.

Of course, it was necessary to know what had happened at Quatre-Bras, but the fact of having received no news from Ney, and, besides, no assistance from that quarter during the battle at Ligny, should have suggested to Napoleon that Ney must certainly be in difficulties. Had he been victorious at Quatre-Bras, he would have been certain to send a message of some kind, even if he sent no reinforcements to St Amand. Ney, under the circumstances, would have been much more likely to send news if he had been successful, than during a time when all his attention was occupied with the fighting around him.

But this does not explain why Napoleon neglected to follow up the Prussians. As soon as day broke, there were two most important steps to take. Firstly, to find out where the Prussians had gone to, since touch with them had been lost during the night, and to drive them away from Wellington; and secondly, to find out how Ney had fared, and to send him help if he needed it.

Now, a force in retreat does not require an equivalent force to pursue it. The moral advantages with the victor enable him to press vigorously with fewer troops. So the force detached under Grouchy (33,600 men) was ample to follow up the Prussians, and to beat even the fresh Corps (Bulow’s) which Napoleon suspected in the vicinity of Gembloux. True, Grouchy’s force was required to do something more than follow up and beat Thielemann’s Corps, or Thielemann’s and Bulow’s combined: but what could be Napoleon’s object in keeping back any troops at Ligny? Having detailed Grouchy’s force, the remaining troops might have been pushed to Quatre-Bras at dawn, and not at midday.

Whatever may be said in extenuation of Napoleon’s delay and inactivity on the morning of the 17th, the actual circumstances of the case did not warrant his wasting his time on the previous day’s battlefield and discussing politics with his generals when all his energies should have been concentrated on the great crisis at hand; and having so far successfully carried out his brilliant strategic plan, he should most certainly have followed up his success and made sure that he had separated Blucher from Wellington.

It is easy to criticise Napoleon now, when the results of his inactivity are so apparent, but by taking into account the actual circumstances at the time, as they must have presented themselves to him, without reference to the results, and by putting ourselves in the position or the man in command, it is impossible to find sufficient reasons for his delays.

What actually happened in the pursuit of the Prussians will be related in the next chapter.

CHAPTER IV
GROUCHY’S PURSUIT OF THE PRUSSIANS

Grouchy had received orders from Napoleon at about 11 P.M. on the night of the 16th to send the two cavalry corps of Pajol and Excelmans at daybreak in pursuit of the Prussians. He was not told in which direction to pursue, or whether to pursue Thielemann only.

Accordingly, when Pajol started off at 4 A.M., there were no signs to show in which direction Thielemann had retired. Taking Soult’s Division of Light Cavalry, Pajol started off from Balâtre and made his way across to the Namur road, under the impression that this was the true line of retreat. He sent in a despatch from Balâtre (he must have written it very soon after his troops had started) to the Emperor, stating that he was “pursuing the enemy, who were in full retreat towards Liège and Namur,” and that he had already made many prisoners. Shortly after striking the Namur road, he came upon a Prussian Horse Battery (No. 14) which had “withdrawn during the battle of Ligny to replenish its ammunition waggons”(!) but had failed to fall in with the ammunition column. Thielemann had ordered it to retire on Gembloux, when he beat his retreat, but this it failed to do, and wandered about aimlessly near the Namur road. When Pajol’s men came up, they captured the whole battery, in front of Le Mazy; and Pajol reported it in great glee to the Emperor. This tended to increase the belief that the Prussians were making for Namur. But Pajol, advancing some three miles beyond Le Mazy, without coming across further traces of the enemy, began at last to suspect that he was leading a wild goose chase. Accordingly he halted at Le Boquet, and sent out reconnoitring parties. At midday (while Thielemann was resting at Gembloux) he started off northwards on Saint-Denis, with the object of taking the road to Louvain. At Saint-Denis he was joined by Teste’s Division, which had been sent to him by Napoleon. Thus Pajol was very far from being of use in the chase.

Meanwhile, Excelmans fared little better. Berton’s Brigade of Dragoons, belonging to Excelmans’ Corps, started off to follow Thielemann’s rear-guard, whose departure was only noticed as it left Sombreffe. But Berton followed down the Namur road behind Pajol. What was the advantage in searching the country which had just been passed by the First Cavalry Corps? It is hard to suppose that it was not known which way Pajol had taken. Berton got as far as Le Mazy, where he was told by some peasants that the Prussians had retreated by Gembloux. He therefore halted, sent back the news to Excelmans, and awaited instructions. It was unfortunate for the French that he did not think of sending this news forward to Pajol!

Instructions soon arrived, and Berton was ordered to march on Gembloux. He therefore marched up the valley of the Orneau, a small stream running southwards to the Sambre, and arrived in front of Gembloux at 9 A.M. Here he found the Prussian outposts, and descried, on the far side of the village, the whole of Thielemann’s Corps taking their rest. Excelmans, with his remaining three brigades of cavalry, arrived before Gembloux, half an hour later, i.e. at 9.30 A.M. He saw that there were some 20,000 Prussians resting beyond the village, and yet he neglected to send back word to Grouchy immediately. He did not even inform Pajol of his discovery, so the latter was still wandering. Although he had 3,000 cavalry and 12 guns, Excelmans made no attempt to harass the Prussians, who, since they were resting, were obviously not ready to fight again. But his mistake lay not so much in his avoiding conflict as in his omission to send immediate news to Grouchy and Pajol. There can never be a mistake in sending back too much information to head-quarters (as far as the means of transmission allow); what is not required can there be disposed of.

So much for the efforts of Excelmans and Pajol to follow up the Prussians.

Grouchy, meanwhile, at 11.30 A.M., received the following written order from Napoleon:—

“Repair to Gembloux with the Cavalry Corps of Pajol and Excelmans, the Light Cavalry of the Fourth Corps, Teste’s Division, and the Third and Fourth Corps of Infantry. You will send out scouts in the direction of Namur and Maestricht, and you will pursue the enemy. Reconnoitre his march, and tell me of his movements, that I may penetrate his designs. I shall move my headquarters to Quatre-Bras, where the English still were this morning; our communication will then be direct by the Namur road. Should the enemy have evacuated Namur, write to the general in command of the Second Military Division at Charlemont, to occupy this town with a few battalions of National Guards. It is important to discover what Wellington and Blucher mean to do, and whether they meditate uniting their armies to cover Brussels and Liège by risking the fate of a battle. At all events, keep your two Infantry Corps continually together, within a mile of each other, reserving several ways of retreat; place detachments of cavalry between, so as to be able to communicate with Head-quarters.”

This order contains certain very definite instructions. First, Grouchy was to concentrate all his forces at Gembloux. Secondly, he was to reconnoitre towards Namur and Maestricht, as it was very possible (according to Napoleon’s information) that the enemy had gone in those directions. Thirdly, he was to follow the tracks of the Prussians, and to try to discover what they intended to do.

As to the first, Grouchy was unaware that Excelmans, with his whole Corps, was already at Gembloux. But Pajol’s report from Le Mazy might have helped him to come to the conclusion that the Prussians had not taken that direction.

Grouchy, when he had received his verbal instructions from Napoleon, had expostulated and expressed the opinion that no advantage would be obtained if he carried out the operations he was ordered to. He argued that the Prussians had already had twelve hours’ start; that although no definite news had yet been received from the cavalry scouts, it was extremely likely that Blucher had retired on his base, Namur; and that in following the Prussians in this direction he would be moving further and further from Napoleon. He asked to be allowed to march to Quatre-Bras with the Emperor. But Napoleon, naturally enough, declined, and firmly repeated his orders to Grouchy, saying that it was his (Grouchy’s) duty to find which route the Prussians had taken, and to attack them as soon as he found them.

Grouchy withdrew and proceeded to carry out his orders. But if he was so far convinced of the importance and infallibility of his own conclusions as to discuss them boldly before the Emperor, he certainly could not have been very hopeful or determined when he proceeded to carry out the very instructions against which he had been arguing!

He then sent orders to Vandamme, who was at St Amand, to march at once with the Third Corps to Point-du-Jour, at the junction of the Gembloux and Namur roads. He sent an aide-de-camp towards Gembloux to obtain news from Excelmans. (Not often is it necessary for a general to send one of his own Staff to gather news from the advanced cavalry!) He then went himself to Ligny to give Gérard his orders.

In starting Vandamme before Gérard, Grouchy made a serious mistake; for Gérard had over an hour to wait before he could march his troops off, since both Corps had to use the same road, and Vandamme was behind Gérard at the time. Vandamme’s Corps had suffered less than Gérard’s at Ligny the day before, but it was no longer a case of fearing an inferiority in numbers. Vandamme marched with incredible slowness. His advanced guard did not reach Point-du-Jour until 3 P.M.; (Thielemann was by this time an hour’s march beyond Gembloux!) The roads were in a very bad state, it is true, and the heavy rain that was falling made marching difficult; also the passage of the Prussians had made the roads worse; but Point-du-Jour is less than 4 miles from St Amand.

Grouchy himself went to Point-du-Jour, arriving at the same time as Vandamme’s advanced guard. Here he received his aide-de-camp, who had returned with news from Excelmans; who reported that “he was observing the enemy’s army,” and “would follow the Prussians as soon as ever they should begin to march” (Houssaye). Grouchy, instead of giving Vandamme and Gérard orders to hasten their march on Gembloux, and galloping there himself, made no effort to hurry. He accompanied Vandamme’s Corps, which still continued with extraordinary slowness; and arrived at Gembloux at seven o’clock in the evening; taking four hours to cover 5 miles. Gérard arrived there two hours later. Thus at the end of the day, Grouchy’s main body was less than 7 miles from Ligny; and he was supposed to be vigorously pressing the Prussians! He had not yet found the direction of their retreat! Compare, allowing even for the rain and the state of the roads, his rate of marching with Thielemann’s, over the same road, a few hours previously; and compare Grouchy’s subsequent retreat.

Napoleon’s first instruction to Grouchy was to concentrate all his forces at Gembloux. To enable both Corps to arrive at Gembloux together, Gérard’s should have marched off first and taken the cross-country road from Sombreffe to the old Roman road, and thence along to Gembloux. Vandamme would then have had a clear road past Point-du-Jour, undisturbed by Gérard’s troops. As it was, Gérard’s men had to traverse a road already cut up by the Prussians and Vandamme’s Corps.

Excelmans had lost every opportunity. He should not have contented himself with watching the enemy; he should have made “feints,” to cause the Prussians to disclose their intentions, or he should at least have discovered the direction of their movements. If he was too weak to attack even the rear-guard, he should have endeavoured to work round Thielemann and occupy him while Grouchy with the main body arrived. He should also have sent across to Pajol and asked him to work in towards his left so as still further to hamper Thielemann. But none of these things were done, and the Prussians were allowed to move off quietly, Excelmans merely following behind!

Even when Thielemann moved out of Gembloux at 2 P.M., it was three o’clock before Excelmans entered the village, and yet his scouts had been watching the Prussians since 9 A.M. He was content to march leisurely on to Sauvenière, a village 3 miles north of Gembloux.

Grouchy decided to halt at Gembloux for the night. Although there were still two hours of daylight left when Vandamme’s Corps reached the village, yet it was ordered to bivouac there. Grouchy afterwards stated that the roads were too bad to march on, and the rain too heavy; this is true, to a certain extent, but considering how well the Prussians had marched under the self-same conditions, and the urgency of the situation, Grouchy might have made much more progress.

Excelmans, arriving at Sauvenière at six o’clock in the evening, sent out Bonnemains’ Brigade (4th and 12th Dragoons) towards Sart à Walhain, and the 15th Dragoons towards Perwez, to reconnoitre. Scouts were also sent towards Tourinnes and Nil St Vincent. These scouts found a small Prussian rear-guard at Tourinnes, but they only watched the enemy for an hour, and then returned. Bonnemains brought his Brigade back to Ernage, where he bivouacked for the night. He had gathered information that the Prussians were retreating towards Wavre; and the 15th Dragoons also reported from the neighbourhood of Perwez to the same effect; so that Excelmans, at 10 P.M., knew with comparative certainty that the enemy were marching on Wavre.

Pajol, in the meantime, finding that he was mistaken in his conclusions as to the direction of the Prussian retreat, marched back from St Denis with Soult’s Light Cavalry and Teste’s Division to Le Mazy, the point from which he had started in the morning. Now, even if he had found that he was striking in a wrong direction, there can be no possible reason for his retreating to Le Mazy. He must have known that such a move, whether right or wrong, would have a very great influence on Grouchy’s plan; therefore, instead of marching all his forces back, he should have sent an aide-de-camp or galloper to find where the main body was, or to find Grouchy and get fresh instructions. Pajol exercised no discretion whatever in making such a move.

At 10 P.M., at Gembloux, Grouchy wrote the following despatch to the Emperor:—

“Gembloux, 17th June, 10 P.M.

“Sire,—I have the honour to report to you that I occupy Gembloux and that my Cavalry is at Sauvenière.[6] The enemy, about 30,000 strong, continues his retreat. We have captured here a convoy of 400 cattle, magazines and baggage.

“It would appear, according to all the reports, that, on reaching Sauvenière, the Prussians divided into two columns: one of which must have taken the road to Wavre, passing by Sart à Walhain; the other would appear to have been directed on Perwez.

“It may perhaps be inferred from this that one portion is going to join Wellington; and that the centre, which is Blucher’s army, is retreating on Liège. Another column, with artillery, having retreated by Namur,[7] General Excelmans has orders to push, this evening, six squadrons to Sart à Walhain, and three to Perwez. According to their report, if the mass of the Prussians is retiring on Wavre, I shall follow them in that direction, so as to prevent them from reaching Brussels, and to separate them from Wellington. If, on the contrary, my information proves that the principal Prussian force has marched on Perwez, I shall pursue the enemy by that town.

“Generals Thielemann and Borstel (?) formed part of the army which Your Majesty defeated yesterday; they were still here at 10 o’clock this morning,[8] and have announced that they have 20,000 casualties. They enquired on leaving, the distances of Wavre, Perwez, and Hannut. Blucher has been slightly wounded in the arm, but it has not prevented him from continuing to command after having had his wound dressed. He has not passed by Gembloux.—I am, with respect, Sire, Your Majesty’s faithful subject,

Marshal Count Grouchy.”

This despatch would not give Napoleon a very correct idea of the state of affairs. No mention was made by Grouchy of Pajol’s detachment, so the Emperor could only infer that Grouchy had all his cavalry together and all his infantry together. Mention should have been made, too, of the discovery that the Prussians had not retreated by the Namur road. So far as could be learnt from this despatch, only 30,000 Prussians had been accounted for. That Blucher had “not passed through Gembloux” would at once suggest that he had gone by some other road, not explored by Grouchy, with his main body.

Grouchy’s orders to his commanders for the next day, sent out at 10 P.M., showed that he still firmly believed that the Prussians were retreating on Liège, although in his despatch to Napoleon, he had recognised the possibility of their having taken the road to Wavre.

He ordered Excelmans’ Cavalry and Vandamme’s Corps to march to Sart à Walhain; Gérard’s Corps to follow Vandamme’s to Sart à Walhain, and the Seventh Cavalry Division to push on to Grand Leez; Pajol’s force to march from Le Mazy to Grand Leez. (Pajol had reached St Denis, half-way from Le Mazy to Grand Leez, on the 17th, so that he now had covered this ground twice.)

When Bonnemain’s reports to Excelmans reached Grouchy, he should have had no longer any doubts as to the true line of Blucher’s retreat. Towards half-past two in the morning, news from Walhain came in, to the effect that the peasants there had reported that about three Prussian Corps had passed through on the previous day, marching in the direction of Wavre. A glance at the map will show that Gembloux to Walhain is in the direction of Wavre, and not of Liège. Further, from information gathered by the peasants from Prussian stragglers and the gossips who seem to find a place in every army, the enemy were talking of the coming battle near Brussels. As to Grouchy’s thoughts, and the influence these reports had on him, it is difficult to find what train of reasoning he followed. He knew that Napoleon expected to fight Wellington near the Forest of Soignies: he knew, too, that the Emperor was anxious for him to prevent the Prussians from marching across to join the English, yet he did not consider the very great possibility that Blucher might rapidly join Wellington by a short flank march from Wavre. Had such a possibility entered his mind, he must have reflected on the best means of thwarting it, ere it became too late. Obviously his only move then was to make for the bridges at Moustier and Ottignies, viâ Saint Géry. By reaching the left bank of the Dyle (which he could easily do before Blucher), Grouchy could have either manœuvred to join Napoleon, when an addition of 33,000 troops must have overwhelmed Wellington, or he could have continued to pursue the Prussians, should it happen that he had been wrong in supposing that they were marching to join the English. It did not require extraordinary foresight or mental effort to realize how much more useful and how much more effective a move viâ St Géry and Moustier and the left bank of the Dyle would have been. If Grouchy was really as undecided as he appears to have been, as to the Prussian line of retreat, he should have had recourse to a movement which offered no doubtful advantages. A move across the Dyle by Moustier would have had a very great effect, and if the Prussians had really retreated on Liège, this movement of Grouchy’s would still have its advantages. He could have thrown his weight into the fight at Waterloo; Napoleon would not blame him for this assistance, if he knew that the Prussians were out of reach.

At 6 A.M. on the morning of the 18th, Grouchy sent another message to Napoleon, stating that further information had been received, which confirmed the news that Blucher was making for Brussels “viâ Wavre, so as to concentrate there, or to give battle after joining Wellington.” Grouchy told Napoleon in his message that he was “starting immediately for Wavre.” But he himself did not actually start until 9 A.M.

He ordered Vandamme to march at 6 A.M., and Gérard at 8 A.M. Now, at that time of year, it was light enough to march at 3.30 A.M., hence Grouchy wasted another valuable two and a half hours, when time was all-important. Again, there was no necessity to keep Gérard’s Corps waiting for Vandamme’s to get ahead, as there were no less than four roads from Gembloux towards Corbaix, and the two inner ones could easily have been used for this march.

But the troops were still further delayed. Their breakfasts were not ready for them, and Vandamme’s Corps did not start until nearly eight o’clock. They had had twelve hours in bivouac at Gembloux, and yet their breakfasts could not be ready by 6 A.M.! Excelmans’ men at Sauvenière, too, were not in the saddle until 6 A.M. Grouchy himself left Gembloux at 8.30 A.M. He overtook Vandamme’s Corps at Walhain at about 10 A.M., and here he dismounted for breakfast, allowing the troops to march on. At half-past ten, Excelmans’ advanced guard came into touch with Thielemann’s rear-guard, on the road to Wavre near La Baraque. This news was sent back to Grouchy, while Excelmans extended his men and engaged the Prussians lightly. At Walhain, Gérard, having ridden ahead of his troops, joined Grouchy, and during their breakfast, the sound of heavy firing in the direction of Mont St Jean was heard from the garden of the house where they had stopped. (This was the opening cannonade of the battle of Waterloo, which began at half-past eleven.)

Gérard at once urged Grouchy to change his direction and march to the sound of the cannonade. But Grouchy refused to take the responsibility of disobeying the orders he had received from Napoleon—“to pursue and attack the Prussians, and on no account to lose sight of them.” Having received, a few minutes before, Excelmans’ report from the front, he considered that he was moving in the right direction. To march across country to join Napoleon would have been contrary to his orders. To send a part of his forces across the Dyle would be to separate his army at a most dangerous moment. But this was just one of those cases when instructions need not have been implicitly obeyed. Circumstances had altered considerably since Grouchy had received his orders from Napoleon. A resolute and capable commander, in Grouchy’s place, would have marched with his whole force by St Géry and Moustier from Gembloux at daybreak on the 18th. Certainly it would have been a mistake to divide his army at this time, but Grouchy should without doubt have taken upon himself the responsibility of digressing from his original instructions, and he would have been justified by the change in circumstances.

At the same time, while blaming Grouchy for his want of foresight and boldness, it must not be forgotten that the state of the roads and of the whole countryside was a very heavy factor against him. It was almost impossible to get the guns through the mud and mire which composed the roads. The infantry had to wade ankle-deep in many places, and for wheeled transport the roads were nearly impassable. Rain had fallen incessantly. Still, much could have been done by the cavalry, which was the arm which should have been relied upon most during these operations; and if the infantry had taken to the fields on either side of the road, they would hardly have marched slower than Vandamme’s men. The Prussians, who were under the necessity of taking with them all their guns, waggons, and trains that they wished to save from the enemy on the same roads that their infantry used, were able to cover nearly 2½ miles an hour. It might be presumed that the French could cover 2 miles an hour.

Vandamme, continuing his march while Grouchy breakfasted at leisure at Walhain, reached Nil St Vincent with his corps at 10.30 A.M. Here, in accordance with Grouchy’s orders on the previous evening, he halted, and awaited fresh instructions. It was one o’clock before Grouchy arrived in person, and gave them to him. Then he and Excelmans, who had met with a Prussian rear-guard near Neuf Sart and La Baraque, were ordered to continue their march on Wavre. An hour later, Vandamme’s advanced guard was attacked by Ledebur’s detachment of Hussars, which had been left at Mont St Guibert. Ledebur had remained at Mont St Guibert, unaware of the proximity of the French, until his patrols caught sight of the troops at Nil St Vincent. Then he was alive to the dangers of his situation; for he was indeed in peril of being cut off. Excelmans’ Dragoons at La Baraque stood across his rear, and Vandamme’s Corps was threatening to cut off his retreat by Corbaix. He, however, was a man of great military instinct, and saw that his only chance of escape lay in attacking the French advanced squadrons. This he did with his Hussars, and, being reinforced from Pirch’s Corps by two battalions, which in addition to the battalions which were with him before, made up his detachment to the strength of a brigade, he boldly attacked the head of Vandamme’s column. Grouchy ordered Excelmans to turn Ledebur’s position by Dion-le-Mont, but before the French Cavalry had developed their movement, the Prussians had retreated through the wood of La Huzelle and had fallen back on Wavre. Vandamme was sent off in pursuit, with orders to follow the Prussians to Wavre, take up a position there, and await instructions.

Grouchy himself, as soon as Ledebur had retired, rode off to Limelette, a village on the left bank of the Dyle, to reconnoitre with his own eyes. It is a pity, for his reputation as a General, that he had not taken upon himself more of this essential duty, during these operations. At Limelette, he heard very plainly the distant roar of the guns at Mont St Jean, and he had no longer any doubts that a big battle was in progress on his left. On his return to La Baraque, towards 4 P.M., he received a letter from Napoleon, written at Le Caillou farm-house at 10 A.M., in which the Emperor ordered him to push on to Wavre, at the same time drawing nearer to the main army, and keeping up the closest communication by Ottignies and Moustier. This letter had the unfortunate effect of confirming Grouchy in his own ideas of the correctness of his movements, while he made no alterations in his dispositions of Gérard’s and Vandamme’s Corps to bring them nearer the Emperor. But he did order Pajol, who had reported from Grand Leez that no trace of the Prussians had been found between that place and Tourinnes, to take his cavalry and Teste’s Division across country to Limale, on the Dyle, where he was to force a passage.

This order given, Grouchy rode off towards Wavre, where the impatient Vandamme was already beginning an attack.

CHAPTER V
BLUCHER MARCHES TOWARDS MONT ST JEAN WITH THE FIRST, SECOND, AND FOURTH CORPS

At nightfall on the 17th, while Grouchy was still at Gembloux, the whole of Blucher’s army (except two Divisions, the Ninth and Thirteenth, and the Reserve Cavalry of Thielemann’s Corps, which were posted as rear-guards to the Third and Fourth Corps) had reached Wavre and its neighbourhood. As explained in the third chapter, the Second and Third Corps bivouacked on the left bank of the Dyle, beyond Wavre, and the First and Fourth on the right bank. Pirch I. was between St Anne and Aisemont; Bulow was at Dion-le-Mont. The rear-guards were posted at Vieux Sart and Mont St Guibert; these troops fell back next day as the French advanced. On Blucher’s left, patrols scoured the country towards Namur and Louvain; on his right they watched the Dyle and its approaches. Limale was held by a detachment from Zieten’s Corps to protect the right flank, and cavalry patrols rode to and fro over all the valley of the Dyle. The reserve ammunition columns with full supplies reached Wavre in the afternoon of the 17th, and thus all the batteries were replenished. It speaks well for the Prussian arrangements that these supplies should have reached Wavre at so important a moment; when on account of their unexpected retreat to Wavre, all previous arrangements had to be cancelled.

It was only when Blucher had thus made sure of his concentration and of the refilling of his waggons and limbers, that he replied to Wellington:—

“I shall not come with two corps only, but with my whole army; upon this understanding, however, that, should the French not attack us on the 18th, we shall attack them on the 19th.”

Having reached Wavre in safety, the Prussians, though they had lost none of their courage, began to feel greater confidence. The defeat at Ligny had merely damped their ardour for a space; it had in nowise impaired their fighting value. The men were eager for a further trial with the French, and they were now more determined than before to regain prestige and humble the victors of Jena. Nevertheless, among the lesser troops and the newly raised corps from the Rhenish provinces, there had been many desertions. Most of these had once been French soldiers themselves, and knew the fear of Napoleon. To the number of 8000 these men “absented” themselves after the battle of Ligny, while some fled headlong to Liège. On the whole, considering the heterogeneous composition of Bluchers army, there was very little bad faith among the men.

About midnight on the 17th, a message from Wellington, through Muffling, reached Blucher. It ran:—

“The Anglo-Allied army is posted with its right upon Braine l’Alleud, its centre upon Mont St Jean, and its left upon La Haye; with the enemy in front. The Duke awaits the attack, but calculates on Prussian support.”

Gneisenau was very suspicious of the sincerity of Wellington’s intentions; he believed that the Duke would fall back at the last moment, and involve the Prussian army in a serious disaster. But Blucher had a greater idea of the honour of the words of generals, and finally overcame the reluctance of his Chief of the Staff. He thereupon replied to Wellington that—

“Bulow’s Corps will set off marching tomorrow at daybreak in your direction. It will be immediately followed by the Second Corps. The First and Third Corps will also hold themselves in readiness to proceed towards you. The exhaustion of the troops, part of whom have not yet arrived, does not allow of my commencing my movement earlier.”

An order to this effect was at once sent to Bulow at Dion-le-Mont:—

“You will, therefore, at daybreak, march with the Fourth Corps from Dion-le-Mont, through Wavre, in the direction of Chapelle St Lambert, on nearing which you will conceal your force as much as possible, in case the enemy should not, by that time, be seriously engaged with the Duke of Wellington; but should it be otherwise, you will make a most vigorous attack on the enemy’s right flank. The Second Corps will follow you as a direct support; the First and Third will also be held in readiness to move in the same direction if necessary. You will leave a detachment in observation at Mont St Guibert; which, if pressed, will gradually fall back on Wavre. All the baggage train, and everything not actually required in the field, will be sent to Louvain.”

Now, why was Bulow’s Corps, which was at Dion-le-Mont, to lead the flank march, while Pirch I., Zieten, and Thielemann were all so much nearer to Chapelle St Lambert? Dion-le-Mont was 10 miles by road from Chapelle St Lambert; Aisemont, where Pirch was, was 8 miles; Bierges, Zieten’s headquarters, was only 4 miles; and La Bavette, Thielemann’s headquarters, 6 miles. It followed, then, that Pirch could not move until Bulow’s Corps had passed. Had Bluchers men been so exhausted, it would have saved most of them many miles of weary marching if Zieten and Thielemann had been ordered to Chapelle St Lambert, and Pirch and Bulow to move in nearer to Wavre. Bulow’s Corps had so far taken no part in the fighting, and it may have been Bluchers desire to give them opportunities, but for all that he knew Wellington might be in dire straits as soon as the battle began, so that he should not have hesitated to send off the nearest Corps.

Bulow commenced his march from Dion-le-Mont at daybreak, with Losthin’s Fifteenth Division as advanced guard. At 7 A.M. the Division reached Wavre, but the crossing of the bridges over the Dyle occupied a long time, and the passage through the town was hindered by a disastrous fire which broke out in the main street, through which the troops were marching. Great excitement prevailed, as it was feared that all the reserve ammunition waggons, parked in the town, were in danger. But the troops of the 14th Regiment of the line made great exertions, and were able to overcome the flames. But the Corps had been delayed for two valuable hours, and did not clear Wavre until 10 A.M. Meanwhile, parties of cavalry were busy reconnoitring towards Maransart and Couture. A detachment of Hussars rode out to patrol the valley of the Lasne, and another detachment to establish communication with Ledebur at Mont St Guibert. All the country between Plancenoit and the Dyle was carefully examined, and reports were sent in continually. The Prussian scouting work was very efficiently performed, and is still worthy of notice, even in these days. Every opportunity was taken of searching and feeling for the enemy. Not only were the Prussians accurately informed, but they hindered Napoleon’s communications with Grouchy, by occupying the roads their messengers might use, and compelling them to make very wide détours.

The roads being reported clear, Bulow’s Corps continued on its way, but progress was not rapid, owing to the state of the roads and the exhaustion of the troops. The advanced guard reached St Lambert at about 10.30 A.M., and the main body arrived about mid-day, but the rear-guard (Ryssel’s Division) did not arrive until three o’clock in the afternoon. At Maransart, the reconnoitring party found that the French had no detachments watching their flank, and the valley of the Lasne was clear.

The safe arrival of Bulow’s Corps at St Lambert, and the reports from his scouts, made Blucher resolve to hasten the march of the First and Second Corps. Pirch’s men had broken up their bivouacs at 5 A.M., but had had to wait until 12 noon to allow Bulow’s Corps to pass clear of Wavre. Zieten, on the left bank of the Dyle, marched for Ohain at noon. Blucher was uneasy about Grouchy’s strength, and his intentions. He was anxious to take his whole army towards Mont St Jean, but he was afraid of an attack on his rear and flank. He therefore determined to leave Thielemann’s Corps at Wavre to await Grouchy’s approach, and if the French were not in strength, Thielemann was to march to join the main body, leaving a small force in Wavre as a rear-guard. Blucher himself, leaving Gneisenau to arrange matters at Wavre, rode on to St Lambert at 11 A.M.

While Pirch’s Corps was passing through Wavre, Ledebur’s detachment retired on the town from Mont St Guibert, and the enemy’s cavalry appeared in sight. This was not a pleasant time for action, as the troops were thickly crowded in the defiles and lanes. Sohr’s Brigade of Cavalry, forming Pirch’s rear-guard, fell back, and the Seventh and Eighth Divisions were halted and faced round. The Eighth Division was posted in the wood of La Huzelle, with the Seventh in support. But the French did not press their advance, and at three o’clock, the Prussians retired across the Dyle. Pirch’s Corps then continued its march on St Lambert, leaving Thielemann in defence of Wavre.

As a flank march, Blucher’s movement to St Lambert was both a tactical and a strategical success; although under different circumstances, it would have been a failure. For Grouchy should never have allowed it to be carried out. By efficient reconnoitring, such as was carried out by the Prussian Hussars, Grouchy should have discovered the threatened movement early in the morning of the 18th, and have sent Maurin’s Cavalry Division, followed by Excelmans’ Cavalry and Gérard’s Corps, to Moustier and Ottignies. The cavalry could have reached the bridges there in time to threaten Blucher’s flank, and prevent him, if not from assisting Wellington with a part of his forces, at least from throwing his whole weight into the battle against Napoleon. And even at the end, Grouchy might, had he been too late across the Dyle to prevent Blucher from joining Wellington, have covered Napoleon’s retreat, and saved the Emperor’s army from the disastrous rout which befell it.

CHAPTER VI
THIELEMANN’S INSTRUCTIONS AND HIS DISPOSITIONS AT WAVRE

Thielemann had been ordered by Blucher to defend Wavre at all costs if the French appeared in force, but if there was no fear of a serious attack, to leave a small rear-guard there and follow the other three Corps.

As Excelmans’ Cavalry had shown so little activity in their attack on the outposts, Thielemann, towards three o’clock, decided to move his Corps towards Ohain, leaving only a small detachment to defend Wavre. In his judgment, if the French had meant to hinder the march towards Wellington, they would have appeared in force several hours ago. So slowly did they appear to be approaching, and in no great numbers, that Thielemann had every reason to suppose that a small force would be sufficient to cover his march, and that his main body would be of much greater assistance at St Lambert than at Wavre. His patrols had so far only seen the opposing cavalry and the head of Vandamme’s Corps; the whole strength of Grouchy’s force was as yet undiscovered. Accordingly, at about 3.30 P.M., the Ninth, Tenth, Eleventh, and Twelfth Divisions, with the Reserve Cavalry and Artillery, were ordered to begin marching towards Frischermont and Chapelle St Lambert; and a small detachment under Colonel Zeppelin, consisting of the two Fusilier battalions of the 30th Regiment of the Line and the 1st Kurmark Landwehr Regiment, belonging to the Ninth Division, was detailed to hold Wavre.

When, at 4 P.M., the head of Vandamme’s Corps appeared on the road from La Baraque leading towards the main bridge at Wavre, and Excelmans’ Cavalry was seen massing at Dion-le-Mont, one Division, the Twelfth (Stulpnagel’s) was already on the road to Rixensart, and the Eleventh was in the act of marching. The Ninth Division (Borcke’s), which had been posted near the farm of La Huzelle, fell back before Vandamme, but on reaching Wavre, it was found that the bridges had been barricaded, and no entry was possible. This left the Division in a situation of some danger, but Borcke led his men off to the right, to Basse Wavre, where there was another bridge, about half a mile down the stream. Here they crossed, and destroyed the bridge behind them. This was a most necessary step, because Excelmans’ Dragoons were scarcely a mile and a half away at Dion-le-Mont, and they might at any moment make a dash for Basse Wavre. The destruction of the bridge, too, saved Thielemann the task of defending it, and so scattering his troops, which were already none too numerous. To have left the bridge as a means of possible counter-attack was not desirable, nor even necessary, as a counter-attack by Limale or the Mill of Bierges would have had all the points in its favour.

Having no further orders, Borcke lined the left bank of the Dyle at Basse Wavre with picked marksmen from the 8th Regiment of the Line and the 1st Battalion of the 30th Regiment. These he placed under the command of Major Dittfurth, who had already distinguished himself during the close of the battle at Ligny. These skirmishers extended from Basse Wavre to Wavre, and took cover behind the trees lining the bank, and the neighbouring hedges and walls. Borcke continued his way to Wavre, and there detached one battalion (the 2nd of the 30th Regiment) and two squadrons of cavalry, to reinforce Colonel Zeppelin’s detachment, which, by this time, had loopholed all the buildings along the bank of the river, and were improvising defences. This done, Borcke resumed his march towards the main Prussian army!

General Borcke’s timely reinforcements to Zeppelin, and his prompt initiative in lining the Dyle at Basse Wavre with sharpshooters, afterwards proved to be of the greatest assistance. There was nothing but his own foresight to cause him to take these measures as he passed along, and it was fortunate for Thielemann that he did not march off without detaching these parties.

As soon as Vandamme’s Corps plainly showed signs of attacking, Thielemann immediately halted all his Divisions and began to dispose them for defence.

The position afforded favourable means for defence. The Dyle, ordinarily a shallow stream, but at this time in flood, owing to the heavy rains, ran along the front in a narrow valley. The town of Wavre, situated on the left bank, extended for about half a mile along the stream, and was connected with a few buildings which formed a kind of suburb on the opposite bank, by two stone bridges, one of which, the larger of the two, carried the main Brussels-Namur road. About three-quarters of a mile up-stream, on the left bank, was the Mill of Bierges, destined to be the scene of the fiercest fighting; here there was a wooden bridge, carrying a narrow country road, leading from the village of Bierges. At Limale, a village 2¼ miles up-stream from Wavre, and at Limelette, another village a mile further, there were also wooden bridges. On the right bank of the Dyle, there was a series of hills commanding the town, the river, and the bridges. On the left bank, a similar series of heights, rather steeper but not so high; and numerous hedges, lanes, and hollows on the left bank compensated for the greater “command” of the ground on the opposite side of the stream. All the buildings along the river were hastily loop-holed, and the two bridges at Wavre strongly barricaded. Basse Wavre included a few buildings about half a mile below Wavre; and houses stood on both banks. There were many lanes and cross-roads branching from the main Brussels road, on both sides of the stream, so that the movements of troops could be conducted generally under cover; but the state of the roads was so bad, that any movement at all was extremely difficult and slow. Grouchy’s side commanded Thielemann’s, but the latter’s was well covered, both from artillery and musket fire. Behind Wavre was a hill, which would afford good cover for reserves.

Thielemann saw that the enemy might attack at any or all of the points of passage: and he was therefore determined to be prepared for any emergency. In placing the troops, his one idea was to hold the line of the stream with skirmishers and sharpshooters in sufficient strength to prevent any sudden surprise, and to keep his supports together close at hand, to reinforce any threatened point or to guard his flanks. He placed the Tenth Division (Kampfen’s) behind Wavre, resting on a small wood near the Brussels road. The Twelfth Division (Stulpnagel’s), which had started on its way to St Lambert, was brought back to Bierges, and placed behind the village. The bridge at Bierges was barricaded, and the mill prepared for defence. One battery of Horse Artillery (No. 20) was placed in front of the village. The Eleventh Division (Luck’s) was placed astride the Brussels road, behind Wavre, and on the left of the Tenth Division.

The Ninth Division (Borcke’s) was to have been placed in rear of the Tenth and Eleventh Divisions as a general reserve, but Borcke, after detaching the troops to hold Basse Wavre and reinforce Zeppelin, had marched his Division off towards the main army, in the belief that the whole Corps had already marched. As Borcke had made a wide detour from Basse Wavre to La Bavette, there was some reason for his misjudgment. His march was not discovered in time; so Thielemann’s force was reduced by six battalions and one battery of artillery.

Hobe’s Cavalry Division (Marwitz’s and Lottum’s Brigades) was posted with one battery of Horse Artillery (No. 18) near La Bavette: a central position, whence it might be directed on any part of the field. The remainder of the artillery was distributed along the front. The bank of the Dyle and the riverside buildings in Wavre were occupied by Light troops and sharpshooters from the different regiments. Two more companies of infantry were sent to Basse Wavre, under Major Bornstaedt, to reinforce the detachment there. Three battalions and three squadrons under Stengel, from Zieten’s Corps, were sent back to guard the bridge at Limale.

In point of numbers, Thielemann’s troops were less than half as strong as those of Grouchy; and it was evident that the coming fight was to be of the fiercest description. Thielemann’s men were in fine trim and eager for the enemy’s attack.

THE BATTLE OF WAVRE.

Grouchy’s attack at Daybreak, June 19th.

William Stanford & Company, Ltd., The Oxford Geographical Institute.

John Murray, Albemarle St., W.

CHAPTER VII
THE BATTLE OF WAVRE

Vandamme’s advanced guard, between three and four o’clock, had driven Borcke’s Division back on Wavre, and Vandamme, eager to burst into activity after the irritable delays on the march, proceeded to attack without waiting for Gérard, or even for Grouchy’s orders. He was afraid that night would come on and allow the Prussians to escape, as they had done from Sombreffe. He only saw in front of him a force waiting to be attacked; he had no thoughts for the general situation. He was a rough-and-ready soldier, and he thought he saw his chance of beating the Prussians single-handed. He longed for the marshal’s bâton; he was jealous, too, of Gérard.

At this time, Excelmans was at Dion-le-Mont with his cavalry, slightly in rear of Vandamme. Gérard was nearing La Baraque, some 4 miles in rear. Pajol, with his cavalry and Teste’s Division, had just reached Tourinnes.

Before Grouchy could reach Vandamme, the latter had launched the whole of his Tenth Division (Habert’s), consisting of the 22nd, 34th, 70th and 88th Regiments of the Line, against the village opposite Wavre. The French, in heavy columns, supported by a furious cannonade from two batteries of twelve-pounders placed to the right of the Brussels road, cleared the few Prussian sharpshooters from the buildings, and pressed on to the main bridge. But here they were met with a terrible fire from their front and on their flanks, from the sharpshooters lining the hedges and buildings on the opposite bank. The Prussian batteries played fiercely on their columns, and on the whole of the ground behind them, where their own guns were placed. In a few minutes, General Habert and 600 men were down. Attempts to force the barricaded bridge were beaten back with frightful loss, and the Division was placed in a very serious position. If they retreated, they came under the heavy fire of the Prussian batteries on the opposite heights; if they remained where they stood, the enemy’s sharpshooters would annihilate them; to advance was impossible. Gradually, they found shelter, company by company, under the walls of the buildings along the bank, whence they had just driven the Prussians. Vandamme was now deeply committed to the fight.

Grouchy, who had by this time arrived on the scene, unaware of the strength of the Prussians at Wavre, and unaware, too, of Blucher’s march on St Lambert, made arrangements to support Vandamme’s attack by two other attacks on either flank. For this purpose, he ordered Excelmans to move his cavalry from Dion-le-Mont to the front of Basse Wavre, and a battalion under Lefol to make an attempt to cross at the Mill of Bierges.

It was now five o’clock, and a message arrived from Napoleon, sent at 1.30 P.M., saying that Bulow’s Corps had just been seen at St Lambert, and ordering Grouchy to lose no time in moving to join the Emperor’s right, when he would crush Bulow in flank. Grouchy, knowing that he could not now disengage Vandamme, sent orders to Pajol to hasten his march on Limale, and ordered Gérard to lead the Fourth Corps towards that village at once. He conceived the idea of assaulting and carrying Wavre with Vandamme’s Corps, aided afterwards by Excelmans’ Cavalry, while he sent the remainder of his army on Chapelle St Lambert viâ Limale. This was a skilful project, and the best under the circumstances, no doubt; for the movement on Limale would have had the double effect of turning Thielemann’s left flank, while it promised to bring a strong reinforcement on Napoleon’s right. But it was now too late. The opportunity had passed much earlier in the day.

Hulot’s Division, of Gérard’s Corps, had now reached the scene of Vandamme’s efforts, and Grouchy ordered it to move to the left and force a passage at the Mill of Bierges. Lefol’s battalion had made several attempts to cross the bridges there, but had each time been beaten back by the Prussian sharpshooters and the batteries in front of Bierges village. Some guns were sent to aid Lefol and endeavour to silence the Prussian artillery opposite, but they were themselves outnumbered and silenced. On Hulot’s arrival, a fresh battalion was sent to relieve Lefol’s detachment, and the whole Division followed. By this time, both banks of the Dyle, from Bierges to Basse Wavre, were lined with skirmishers and sharpshooters, pouring a terrific fire into each other. Hulot’s Division had great difficulty in moving through the swamps and mud to the bridge at Bierges, and suffered severely from the Prussian batteries. The battalion which relieved Lefol’s began at once to make a fresh attempt to force the bridge, but was beaten off with loss.

Grouchy, impatient and fretful, rode off to meet the remainder of the Fourth Corps and Pajol’s force, still some distance behind on the Namur-Brussels road. Ordering Pajol to make all haste for Limale, he returned to the field, where he found that matters had made no progress. Infuriated by the repeated failures to carry the bridge and Mill of Bierges, he himself led a fresh attack with Hulot’s men, but nothing could overcome the fire of the Prussians. Gérard fell wounded and was carried off the field.

Finding his attacks on Bierges and Wavre unsuccessful, Grouchy left Vandamme and Excelmans to carry on the fight, while he himself led the remainder of Gérard’s Corps to Limale. Pajol had arrived in front of the Limale bridge shortly before dark, with Teste’s Division and his own cavalry. Stengel, who held Limale with three battalions and three squadrons, had omitted to barricade the bridge, and when Pajol perceived this he sent a regiment of Hussars at full speed on the bridge, and, charging four abreast only, these horsemen burst through the Prussians posted at the farther end. The passage was forced and Teste’s Division was sent across; and Stengel, finding himself very much outnumbered, abandoned Limale and took up a position on the heights above the village. Hearing of Stengel’s difficulties, Thielemann sent the Twelfth Division (Stulpnagel’s) and Hobe’s Cavalry to reinforce him. Thielemann saw now that the real point of crossing was Limale, and not Bierges or Basse Wavre, and he moved all the troops he could spare towards his right. Four battalions of the Tenth Division took up Stulpnagel’s former position, and three battalions of the Twelfth Division were left to defend Bierges; the remainder marched to join Stengel.

It was now dark, but the battle continued with vigour. Grouchy posted his battalions in front of Limale, and, considering the darkness of the night, it is surprising how he managed to place them without confusion. Stengel’s men kept up a harassing fire on his columns as they wound their way through the muddy lanes from the village to the height above the Dyle and deployed to receive Stulpnagel’s attack. Pajol moved his cavalry to the French left flank.

Stulpnagel, his Division now reduced to six battalions, left one battalion (the Fusilier battalion of the 5th Kurmark Landwehr Regiment) and one battery in a copse north of Bierges, as a reserve, and joined Stengel, who was now on his right, with his remaining five battalions. His orders were to endeavour to regain Limale, and drive the French across the Dyle. He formed his attack with two battalions in first line, with three in support. His two squadrons were sent to reinforce Stengel, and the rest of the cavalry posted in rear, to be in readiness for a flank movement. The darkness was so great that little cohesion was possible between the units, and it is not surprising that the attack fell to pieces. The formation of the ground was unknown, and the little folds and features which make or mar a night attack were plentiful: and unfortunately for the Prussians, they marred their plans. As the front line was advancing in fair order, a hollow lane was suddenly met with, and caused great confusion, being unexpected; but worse than this, the opposite side was lined with French sharpshooters, who poured volleys across into the disordered Prussians. There was, for a time, no attempt to seek cover, and the losses from the fire of the French opposite were heavy, in spite of the darkness. The second line, which was to have supported the first, moved too far to its left, and became itself a front line, engaging more French skirmishers. Stengel, on the right, was charged by cavalry and compelled to retire.

Stulpnagel perceived that little good could come of an attack the successive steps of which had merged into a confused line, and resolved to withdraw to the shelter of the wood behind Point-du-Jour, leaving a line of outposts to watch the front edge. The cavalry took post behind the infantry; and the French fearing to venture through the uncertainties of the night, the fighting on this side ceased.

Meanwhile, on the Prussian left, before Wavre and the Mill of Bierges, the fighting went on most vigorously. The darkness did not prevent the fury of the fight; it only seemed to add to the grimness of it. The whole of Vandamme’s Corps was now engaged, and time after time the French rushed at the barricades on the bridges. Thirteen separate assaults were beaten back by the Prussians, and no less than five times the defenders, in pursuing the routed enemy, attacked and drove them from the houses on the far side of the Dyle. Once, the French had possession of the main bridge, and had even occupied some of the neighbouring buildings, but the Prussian reserves were hurried up, and these drove out the French. Each time there seemed a chance of the enemy obtaining a footing on the left bank, the Prussian reserves, judiciously posted near at hand among the side-streets and dwellings, rushed out and overwhelmed the intruders. Four battalions defended Wavre against the whole of Vandamme’s Corps. But while the attackers were exposed at each attempt to cross the bridges, the defenders were secure behind their loop-holed walls. Only a great superiority of artillery fire, to prepare the way for the assault, and to destroy some of the nearer walls, could have made a crossing successful. A few daring Sappers might have brought up bags of powder to blow in the barricades; they could only have done so by sacrificing themselves, but heroes and brave men were not wanting. Shortage of powder, however, explains the fact that no such attempt was made.

At Basse Wavre, lower down the stream, the attack had not been pressed. Excelmans’ Cavalry had been ordered to make a demonstration on that flank, but cavalry cannot cross a stream without bridge or ford. Only one French battalion, supported by a single gun and two squadrons, had shown themselves, and these were of no use without a bridge to carry them across.

The only advantage which Grouchy had obtained was on his left, which had rolled back the Prussian right, but had in no way destroyed it. Firing ceased at about 11 P.M., and great preparations were made on both sides for a renewal of the fight at daybreak. But Grouchy was well pleased with his success on the left, since he assumed that he had at least cut off half of the Prussian army. It was now too late for him to be of assistance to Napoleon, and the din of the distant battle had long ago died out. But Grouchy took no steps to ascertain how matters stood with the Emperor. He merely sent orders to Vandamme to bring his Corps across the Dyle at Limale, as he intended making an end of the Prussian right flank, and marching to join Napoleon before Brussels, thinking, for a reason which cannot be explained, that the allies had been beaten. Perhaps it was his confident belief in the invincibility of the Emperor; but yet again he made no efforts to gain information or to confirm his own views. Teste’s Division came up during the night, and, crossing the Dyle at Limale, took post on the right flank of Gérard’s Corps, between Limale and Bierges, and resting its own right dank on the Dyle.

Thielemann, on the other hand, had sent an officer’s patrol to reconnoitre on his right, and to ascertain what had occurred at Mont St Jean. This officer returned during the night with the news of Napoleon’s rout, and consequently Thielemann expected Grouchy, who, he supposed, was fully acquainted with the situation, to retreat early next morning, if not during the night. But two incidents occurred which sadly reduced his numbers and which caused a rearrangement of his troops. Stengel, for a reason never yet explained, calmly marched off from Stulpnagel’s right at daybreak, to St Lambert, there to join his own Corps, Zieten’s. Possibly he had personal views of the situation, and considered the battle over! It is uncharitable to suppose that he had feelings against Thielemann or Stulpnagel. But in either or any case, his conduct was most blameworthy and most unsoldierlike. His departure (which must have been noticed before his movement had gone far, and therefore could have been prevented) reduced Thielemann’s force by three battalions and three squadrons; and this at a moment when every man was of importance. But even another inexplicable movement was made by Colonel Ledebur, who, with his detachment of five squadrons and two guns of the Horse Artillery, marched to St Lambert during Grouchy’s attack, bivouacked there for the night, and then moved off to join the Fourth Corps on the 19th. These two detachments were thus of no use whatever to Thielemann, and their extraordinary action must have caused him considerable anxiety, since it might have appeared as desertion. But Thielemann was firm in his belief that Grouchy would retreat, and when, at daybreak on June 19, he saw French troops still in their positions, he assumed that they were merely acting as a rear-guard to cover the general retirement. He therefore ordered Colonel Marwitz, with the 8th Uhlans and two squadrons of the 6th Kurmark Landwehr Cavalry, to attack Grouchy’s left flank above Limale, while Hobe, with the 5th and 7th Uhlans, was to advance in support on Marwitz’s left. To replace Stengel’s detachment, the Twelfth Division was extended still further to its right, weakening the whole of its front line, and leaving only three battalions in reserve in the wood near Point-du-Jour. On Stulpnagel’s left, six battalions of the Tenth Division held the line to Bierges and the Dyle. In support, there were three battalions of the 3rd Kurmark Landwehr Regiment, from the Eleventh Division, while the 4th Kurmark Landwehr (two battalions) with two squadrons, were posted behind Wavre as a general reserve. Two battalions from the Twelfth Division were posted to hold the Mill of Bierges. The remainder of Thielemann’s force was extended along the Dyle in Wavre and Basse Wavre; but little fighting on this front was now expected.

To support Marwitz’s attack, two batteries (one horse and one foot) opened fire on the French columns massed on the plateau above Limale, but the enemy’s artillery, which was greatly superior, replied fiercely and soon silenced the Prussian guns, five of which were disabled.

Grouchy, who was still ignorant of Napoleon’s defeat, prepared an attack on his part. His numbers vastly exceeded Thielemann’s thin forces, and counted Gérard’s Corps (three divisions), Teste’s Division and Pajol’s Cavalry. (Vandamme had not obeyed Grouchy’s orders of the previous night, to march with his Corps to Limale.) Grouchy now formed three Divisions—Teste’s, Vichery’s and Pecheux’s—in first line, divided into three columns of attack. Teste’s Division formed the right column, and was to attack Bierges and the mill; Vichery’s Division in the centre, to attack the Prussian centre; and Pecheux’s Division against Stulpnagel’s right flank. Each column was provided with a battery of artillery, escorted and preceded by skirmishers. The remaining division—Hulot’s—was in reserve behind the centre column. Pajol’s Cavalry was to turn the Prussian right flank, which rested on the wood of Rixensart. Twenty-eight French against ten Prussian battalions.

Thielemann perceived the coming attack, and reinforced his line with one battalion, which he posted on his left, and which was all he could spare. The French columns were too heavy for the Prussians, who were hopelessly outnumbered. The Twelfth Division gave way, and the French took the wood of Rixensart. Stulpnagel fell back on his supports—the three battalions of the Eleventh Division and two batteries—and took up a new position behind the wood. Teste’s attack on Bierges was stoutly opposed by the two battalions posted there, and four battalions of the Tenth Division were brought up in support. On the Prussian extreme right, the cavalry brigades of Marwitz and Lottum—in all, twelve squadrons—occupied Chambre and secured the flank.

At 8 A.M. definite news arrived of the French rout at Waterloo, and the Prussians were aroused to renew their efforts. The tidings had a great effect on the spirits of the men, and they rushed to the attack with great vigour, recapturing the wood of Rixensart. This counter-stroke deceived Grouchy, who at first believed that the Prussians had been reinforced; but Stulpnagel’s effort was short-lived, and could not be pushed further, for want of supports. Consequently, Grouchy in his turn ordered a fresh attack, and the Prussians were again driven out of the wood. At 9 A.M. Bierges fell into the hands of Teste, who had had a very hard task to drive out the two gallant battalions defending the place. The capture of this point was a serious blow, for the French had now broken through Thielemann’s defence at the angle; and it was no longer possible for the Prussians to resist on both wings. The centre having been broken, and the right seriously threatened by overwhelming numbers, Thielemann could not but withdraw.

Vandamme had remained in front of Wavre, but had not attacked, although the defence had been greatly weakened by detachments for the right.

At 10 A.M. Thielemann ordered the retreat. He knew that Grouchy must himself retreat sooner or later, but to hold on to Wavre too long would mean Thielemann’s own destruction. By retreating, he would gain time, and when the opportunity occurred, he would again advance, and possibly convert Grouchy’s retirement into a rout. Under the protection of Marwitz’s Cavalry—the 7th and 8th Uhlans, and the 3rd and 6th Landwehr Cavalry with three batteries of horse artillery—the infantry retired, and Zeppelin evacuated Wavre. The rear-guard, posting itself on the Brussels road, threatened the French left whenever an opportunity occurred.

As soon as Zeppelin withdrew from Wavre, Vandamme pushed his men across the Dyle, both at Bierges and Wavre, and advanced up the Brussels road. In rear of Wavre, in a hollow behind the town, two battalions of the 4th Kurmark Landwehr Regiment were posted, and these were compelled to fall back. But one of the battalions, reaching a small wood near La Bavette, re-formed, and attacked and drove back a squadron of French cavalry which was pursuing. The other battalion overthrew a French battalion, and then continued its retreat. Marwitz’s Cavalry repulsed the squadrons at the head of Vandamme’s columns, which were now advancing towards La Bavette by the main road and by a parallel lane on the left. The Prussian infantry retreated towards Louvain, through the villages of St Achtenrode and Ottenburg; but behind St Achtenrode, Thielemann halted and took up a defensive position. To retreat too far would hinder his plan of turning back again to attack Grouchy when he retired. The French, too, had halted about La Bavette, having at this moment heard definite news of Napoleon’s disaster. No cavalry pursued the Prussians, for in the close and intersected country beyond La Bavette it was impossible for cavalry to manœuvre, and only with difficulty could it be traversed by infantry.

As to Borcke in the meantime, his Division had reached Couture at 8 P.M. on the previous evening, and a report was sent to Blucher. A reply was returned that Borcke was to remain at Couture and await further orders. But early next morning, hearing from Stengel, who had passed through St Lambert, that the French were following him, Borcke extended two of his battalions from St Robert to Rixensart, with the remaining four in reserve. He had an idea that the French were advancing in his direction, but had he only known the true position of Grouchy’s troops, he might have been so bold as to attack them in rear. He certainly would have caused a panic among Grouchy’s men, who would naturally suppose that Blucher was returning with the main body. But, seeing three French cavalry regiments detached to watch him, Borcke held back, and positively took no action, although the Prussians still held Wavre. What a diversion he might have made!

In the fighting of the 18th and 19th, Thielemann lost 2,500 men; the French about 2,200; and the results were very creditable to the Prussians. Attacked by more than double his numbers, and with very little time to prepare his defence, Thielemann had held off the French during all the critical hours of the afternoon and evening of the 18th. He had successfully occupied the whole of Grouchy’s force during the time when the latter might still have been of use to Napoleon. Without knowing it, Grouchy had been almost surrounded, but Borcke’s Division took no advantage of its position. How near to, and yet how far from, succouring Napoleon was Grouchy! A little fore-thought, more energy, and a bolder initiative on Grouchy’s part would have overcome the opposition of the elements, and rendered Napoleon’s great stroke a success.

As an example of a defence of a river and village, the battle of Wavre was a brilliant exploit. The courage on both sides was of the highest order. Thielemann held Wavre as long as he could, and only withdrew when he saw that his opportunity would occur the moment Grouchy learned the result of Waterloo. To stay in his position, after the French had taken Bierges, would have been to court disaster, but to retreat too soon would have ruined his chances of rallying again to the attack. In the previous night’s attacks, the Prussians had shown great courage and tenacity, and the French were no less courageous and determined; their movements in the darkness were carried out with surprising skill, and reflect highly on their management and control. Vandamme’s repeated efforts against the bridges might have been avoided, and every available man brought across the Dyle at Limale, leaving only enough men to watch Zeppelin in and around Wavre itself.

MAP ILLUSTRATING GROUCHY’S RETREAT FROM NAMUR, JUNE 20-28, 1815.

William Stanford & Company, Ltd., The Oxford Geographical Institute.

John Murray, Albemarle St., W.

CHAPTER VIII
GROUCHY’S RETREAT

Grouchy first heard the news of Napoleon’s defeat at half-past ten on the morning of the 19th, just as he was preparing to pursue Thielemann and push his infantry towards Brussels. The news was brought by a staff officer, riding up with the most dejected appearance. He could scarcely get his words out, and Grouchy seemed at first to believe that the fellow was mad. But at last there was no doubt about it: the French had been severely beaten. What was Grouchy to do? Should he continue his own operations, as if nothing had happened, and keep his men in ignorance, whereby he might yet cover Napoleon’s retreat? Or should he retreat himself before he was hemmed in?

At first he thought of marching against Blucher’s rear, but very little reflection showed him that Thielemann would in the meantime attack his rear, and his 30,000 men would be caught between two forces. Then Vandamme, always impetuous and for action, proposed that they should march straight on Brussels, set free the French prisoners there, and retire by Enghien and Ath to Lille. This was a daring but futile plan.

Of what use would such a movement have been, even had it been successfully carried out? To march boldly completely round the rear of the allied armies, liberate a few prisoners, and then march off in the opposite direction, would have been to waste the only formed body left of all Napoleon’s army. And what would Thielemann do in the meantime? There was now no hope of winning over Brussels or the Dutch-Belgians, otherwise there would have been some weight in Vandamme’s extraordinary proposal. But Grouchy counselled otherwise. He knew that he already ran the risk of being attacked in flank, most probably in rear, by a portion of Blucher’s army, while Thielemann would certainly advance again as soon as the retreat began. He therefore decided to retreat on Namur, where he would act further according to circumstances. It was useless as well as dangerous to direct his retreat towards the line taken by the remnants of Napoleon’s host, where all would be confusion; it was better by far to retreat on his own line and endeavour to preserve his troops intact as long as possible. At Namur, he might do great things yet; for Namur had not, like Charleroi, witnessed first the triumph and then the downfall of Napoleon’s last plans.

Even at this moment, Grouchy was already in danger of being attacked in rear. For Pirch I. had received orders on the night of the 18th to march towards Namur with his Corps (the Second) and cut off Grouchy from the Sambre; and by the time that Grouchy heard of the rout, he had reached Mellery, on the Tilly-Mont St Guibert road, and 8 miles in Grouchy’s rear. But his troops were exhausted, and his Divisions scattered—the Sixth, Seventh, Eighth Divisions, twenty-four squadrons of his reserve cavalry, and the reserve artillery, were with him; but the Fifth Division and the rest of his cavalry were pursuing the French on the Charleroi road. So Pirch ordered a halt at Mellery.

Blucher’s main body was pursuing the French by Charleroi in the direction of Avesnes and Laon. The cavalry of the First and Fourth Corps, also twelve squadrons belonging to the Second Corps, were at this time following up the fugitives between Frasnes and Gosselies, while the Prussian infantry followed as rapidly as their exhaustion would allow. Bulow’s Corps had pursued over-night as far as Genappe, where it bivouacked, and then resumed its march at daybreak, sending out cavalry—the 8th Prussian Hussars, followed by two other regiments—to watch Grouchy’s movements on the left. The Fourth Corps was leading the Prussian main body in the pursuit. The First Corps followed, and likewise sent out cavalry to watch the left flank for signs of Grouchy.

Meanwhile, Grouchy began his retreat. His troops had reached the line La Bavette-Rosieren, in their pursuit of Thielemann, and now Excelmans’ Cavalry was sent off with orders to make all speed to Namur and secure the bridges over the Sambre at that place. Excelmans reached Namur at 4.30 P.M., a little more than five hours to cover 30 miles by devious lanes and byways in a terrible condition after the rains.

Gérard’s Corps, preceded by the Seventh Cavalry Division (six squadrons under Vallin, who had taken Maurin’s place), re-crossed the Dyle by the bridge at Limale, and moved by a narrow lane to the main Namur-Brussels road. Vandamme’s Corps withdrew from La Bavette, and marched through Wavre, Dion-le-Mont, Chaumont, Tourinnes, Sart à Walhain, Grand Leez, St Denis to Temploux on the Namur-Nivelles road, where it arrived at 11 P.M. and there bivouacked. Gérard’s Corps had reached Temploux an hour earlier.

Pajol, in command of the rear-guard, which was composed of the Fourth Cavalry Division—twelve squadrons, under Baron Soult—and Teste’s Infantry Division, demonstrated against Thielemann to keep him occupied until Wavre had been cleared, and then retreated by Corbaix, Walhain, Sauvenière, to Gembloux, where he bivouacked for the night.

As has been seen, Pirch was at Mellery with the Second Corps during the 19th from 11 A.M.; but he did not wish to risk attacking Grouchy without news of Thielemann. Grouchy’s army was still in good order and capable of stout fighting, but Pirch might have assisted the general situation by at least threatening Gérard’s right flank as he retreated. It is not likely that Grouchy would have checked his retreat on Namur, even if Pirch had shown himself, but Gérard would have been obliged to face round, and might possibly have been cut off; or if Grouchy had halted to confront Pirch, Thielemann would have had a good opportunity to attack him in flank.

Thielemann only heard of the French retreat towards 6 P.M. on the 19th, and his intelligence came through General Borcke, who discovered Grouchy’s movement, from St Lambert. Pajol had a rear-guard still in front of Thielemann, and as the latter’s troops were tired with their recent exertions, the Prussians postponed their pursuit until the next day, the 20th, when Borcke was ordered to march at daybreak with the Ninth Division from St Lambert, across the Dyle, and towards Namur.

At daybreak on the 20th, Grouchy’s rear-guard left Gembloux and marched on Namur by St Denis and La Falize. His infantry left Temploux about 9 A.M. Gérard’s Corps was intended to lead, Vandamme’s Corps covering the retreat of the Fourth, but Vandamme upset the arrangements by betaking himself over-night to Namur, leaving no instructions behind him for his Divisional generals. Consequently, the Divisions of the Third Corps moved off by themselves, early in the morning, and Gérard’s Corps, which was carrying the wounded with it, was left uncovered. A short distance beyond Temploux, the column was attacked by Prussian cavalry which had been sent off in pursuit by Thielemann at daybreak that morning. And at the same time, more cavalry were seen coming against the rear, along the Nivelles-Namur road. This was the cavalry heading Pirch’s Corps, which had marched from Mellery to Sombreffe. Gérard’s column had now stumbled on Vandamme’s rear-guard, posted 3 miles outside Namur; and Vandamme himself coming out from Namur, Grouchy ordered him to clear the road for the Fourth Corps, and cover its march with his rear-guard.

Thielemann’s Cavalry, accompanied by a battery of horse artillery, had come on at a great pace, and were almost too exhausted to attack the French with any vigour; but they managed to drive back the enemy’s cavalry and capture three guns. Further attack on the French rear-guard was left to Pirch’s Corps, which was now hurrying up.

The French retreated through Namur, after being well treated by the inhabitants (who supplied them with food, transport, and boats), and leaving Teste’s Division with eight guns in defence of the town against Pirch’s Corps. The remainder of Grouchy’s army crossed the Sambre by the Namur bridge and marched on Dinant by the valley of the Meuse.

In Namur, Teste made a brilliant defence. The town was fortified, but the works were out-of-date and dilapidated; and there was no time to improve the local resources. Teste’s men only numbered 2,000, with eight guns, and Pirch’s Corps was some 20,000 strong. All the wounded, the baggage, and the transport had been sent across the Sambre, and the bridge barricaded.

Pirch had suffered severely in his attack on Vandamme’s rear-guard outside Namur, losing over 1,200 men. The French had beaten back his three assaulting columns, and withdrawn into the town without letting the Prussian cavalry cut them off. Consequently Pirch was in no mind for a costly assault on Namur while Teste’s Division held the place; and he knew that Teste would not hold his position longer than was absolutely necessary for Grouchy with the main body to gain a safe distance. He contented himself with holding the enemy’s attention in front, while he despatched the main body of the Seventh Division to threaten the retreat over the Sambre. But as soon as the main portion of Grouchy’s army had cleared the river, Teste began to make his own preparations for retreat. He ordered a sortie to be made against the Prussians on the north, to gain time and to divert their attention from the bridge; and when all was ready, he withdrew his troops rapidly in single file across the parapets of the barricaded bridge, setting fire to a heap of faggots and lumber piled up against the enemy’s end. The guns had to be left behind.

It was nightfall now—that is to say, towards 9 P.M.—when Teste’s Division filed across the bridge. The Prussians entered on the north, but their way was barred by obstacles, and they were too late to prevent the last men from escaping over the river. Their pursuit was checked by the burning barricades, which had to be put out before the bridge could be used; and the troops were halted in the town for the night, only a few cavalry being pushed across the river on the road to Dinant, ready for pursuit next day.

Teste continued his retreat unharmed, and reached Dinant at daybreak next day, the 21st. Grouchy’s main body had arrived there over-night, and the whole force proceeded to Phillippeville on the 21st. Pirch spent the night at Namur with his Corps; Thielemann’s cavalry at Temploux, his infantry at Gembloux.

Between Namur and Dinant, Grouchy had barricaded every narrow passage, and placed obstacles at intervals on the roads; and in this way hindered the chances of Prussian pursuit, and gaining time for himself.

The scattered remnants of Napoleon’s army were fleeing along the roads from Charleroi towards Avesnes, Laon, and Phillippeville. Grouchy therefore designed his retreat so as to bring his army clear of pursuit as quickly as possible, and to work his way towards the fragments which were with difficulty being collected round Laon by Soult, Reille, and others. He hoped to reach Paris before the allied armies, in time to organise a defence, or perhaps to effect a junction with the army of the Alps under Suchet and with Lecourbe. Napoleon himself had given up the plan of rallying his routed army under Grouchy’s still formidable force, and had ridden in haste to Paris, where his position was already precarious.

On the 21st, Grouchy marched from Dinant to Phillippeville, but Pirch I. did not pursue. His Corps was required elsewhere, to blockade some of the fortresses which barred the line of advance of Blucher’s army. Grouchy might have retired through Givet and down the valley of the Meuse, instead of risking the more dangerous road to Phillippeville. But his aim was to draw near to any body of troops which were left from Napoleon’s army, and to avoid marching down the narrow defile of the Meuse valley where he would be liable to an attack in flank or in rear, under great disadvantages. Zieten was at Beaumont on 20th June, 12 miles from Phillippeville, but he had marched at daybreak on the 21st. Pirch, marching to Thuin on the 21st, was moving parallel to Grouchy, but the latter’s march was not hindered.

Four French fortresses barred Blucher’s advance—Landrécies, Maubeuge, Avesnes and Rocroi. It was necessary to reduce these before any further advance on Paris was made; hence Grouchy was able to retreat unmolested for the greater part of his movement. On the 22nd he reached Rocroi; and Mezières on the 23rd. His force constituted an important menace to the left flank of the Prussian army; and Blucher was thus obliged to detach several parties of cavalry to watch the French movements.

Zieten took Avesnes on the 21st, and Grouchy’s march from Phillippeville to Rocroi was in danger; but his strength was not accurately known at the Prussian headquarters, and Blucher was anxious to push on to Paris. The fall of Paris was expected to put an end to the French resistance. The capture of Avesnes relieved Blucher of the danger which threatened his army if he advanced, and it also gave him an advanced depôt for his supplies.

On the 22nd, Soult was at Laon endeavouring to collect the remnants of Napoleon’s army. He succeeded in gathering some 3,000 fugitives, mostly of Reille’s Corps and d’Erlon’s, and with these he hoped to join Grouchy. Urgent messages from Paris implored Grouchy to unite all the forces he could find and oppose the advance of the allies. This was easier said than done, for it was now a race between Blucher and Grouchy. Grouchy had to take a long detour to avoid being cut off; while the Prussians could advance direct on Paris, leaving detachments to watch the fortresses which might prove dangerous in the rear, and keeping close observation on the left flank on Grouchy’s operations. Those fortresses which had not been taken by Zieten and Bulow were blockaded by Pirch, and nearly all of them—at least all those which menaced the advance—being garrisoned by ill-spirited and disheartened troops, and capable of little resistance, were compelled to surrender. But Blucher was careful to take no risks, and systematically he cleared the way for his advance. The shorter line by which he marched ensured his reaching Paris before Grouchy, if only with one Corps. Retreating troops move quickly, but the Prussians proved themselves capable of some wonderful forced marches.

For the French it was a time when the Napoleon of former days would have revived the broken fortunes of his country, and rallied every soldier for the protection of Paris. He would have brought up all the troops in the West, from the Pyrenees, and from the Alps; and he would have led a new army of 100,000 or 150,000 men against Blucher. The old strategy of 1814 would have been repeated, and many a loss suffered by the allies before they could bring all their six armies to converge on Paris. But now there was no Napoleon to fill the vacancy. The Emperor was defeated in Paris as well as at Mont St Jean. He had no party, no power; Frenchmen were wearied and sickened by the disasters he had brought on their country through his insatiable ambition. Grouchy alone showed power and resolution; yet he only led his forces in retreat. Could he still save the country?

The 23rd was a day of comparative rest for the Prussian army. Blucher was anxious to draw in his Corps for his advance on Paris. Thielemann moved from Beaumont to Avesnes. On the 24th the advance was resumed. The Prussian army was to march in two columns. On the left, nearer Grouchy, Zieten’s and Thielemann’s Corps were to march by the valley of the Oise on Compiègne, keeping a sharp watch for Grouchy. On the right, Bulow’s Corps, the Fourth, was to march by St Quentin, Ham, Roye, to Pont St Maxence.

On the 24th Zieten took Guise without firing a shot, and thus secured another important point, to serve as a depôt, and as a refuge for wounded. The First Corps halted for the night in the town, sending out its cavalry as far as La Fère and Marle. Thielemann marched from Avesnes to Nouvion, and threw out scouts to Hirson and Vervins. Bulow reached the neighbourhood of St Quentin.

Grouchy, on the 24th, marched from Mezières to Réthel; Soult, from Laon to Soissons. The Prussians were observed to be gaining.

On the 25th Zieten moved from Guise to Cérisy, with cavalry towards La Fère. Thielemann marched from Nouvion to Origny; Bulow, from St Quentin to Chauny.

Grouchy, finding Soult had retreated from Laon, changed his direction, and hastened with part of his forces along the valley of the Aisne to Soissons, while Vandamme, with the remains of the Third and Fourth Corps, marched to Reims, where he arrived on the 25th.

Blucher, learning from the reports of the advanced cavalry of Soult’s retreat from Laon, now directed his troops to seize the passages of the Oise, cross the river, and cut off both Grouchy and Soult between Soissons and the capital. It was a race for the bridges of the Oise, and for Crepy and Senlis.

So anxious was the Prussian Commander-in-Chief, that at midnight on the 25th-26th, he ordered Zieten to make a forced march with his advanced guard on Compiègne. A squadron of Hussars managed to reach that place at midnight on the 26th-27th, and found that a large body of French were expected there at any moment from Soissons. The remainder of Zieten’s advanced guard could get no further than Noyon that night, while the main body of his Corps bivouacked at Chauny. They were too exhausted to go further that day. Thielemann, however, marched from Origny to Guiscard, 20 miles as the crow flies; and Bulow from Ham to Ressons, 25 miles.

The French, in the meantime, were also hurrying to the Oise. Grouchy had taken over the command of Soult’s motley force, and d’Erlon was sent forward with about 4,000 men to reach Compiègne before the Prussians if possible, and secure the bridge there. Vandamme was hurrying from Reims towards Soissons with the Third and Fourth Corps.

At 4.30 A.M. on the 27th, Zieten’s advanced guard, consisting of a Division, marching during the night, reached Compiègne, and Jagow, in command, immediately took steps for its defence. Half an hour later the head of d’Erlon’s troops appeared on the Soissons road! This was indeed a narrow margin for success.

D’Erlon at once attacked, but a battery of Prussian horse artillery, posted on the road, opened such a heavy fire on his columns that the men gave way, and took refuge in a wood. From thence a sharp fire was kept up by the French skirmishers, and four guns were brought up to cope with the Prussian artillery; but these were soon silenced, and d’Erlon ordered the retreat, finding that he could no longer gain the bridge over the Oise, or delay the Prussian advance. As soon as he retreated, a regiment of Hussars was sent in pursuit, but Jagow’s men were too tired by their long forced march to follow up, and d’Erlon’s Corps was allowed to gain much time. Zieten with his main body reached Compiègne at mid-day; and found Blucher already there. Zieten was then ordered to send the Second Division (this division had relieved the Third, under Jagow, as advanced guard) towards Villets Coterets to cut off any force which might be retreating from Soissons on Paris; also to send his reserve cavalry and artillery to Gillicourt.

Just as Zieten’s troops reached Gillicourt, d’Erlon’s rear-guard left that place, and followed d’Erlon to Crepy. From Crepy, however, the French were again driven out by the Prussian cavalry, and d’Erlon retreated westwards towards Senlis, hoping to gain the bridge at Creil. Zieten’s Fourth Division with his cavalry and artillery bivouacked at Gillicourt; his Second Division near Villets Coterets.

Bulow, in the meantime, was hastening down from Ressons to seize the bridges at Pont St Maxence and Creil; and his advanced guard was ordered to detach a “flying column” to secure the passages. Accordingly, Sydow took a squadron of Hussars and a company of infantry, and marched with all speed to Creil, the infantry being carried in carts. Just as the Prussians reached the bridge, part of d’Erlon’s advanced cavalry was observed making for the same place from the opposite side. Sydow attacked with his squadron and drove back the French; and on the arrival of the rest of Bulow’s advanced guard, a regiment of infantry was left to hold Creil, while a regiment of cavalry pushed on to Senlis, where it was expected to find d’Erlon. But on reaching that village, it was found to be unoccupied, and the Prussians halted there. At nightfall, however, Kellermann, leading d’Erlon’s column, came up from Crepy with a brigade of heavy cavalry, and immediately charged down on the Prussians. The latter were unprepared, and were speedily routed. They fled back to Pont St Maxence, and Kellermann fell back on d’Erlon’s infantry. Sydow now came up with the rest of Bulow’s advanced guard, expecting to find Senlis already occupied by Prussians, but he was astonished by their absence. However, he occupied Senlis at 10 P.M. When d’Erlon approached, he was met with a heavy fire from the Prussian sharpshooters, who had loop-holed the nearest houses and taken shelter behind walls. Finding Senlis too strongly held, d’Erlon withdrew, and made his way towards Gonesse, while Reille took part of his force to Nanteuil. Night put an end to pursuit.

Thus at the close of the 27th, all the bridges over the Oise were in Blucher’s hands, and there seemed every prospect of Grouchy’s forces being cut off from Paris. The French had now three separate columns in retreat, and there was a great danger of two of these being cut off.

On the 28th, long before dawn, the Second Division of Zieten’s Corps approached Villets Coterets, where Grouchy had his headquarters. The Prussians, hearing that the place was not strongly held, resolved to carry it by surprise; but Grouchy had 9,000 men posted on the road to Nanteuil, and these attacked and drove back the Prussians. Suddenly, however, a panic seized the greater part of the French troops, who, seeing a movement of Prussian troops towards Crepy, thought that their retreat was being cut off, and they fled in a body down the road towards Meaux. Thus Villets Coterets fell into the hands of the Prussians.

Vandamme, after restoring some order among the fugitives, led them, the remains of the Third and Fourth Corps, scarcely 8,000 men, by Meaux, La Ferté, and Lagny to Paris.

Zieten pushed on to Nanteuil on the 28th, where Reille’s rear-guard was found and driven out. Reille was retreating on Gonesse, to effect a junction with d’Erlon, who was falling back from Senlis. Bulow was marching rapidly on St Denis, and had reached Marly la Ville by the evening of the 28th, threatening to cut off Reille and d’Erlon. Thielemann hastened from Compiègne and reached Crepy that night.

On the 29th Blucher’s Corps closed in, and by nightfall they occupied the following positions:—Bulow’s Corps at Le Bourget and St Denis; Thielemann’s Corps at Dammartin; Zieten’s at Blanc Mesnil and Aulnay. Grouchy’s forces had entered Paris, having lost 4,000 men and 16 guns in the numerous skirmishes along the Oise. But they had won the race, and their retreat must be considered as a skilful operation. It had little actual effect on the advance of the allies, but Grouchy, who had so slurred his reputation in the great operations entrusted to him by Napoleon, in his retreat somewhat retrieved his character as a general.

CHAPTER IX
NOTES AND COMMENTS

1. Chapter II.—The proportion of cavalry to infantry in Grouchy’s force was large (more than one to five), but not excessive. He was given a task in which cavalry must play the chief part. At the close of such a battle as Ligny, the infantry on both sides must be more or less exhausted, and it becomes the duty of the cavalry to pursue the retreating enemy. Cavalry alone, however, will effect little, if the enemy takes to rear-guard positions; it must be supported or accompanied by artillery and infantry. It must be remembered that, of the two sides, the vanquished are the more exhausted, and the greater the enemy’s anxiety to draw his troops clear of pursuit, the closer that pursuit must be. The French cavalry at Ligny, except Milhaud’s Cuirassiers, had had little to do.

The proportion of cavalry to infantry in an army cannot be laid down by any hard-and-fast rule. Prince Kraft wrote after 1870: “The duties of the cavalry are so comprehensive and so important, especially at the first moment of a war, that we cannot have too many cavalry ready for service.” But he was speaking of Germany. Continental armies require a far larger number of cavalry than our own; and not only for the reason that their other arms are so much more numerous than ours. The advance of modern armies is covered by a most numerous cavalry, sent out, as were the German cavalry in 1870, miles ahead, as a screen, and for the purpose of reconnaissance, or to harass the enemy’s concentration and cut his communications.

2. The French Corps in 1815.—The French Corps in the 1815 Campaign were more independent than the Prussian Corps—that is to say, each corps, except Lobau’s, was provided with sufficient cavalry and artillery to enable it to act by itself. Each corps had a Light Cavalry Division; but in Grouchy’s force, the Cavalry Division (Domon’s) belonging to Vandamme’s Corps, with its horse battery, had been detached to the left wing. Gérard’s Corps had its complete parts, but the Seventh Cavalry Division attached to it numbered only 758 men; little more than a modern regiment. The Reserve Cavalry Division, under Jacquinot, also attached to Gérard’s Corps, numbered 1608 men, so that the two together would only make a modern brigade. In artillery, the corps, for those days, were well provided; and each corps also had its own engineers, from 140 to 200 strong.

3. Chapter III. Pursuits after a Battle.—A general who wins a battle must make every effort to obtain the greatest possible advantages from his victory; he must closely pursue the defeated enemy with cavalry, artillery, and infantry; he must spare no one until the retreat has been turned into a rout. Of the two sides, the vanquished are the more exhausted; and the effects of defeat are so demoralising that, when followed by pursuit, every vestige of organisation or power of resisting vanishes. Men whose backs are turned on a victorious enemy who is treading on their heels, harassing their flanks, and cutting them down or capturing them by thousands, will think of nothing but their personal safety. The more time that is left to the retreating force, the more rear-guard positions it will be able to take up, and every rear-guard action gives time for the retreat to be carried further and in greater security. A timid pursuit is almost worse than none. Every nerve must be strained to make the most of the situation.

Yet, in history, how many instances are there in which pursuits have been carried out? What are the reasons which account for so many battles ending without a pursuit? There are few instances, indeed, where it has been possible for the victor to follow up his victory as is advised in the books. To mention the most noted cases:—The pursuit of the French after Waterloo; the pursuit after Jena; the cavalry advance on Cairo after Tel-el-Kebir; and, most recently, the battles of the Yalu and at Telissu, in the Russo-Japanese War. But how easy it is to recall cases where pursuit has not followed the victory:—Wagram, Friedland, Vittoria, Cannae, Malplaquet, Albuera, Spicheren, Bull Run, and the case treated in this volume, among scores of others.

Many Generals have failed to take the opportunity when it was offered; Hannibal himself was one of them. But in most of the cases there have been strong reasons for the hesitation in pursuing. After a long and fiercely-contested battle, both sides are exhausted; and there may be no fresh troops at hand to carry out the pursuit. There may be heavy rains, making the road impassable; there may be a lack of mounted troops. Most of Wellington’s victories in the Peninsular War were so dearly bought that his troops were far too exhausted themselves to think of pursuing the enemy. After Malplaquet Marlborough’s army was in no condition to follow up the victory, and the French were able to retreat in fair order and unmolested. After Spicheren, the Prussians were too exhausted to pursue, and the French withdrew in security. But after Ligny Napoleon should have pursued, at least at daybreak on the 17th. It has been shown that he had a strong force of cavalry, as well as Lobau’s Corps, available for the pursuit, and with these he could have driven Thielemann from Sombreffe. His cavalry would have threatened the Prussian flanks and rear, while Lobau’s infantry would have attacked in front. During the night it was perhaps unwise and unsafe to pursue, owing to Thielemann’s firm front, and to the enormous risks of a pursuit by night. No one knew better than Napoleon the value of pressing hard on a vanquished foe, and it is impossible to explain why he spent the morning of the 17th in trivialities. A day later, and he himself realised the position of a defeated general closely and mercilessly pursued by the victors.

Grouchy cannot be blamed for failing to pursue the Prussians on the night of the 16th. He was directly under the Emperor’s orders, and he only received his independent command on the morning of the 17th. At 11 P.M., on the night of the 16th, he had been ordered to send Pajol and Excelmans in pursuit of the Prussians at daybreak, but no direction was given to him. And when it was found that Thielemann’s men still held Sombreffe, the cavalry took no further action that night.

Blucher, on the 18th, found it possible to pursue the French with the utmost vigour by night; but there was this difference between the two cases—the French were totally defeated in battle, and demoralised, while the Prussians, at Ligny, were only partially defeated, and their left wing was firm and unbeaten.

It was on the 17th that Grouchy’s mistakes began, after he had received his new command from Napoleon, at 11 A.M.

4. Chapter IV.—It is astonishing that the outposts of Grouchy’s force in front of Sombreffe should have heard nothing, or reported nothing, of Thielemann’s withdrawal, which began at 2 A.M., and continued until 4 A.M., when the rear-guard left the village. Throughout the night, the opposing sentries were within earshot; and if they were awake they could not have helped hearing the commotion which must be caused by the movement of so large a body of troops by night, however great the precautions may be. True, it was a wet night; rain was falling heavily, but not too heavily to drown the noise of the retreat. Even a perfectly-planned and well-executed attack by night, with all the signs pre-determined, and each movement marked beforehand, cannot be kept absolutely quiet; there is always a stumbling, a cry of pain from a sprained ankle or broken nose, a curse from the darkness, often a rifle accidentally discharged; but in a retreat hastily decided on, how much greater will the noise be! The shouting of orders which cannot be conveyed by signs or signals on the spur of the moment, the noise of the heavy waggons, the yells of the drivers, and the cracking of whips! In those days the outpost positions would be scarcely two hundred yards apart on such an occasion; very different to modern conditions, which would make it impossible for two forces to remain in the same positions, relative to one another, as Thielemann’s and Grouchy’s on that night.

5. Chapter IV.—Excelmans lacked the true instinct of a cavalry leader. When he found Thielemann at Gembloux, at 9.30 A.M. on the 17th, the first step we should expect him to take would be to send back immediate word to Grouchy; then he would act according to his instructions, or as his own notions prompted. In the present circumstances, he would have taken steps to harass the enemy, deceive him as to his real numbers, threaten his line of retreat, and force him to march off again, and so spoil his rest and increase the fatigue of his troops, who would soon become too tired either to march or fight, when their retreat would have rapidly become a headlong rout; or to detain him in uncertainty until the infantry arrived. Certainly, entire inactivity was wrong in such a case. Every hour of rest allowed to Thielemann meant that his troops would be able to march more rapidly when they took the road again. If Thielemann had seen a few squadrons threatening his retreat, a few showing themselves on his flanks, without knowing the real strength of the force overtaking him, it is not conceivable that he would have waited to be attacked by overwhelming numbers.

6. Chapter IV.—It must have disconcerted Napoleon to hear Grouchy expostulating as to the orders which he had just given him. The Napoleon of earlier days would have dealt with a heavy hand on the man who dared discuss his orders. No doubt Grouchy felt very strongly on the subject, and his views may very well have been sound—in fact, they were sound up to a certain point; but it is never a soldier’s duty to discuss or argue about his orders. The story of Grouchy’s insubordination—for insubordination it certainly was—would be difficult to credit, but that some of the best authorities on the campaign give it in their works; and Grouchy himself, in his “Relation Succincte,” openly admits that he made no attempt, in his conversation with the Emperor, to conceal his misgivings.

7. Chapter IV.—The mismanagement of the places of assembly and the times of starting the march of different bodies of troops which have to take the same road, leads to miserable confusion. In the present case, there were two Corps d’Armée, Gérard’s and Vandamme’s, which were required to march from Ligny and St Amand La Haye respectively, to Point-du-Jour by one and the same road. It seems obvious that, time being important, and considering the positions of the two Corps, Gérard’s Corps should be marched off first, while Vandamme’s should follow as soon as it was ready. But Grouchy, for no reason which can be found, ordered Vandamme to take the lead. Gérard had to wait over one hour while Vandamme’s Corps passed him.

It is not an easy matter to arrange, in a case of this kind, that the front corps should be clear by the time that the head of the corps in rear comes up; but Gérard’s Corps was sufficiently far ahead of Vandamme’s to allow plenty of time for his men to get on their way before the latter approached, and, at all events, it would have been better to halt Vandamme, while Gérard moved well on the road, than to keep Gérard waiting while Vandamme passed him.

8. Chapter IV.—Vandamme’s march on Gembloux was extremely slow. He left his bivouac at 12 noon, and arrived at Point-du-Jour, less than 4 miles off, at 3 P.M., and at Gembloux, another 5 miles, at 7 P.M. The roads, it must be remembered, were in a deplorable condition, and the rain was falling steadily; but the rate of marching, when compared with the rate of the Prussians over the same road, in only slightly better condition of surface, and with the rate in Grouchy’s subsequent retreat, also in heavy weather, is extraordinarily slow. The guns were moved with great difficulty, and it must be supposed that infantry in large numbers were used to drag them along, but there were still horses to be used, and the Prussians had moved all their guns and waggons successfully. The state of the weather has always been urged in extenuation of Grouchy’s slowness in this campaign, but it has been laboured too much. It certainly was a very heavy factor against him, but not so overpowering as is alleged.

9. Chapter IV.—Grouchy wasted valuable time in bivouacking at Gembloux, when there were still two hours of daylight left. His men must have been tired with their exertions through the mud; but they had not made extraordinary efforts. French soldiers had proved themselves capable of greater things in other days, and under other commanders. Had they even pushed on to Sauvenière that night, they would have arrived early enough to allow themselves some six or eight hours’ rest; or even longer if the cavalry were used with skill. The difficulties of this particular march are often exaggerated; compare it with the marching of the same men two days later, over the same roads, and after continuous fighting for several hours; compare it, too, with some of the marches in the Peninsula, a few years before!

10. Chapter IV.—Grouchy’s despatch from Gembloux on the night of the 17th to the Emperor cannot be read without a feeling of surprise at his words. In the first place, he says, “My cavalry is at Sauvenière.” Now, Napoleon would naturally infer that Pajol’s cavalry were included; or that all the cavalry were probably together. It was misleading to say that his “cavalry was at Sauvenière.” Secondly, “They (the Prussians) were still here at ten o’clock this morning.” The Emperor would at once conclude that the enemy had left soon after ten o’clock; he certainly would suppose that Grouchy would have found out if they had remained there later. Actually, the Prussians left at 2 P.M., four hours later. Thirdly, “He (Blucher) has not passed by Gembloux.” Napoleon would suppose (since Grouchy had been instructed to keep touch with the left wing) that traces of Blucher and his main body had been searched for between the line of Grouchy’s march and the main French army. On these three essential points, the information given in the despatch was decidedly misleading. Some other details were inaccurate, but they were reasonable convictions, as far as Grouchy’s views went. Negative information in war is very often as useful and important as positive; and Grouchy would have assisted Napoleon to form his ideas if he had reported that he had discovered no signs of a Prussian retreat on Namur. He should also have made some mention of Pajol’s detachment—such as “no news has been received from Pajol, who is on my right at St Denis, with a detachment of cavalry and infantry.” Again, had Grouchy only accounted for 30,000 Prussians, of the whole of Blucher’s army? What had become of the remainder? Where were they?

Napoleon must have found it impossible to draw inferences of any weight from this despatch; and in such a campaign as this, full and accurate intelligence was of the utmost importance.

11. Chapter V.—A flank march in presence of the enemy is a most difficult and dangerous operation. In the case of Blucher’s movement, there was little actual danger from Grouchy, as events proved, but in face of a vigorous enemy the Prussians would have been in a perilous position. It was possible for an active enemy to seize the bridges over the Dyle at Moustier and Ottignies, and fall upon Blucher’s flank. The latter was not exposing his communications, for his real communications were with Liege; he had temporarily abandoned them when he marched on Wavre; but if attacked during his march his position would not have been by any means safe. If defeated, whither would he have fallen back? This is the chief danger of a flank march: the lack of a good, or even of any, line of retreat. As a rule, a flank march, being away from the general line of advance or retreat, has necessarily to be made on lesser roads, and the difficulty of ample movement from one to another, or of rapid deployment or change of front, becomes prodigious. Blucher, if attacked during this march, would most probably have left one corps to detain the enemy, while he, with the other three corps, resumed his march towards Wellington; for to turn back would have been as dangerous as to advance. But if his way had been barred he would have fallen back on Brussels rather than upon Louvain, as he would still have a chance of joining Wellington. If Blucher had been so attacked and defeated, Grouchy would have been able to deal a terrible, in all probability a crushing, blow on Wellington’s left flank.

It is interesting, but not particularly profitable, to speculate as to what course events would have taken had Grouchy been up in time to prevent Blucher’s flank march, and had checked him. Would Wellington have fallen back on Brussels with Blucher, and fought again under the city walls against Napoleon and Grouchy combined? In that case, the weight of numbers would have been very much in favour of the allies, and the great object of Napoleon’s plan of campaign—to prevent the junction of the two armies—would have been thwarted. If Blucher, after being checked, had fallen back on Louvain, while Wellington was still engaged with Napoleon, it seems obvious that Grouchy’s extra numbers thrown into the fight would have caused the Duke’s overthrow, for it would not then have been necessary for Napoleon to detach against the Prussians; Wellington was too seriously engaged to be able to withdraw, and the defeat would have been complete. But after all, such speculation as this might be continued indefinitely; and every campaign might be discussed and argued to a hundred different conclusions by re-modelling the conditions or improvising situations. A campaign, like a chess problem, admits of more than one solution.

12. Grouchy’s Retreat. Chapter VIII.—A few points concerning Grouchy’s retreat may be discussed briefly. Firstly, could he have been intercepted before he reached Namur? The answer is Yes, by Pirch I. Pirch had received orders, on the night of the 18th, to cut off Grouchy from the Sambre; and he had accordingly marched towards Namur through Maransart. He reached Mellery at 11 A.M. on the 19th. At this hour, Grouchy had not begun his retreat. But Pirch’s men were tired, and they were halted at Mellery. Had they pushed on another six miles to Gembloux, which they would have reached at 2 P.M., Grouchy’s retreat on Namur would have been intercepted. It is true that Grouchy’s force would have greatly outnumbered Pirch’s, but the former would not stop to engage the Prussians at Gembloux while Thielemann pressed close on his heels. He would have been forced to make a very wide detour, and in the meantime the Prussians could have hastened on and captured Namur.

Secondly, after Namur, why was not Grouchy more closely pursued? It would have been an idle move to detach a force to follow Grouchy while the advance on Paris was of such immediate importance. At best, Grouchy could threaten the Prussian flank; but he would be more likely to endeavour to join with the remnants of Napoleon’s army collected by Soult. Little harm could be done by these forces; and the contagion of defeat might have spread from Soult’s fugitives and demoralised Grouchy’s men. In any case, the other allied armies were approaching the frontier, and these would be able to deal with Grouchy. The important move was to march on Paris, where the populace, sickened by Napoleon’s collapse, were likely to accept terms.

Thirdly, could Grouchy really hope to effect anything advantageous by his retreat on Paris? No, unless he saw a chance of persuading Napoleon to put himself at the head of his troops and the Paris garrison, and march out to repeat the strokes of 1814; but on the 22nd Napoleon had abdicated.

Fourthly, could he have effected more by marching south to rally Suchet and Lecourbe? Hardly; since overwhelming armies were approaching on that side, and the fall of Paris would render resistance in the country districts useless.

His case was really hopeless from the first. The allies in their march on Paris would ignore him, and, moving by a much more direct road, would reach the capital first. The triple line of fortresses across the line of advance of the enemy, were expected to bar his approach, but they were weakly garrisoned by ill-disciplined and raw troops, whose whole spirit was shaken by Napoleon’s great defeat.

So far-reaching is the effect of a defeat as great as Waterloo that armies, districts, even capitals, miles from the real theatre of war, possibly in other countries, seem to crumble to dust before the conqueror; but no fall from might and power has ever been so great as Napoleon’s.