THE BATTLE OF WAVRE AND GROUCHY’S RETREAT

CHAPTER I
BRIEF DISCUSSION OF THE EARLIER OPERATIONS—UP TO LIGNY

The Allied troops in the Netherlands had begun to concentrate as early as the 15th of March. They were cantoned from Trèves and Coblentz to Courtrai. But their commanders were away in Vienna—both Wellington and Blucher. The largest number that could be concentrated to meet a sudden attack on Belgium in April was 80,000 men. Of these, 23,000 were Anglo-Hanoverian troops, 30,000 were Prussians, 14,000 were Saxons, and the remainder Dutch-Belgians. The spirit of discipline was almost wholly wanting among the Saxons and Dutch-Belgians; the greater part of them had, at one time or another, served Napoleon, and were not to be trusted. Kleist, commanding the Prussians on the Rhine, had arranged with the Prince of Orange, who commanded the troops in the Netherlands, that, in the event of a French attack, they would retire together on Tirlemont; thus leaving Brussels exposed, and giving the enemy a firm footing in Belgium.

By the 1st of April, Napoleon could have mustered a force of 50,000 men on the frontier near Charleroi. He could have marched direct on Brussels (as the Prince of Orange and Kleist had agreed to fall back). With Brussels in his hands, he could have turned and repeated his favourite strategy by falling upon the allied armies in turn. Wellington was dreading such an attack.

But the project, although it may have entered Napoleon’s thoughts, was never seriously contemplated by him. His army, although rapidly being raised, organised, and equipped in hundreds of thousands of men, was not yet in a condition to enter upon a prolonged campaign. He might gain a slight temporary success with these 50,000 men; he might be reinforced by another 100,000 in the North; but, meantime, how should he check the other great invading armies of the Allies? For their preparations were forging ahead. Barclay de Tolly was marching with 167,000 Russians in three columns through Germany. Marshal Schwarzenberg, commanding an Austrian army of 50,000 men, and the Archduke Ferdinand, at the head of 40,000 men, were hastening to reach the Rhine. One hundred and twenty thousand men were being collected in Lombardy, after Murat’s decisive overthrow. Prince Wrede, commanding a Bavarian army 80,000 strong, was assembling his forces behind the Upper Rhine. Truly a formidable array!

To strike a premature blow at Belgium with 50,000 men did not therefore commend itself to Napoleon as a possible opening. By waiting, he not only increased his army and reserve forces; he made it appear that the war was being forced upon him by the threatened invasion of France. His apparent reluctance to open hostilities would be a great point in his favour. Then, again, the plans of the Allies would unfold themselves presently, and he could strike at will.

While the Allies were planning and re-planning, discussing and arguing their plans of campaign, their brilliant adversary was growing daily stronger. But the position was an intricate one. A too-hasty invasion of France with ill-concentrated forces would have brought about a repetition of the 1814 campaign outside Paris. There were to be no half-measures with Napoleon this time.

Many plans were put forward by the Allied generals; and after lengthy discussion, it was finally decided to adopt a modified scheme proposed by Schwarzenberg, which was to come into operation towards the end of July. This plan provided for the simultaneous invasion of France by six armies. Wellington, with 92,000 British, Dutch-Belgians, Hanoverians, Nassauers and Brunswickers, was to cross the frontier between Beaumont and Maubeuge; Blucher, with 116,000 Prussians, between Beaumont and Givet; Barclay de Tolly, with 150,000 Russians, viâ Saarlouis and Saarbruck; and Schwarzenberg, with 205,000 men—Austrians, Wurtembergers and Bavarians—by Basle; Frimont, with 50,000 Austrians and Piedmontese, was to advance on Lyons from Lombardy, while Bianchi, at the head of 25,000 Austrians, was to make for Provence. The first four armies were to converge on Paris, by Peronne, Laon, Nancy and Langres respectively; and the two last were to create a diversion in the South and support the Royalists.

This was the final plan of the Allies; but long before the date fixed for the first moves, Napoleon was fully acquainted with their designs. Newspaper reports and secret letters had kept him informed throughout the preparations. He tells us that he worked out two alternative plans of campaign. His first idea was to concentrate a force of 200,000 men outside Paris, and await the approach of the Allied armies. He proposed to gather the First, Second, Third, Fourth, Fifth and Sixth Corps, the Imperial Guard, and Grouchy’s Cavalry Reserve, round the Capital, which would be garrisoned by 80,000 regular troops, mobilised guards and sharpshooters, strongly entrenched and governed by Davoût: and to concentrate round Lyons Suchet’s army of the Alps, 23,000 men, and Lecourbe’s Corps of the Jura, 8,000 men. All the great fortresses were strongly garrisoned; and Napoleon intended to let the Allies advance until they were surrounded with these powerful garrisons and faced by himself with 200,000 men. The date fixed by the Allies for the crossing of the frontier was 1st July. It would take them three weeks to draw near Paris. By that time the entrenchments round the Capital would be completed. But the Allies, operating on six different lines, would be obliged to detach large forces to watch Suchet and Lecourbe, and to mask the great strongholds in their way. When they had approached Paris, their great armies would have been thus reduced to 400,000 men, far from their bases, and faced by the greatest soldier of modern time. The campaign of 1814 would be repeated, but Napoleon would have 200,000 men at his back, and a powerful entrenched camp at Paris. Thus the Allies would in all probability be crushed in detail; whether they would recover and overwhelm Napoleon by sheer weight of numbers seemed doubtful.

But to allow France to be over-run in the meantime by the invaders would enrage the Parisians; and Parisians had always to be reckoned in any plan of Napoleon’s. A more splendid scheme soon presented itself to him. He had a great idea of the importance of winning Brussels: and defensive warfare was unworthy of his genius. He resolved to attack before the Allies should be concentrated. By the middle of June his available forces on the Northern frontier would amount to 125,000 men.

“He would enter Belgium: he would beat in turn, or separately, the English and the Prussians; then, as soon as new reinforcements had arrived from the depôts, he would effect a junction with the 23,000 men under Rapp, and would bear down upon the Austro-Russians.”[1]

Here was a plan after his own heart. To establish himself once more at the head of the nation he must win a glorious victory for France. The minds of Frenchmen were peculiarly susceptible to the inspiriting effects of military glory. Therefore he would strike at Belgium: he would separate Blucher from Wellington and beat each army in turn. And here is revealed the nicety of his calculations. He must attack and beat either Wellington or Blucher before they could join their forces.

“If he directed his line of operations against Brussels through Ath, and debouched from Lille or Condé against Wellington’s right, he would merely drive the English army towards the Prussian army, and two days later he would find himself face to face with their united forces. If, on the contrary, he marched against Blucher’s left, through Givet and the valley of the Meuse, in the same way he would still hasten the union of the hostile forces by driving the Prussians to the English. Inspired by one of his finest strategical conceptions, the Emperor resolved to break boldly into the very centre of the enemy’s cantonments, at the very point where the English and Prussians would probably concentrate. The road from Charleroi to Brussels forming the line of contact between the two armies, Napoleon, passing through Beaumont and Phillippeville, resolved, by this road, to fall like a thunderbolt on his foe.”[2]

Wellington’s troops were scattered in cantonments stretching over an arc from Oudenarde to Quatre-Bras. The Second Corps, under Lord Hill, formed the extreme right, and occupied Ghent, Oudenarde, Ath and Leuze. The Corps was 27,000 strong, of whom scarcely 7,000 were British troops. The First Corps, under the Prince of Orange, occupied Mons, Rouelx, Soignies, Genappe, Seneffe, Frasnes, Braine-le-Comte, and Enghien. This Corps was 30,000 strong, of whom only 6,300 were British. Its left rested on Genappe, Quatre-Bras, and Frasnes, and was in touch with the right of the First Corps, of the Prussian army, under Zieten, whose headquarters were at Charleroi. Wellington’s Reserve, 25,500 men, was posted in the neighbourhood of Brussels, under the Duke’s personal command. The Cavalry, under Lord Uxbridge, was comprised in seven brigades, British and King’s German Legion; with one Hanoverian brigade, five squadrons of Brunswick Cavalry, and three brigades of Dutch-Belgian Cavalry. The Brunswickers were stationed near Brussels; the three Dutch-Belgian brigades were allotted to the First Corps, and the remainder of the cavalry were stationed at Ninove, Grammont, and in the villages scattered along the Dender.

Wellington was expecting an attack by way of Lille and Courtrai, and always regarded this direction as Napoleon’s best move. For his army was based on Ostend, Antwerp, and the sea; hence, had Napoleon attacked by way of Mons, he would have cut Wellington’s communications, and forced him to evacuate Brussels. On the other hand, he would have driven the English army towards the Prussians.

Wellington’s dispositions were eminently suited to rapid concentration on threatened points, while, at the same time, they were sufficiently scattered to make the subsistence of the troops possible. He had selected Oudenarde, Ath, Enghien, Soignies, Nivelles, and Quatre-Bras as points of interior concentration; and in this way, by whichever route Napoleon chose to attack, Wellington could bring his Reserve to the threatened point, and at the same time bring the remainder of his forces into concentration, enabling him to throw at least two-thirds of his whole force in front of the enemy within twenty-four hours.

Blucher’s army, 116,000 strong, was divided into four Corps. The First Corps, under Zieten, had its headquarters at Charleroi; and its outposts stretched from Bonne Espérance through Lobbes, Thuin and Gerpinnes to Sossoye. Its right was in touch with the left of the Prince of Orange’s Corps of Wellington’s army. The Second Corps, under Pirch I., had its headquarters at Namur. Its Divisions were stationed in Thorembey les Beguignes, Heron, Huy and Hannut. Its outposts stretched from Sossoye to Dinant. The Third Corps, under Thielemann, whose headquarters were at Ciney, had its Divisions stationed at Asserre, Ciney, Dinant and Huy. Its outposts extended from Dinant to Rochefort. The Fourth Corps, Bulow’s, had its headquarters at Liège: its Divisions were stationed at Warème, Hologne, Liers, Tongres and Lootz.

Bluchers scheme of concentration enabled him to collect his four Corps together at their respective points of assembly—Fleurus, Namur, Ciney and Liège, within twelve hours. If the French crossed the Sambre at Charleroi, Blucher intended to concentrate his army in front of Sombreffe, on the Namur-Nivelles road, where he would be within 8 miles of Quatre-Bras, Wellington’s point of concentration under those circumstances. If Napoleon moved along the Meuse towards Namur, the First, Second and Fourth Corps were to concentrate on Namur, while Thielemann’s Corps, the Third, acting from Ciney, would attack the enemy’s right flank. If, again, Napoleon advanced on Ciney, Zieten, Pirch I. and Thielemann were to concentrate their Corps on Ciney, and the Fourth Corps was to remain at Liège as a Reserve.

These were the dispositions of the Allies; but they were not strategically in a sound position. Wellington’s line of supply lay through Ostend and Antwerp to the sea; Bluchers lay by Liège and Maestricht to the Rhine. Therefore, in the event of a disaster to either, or both, their lines of retreat would carry them further apart. It was this weakness on which Napoleon based his whole plan. The Prussian army, being the nearer to Napoleon, would be the first met with, and therefore the first to concentrate. By a rapid crossing of the Sambre at Charleroi, Napoleon would force the First Corps back on Fleurus, where the Prussian army was to concentrate, and throw himself on the point of junction of the Allied armies when concentrated; namely, the Quatre-Bras-Sombreffe road. He knew that the Prussians, by reason of their dispositions, would be concentrated first, and he therefore hoped, by possessing himself of the point of junction, to beat their concentrated army before Wellington, who, he decided, would be much slower in assembling his troops, could come up to Quatre-Bras. It was of vital importance to Napoleon to beat the Prussian army, entirely and completely, in its position at Sombreffe, before Wellington could come to Blucher’s assistance. The retreat of the Prussians on Wavre without such a decisive defeat, would have upset the whole plan: for Wellington would then have retired and united with Blucher, either in front of Brussels or behind it. But, if thoroughly beaten, the Prussians would retreat on Liège: and only in this way could Napoleon effectually separate the two armies and crush them in turn. Such was Napoleon’s argument. In conception, the plan was brilliant; but its execution was unworthy of him.

Composition of the French Army.

Napoleon’s Grand army for the invasion of Belgium was made up of the First, Second, Third, Fourth and Sixth Corps d’Armée; four Corps of Reserve Cavalry; and the Imperial Guard; a total of 116,124 men. The First Corps, under d’Erlon, consisted of the First, Second, Third, and Fourth Infantry Divisions, and the First Light Cavalry Division. In the early part of June, the Corps was stationed at Lille. The Second Corps, under Reille, consisted of the Fifth, Sixth, Seventh and Eighth Infantry Divisions, and the Second Light Cavalry Division. This Corps was quartered at Valenciennes. The Third Corps, Vandamme’s, comprised the Ninth, Tenth, and Eleventh Infantry Divisions, and the Third Light Cavalry Division, and was stationed at Mézières. The Fourth Corps, Gérard’s, was composed of the Twelfth, Thirteenth and Fourteenth Infantry Divisions, and the Seventh Light Cavalry Division. The Corps was stationed in Metz, Longwy, and Thionville. The Sixth Corps, Lobau’s, was made up of the Nineteenth, Twentieth, and Twenty-first Infantry Divisions; it was stationed at Laon. Grouchy commanded the four Corps of Reserve cavalry; these First, Second, Third, and Fourth Cavalry Corps were commanded by Pajol, Excelmans, Kellermann, and Milhaud respectively; they were mostly stationed between the river Aisne and the frontier. The Imperial Guard consisted of twelve regiments of infantry, two regiments of heavy cavalry, three of light cavalry, and thirteen batteries of artillery. The Guard left Paris for Avesnes early in June. To the First and Second Corps d’Armée were attached six batteries; to the Third and Fourth, five batteries; and to the Sixth, four batteries of artillery.

This army was the best, in point of courage, warlike spirit, and devotion to himself, that Napoleon ever led. But the men were without discipline, and distrusted their leaders. Napoleon’s generals were not the best that had ever served under him. Ney was a tried veteran, the “bravest of the brave,” but he had just come over to Napoleon from Louis XVIII. Grouchy had never held an independent command. It is remarkable that both Ney and Grouchy should have failed Napoleon in this, his last, campaign; but neither were fitted to the great trusts committed to them. Napoleon himself was not the same man who had beaten back the Allies a year previously at Montmirail, Montereau, and Champaubert, but he was still a master of strategy and the strongest man of France.

The First Movements of the French.

Napoleon began his concentration early in June. He moved the First Corps from Lille to Avesnes; the Second from Valenciennes to Maubeuge; the Third from Mézières to Chimay; the Fourth from Thionville to Rocroi; the Sixth from Laon to Avesnes; and the Guard from Paris to Avesnes.

The concentration was in full swing, with the exception of Grouchy’s Reserve Cavalry, when Napoleon left Paris on the night of 11th June. Grouchy had not received his orders for concentration from Soult, the Chief of the Staff, who had neglected to send them until the 12th. Here was an omission at the outset which might well have had serious results. But Grouchy lost no time in setting his Corps on their roads, and by rapid marching he had all his cavalry beyond Avesnes on the night of the 13th.

On the evening of the 14th Napoleon moved his headquarters to Beaumont. The First Corps was on the extreme left, between Maubeuge and Solre-sur-Sambre; the Second Corps between Solre-sur-Sambre and Leers; the Third and Sixth Corps between Beaumont and the Sambre; the Fourth Corps between Phillippeville and Florenne; Grouchy’s Reserve Cavalry between Beaumont and Phillippeville; the Imperial Guard at Beaumont. This concentration was brilliantly planned, and skilfully executed: worthy of Napoleon’s best days.

The French army crossed the frontier early in the morning of the 15th of June, in three columns. The left column (d’Erlon’s and Reille’s Corps) crossed by Thuin and Marchienne; the centre column (Vandamme’s, Lobau’s Corps, Imperial Guard, and Grouchy’s Reserve Cavalry), at whose head was the Emperor himself, crossed by Ham-sur-Heure, Jamioux, and Marcinelle; the right column, Gérard’s Corps, by Florennes and Gerpinnes. The front was covered by twelve regiments of cavalry.

The arrangements for relieving the troops of a fatiguing march by avoiding the crossing of columns in front of each other, and for the communication between each column, were admirable. The baggage and ammunition waggons, except those of the latter which were required for immediate use, were kept 9 miles in rear of the army. The advanced guards of the different columns communicated constantly with each other, so that no column should get ahead of the others. A screen of scouts was sent out in all directions to obtain every scrap of information as to the enemy’s position, and report direct to the Emperor. Everything was to be done to ensure the rapid march of a well-concentrated army on the point where it was expected that the Prussians would be met with. But three of the Corps commanders failed to carry out their instructions. D’Erlon started from his camp at half-past four instead of at three o’clock, as ordered. Vandamme never knew of the march of the army until Lobau’s Corps pushed on his rear: the orders sent to him from headquarters had not reached him, owing to an accident to the officer sent by Soult. And Gérard, who should have marched at three, did not reach Florennes until 7 A.M. All this was carelessness. Soult should have sent such important orders in duplicate. It is interesting to observe how these delays affected the subsequent movements of the columns on the 15th.

But, first of all, the centre column shall be followed, as being that led by the Emperor himself. In the advance on Charleroi, Pajol’s cavalry led the way. Zieten’s outposts were everywhere driven in, and when Pajol entered Charleroi at midday (the 15th) the Prussians had withdrawn, and taken up a strong position at Gilly, 2 miles north-east of Charleroi. The centre column halted to await Vandamme’s arrival; for Grouchy, who did not like the appearance of the Prussian position, would not attack until he had Excelmans’ Cavalry and Vandamme’s Corps with him. Napoleon, impatient at the delay, took command in person at 5 P.M., and pushed home a vigorous attack; and the Prussians retired at dusk to Fleurus. Vandamme and the Cavalry bivouacked within 2 miles of the Prussians. The Guard bivouacked between Gilly and Charleroi; Lobau’s Corps south of the river, near Charleroi; and Gérard’s Corps on the right, crossing the Sambre at Châtelet, bivouacked on the road to Fleurus. Napoleon thus had the Third, Fourth, and Sixth Corps, the Imperial Guard, and Grouchy’s Cavalry concentrated between Fleurus and Charleroi, intending to attack the Prussians in strength next day, either at Fleurus or at Sombreffe. The Emperor passed the night at Charleroi.

Had it not been for Vandamme’s delay, and had Grouchy attacked the Prussians at once at Gilly, the latter could have pushed his enemy as far as Sombreffe that night, which it was Napoleon’s intention that he should have done. But Vandamme’s slowness prevented Grouchy from advancing further than Fleurus that evening.

On the Left, matters had not, by nightfall, progressed as far as Napoleon wished. Reille, in accordance with his instructions, had marched with his Corps, the Second, from Leers at 3 A.M., and pushed on to Marchienne, everywhere driving back the enemy’s outposts. He was then ordered to march on Gosselies, where it was reported that a body of Prussians were in position. He therefore pushed on his troops along the Charleroi-Brussels road; and finding Jumet occupied by a Prussian rearguard, he drove out the enemy, and reached Gosselies at about 5 P.M. Marshal Ney now arrived on the scene, and, having just come from the Emperor, from whom he received his orders, took over the command of the Left Wing. Ney pushed on to Frasnes with Piré’s Cavalry and Bachelu’s Infantry Division: Girard’s Division was sent to pursue the Prussians, who had retreated from Gosselies towards Fleurus: the remaining divisions of Reille’s Corps—Jerome’s and Foy’s—stayed at Gosselies. Ney drove back Saxe-Weimar’s Brigade from Frasnes at 6.30 P.M.; the brigade retiring on Quatre-Bras. Lefebvre-Desnouette’s Division of Light Cavalry of the Guard had arrived with Ney, and was now moved in support of his infantry at Frasnes.

Thus Ney, at 6.30 P.M., while there were still nearly three hours of daylight left, had with him two light cavalry divisions, and one infantry division, at Frasnes. The distance to Quatre-Bras was 2½ miles. In less than an hour he could have reached the cross-roads and attacked Saxe-Weimar’s Brigade. But he merely pushed his cavalry forward, reconnoitred the position, and then withdrew his men to Frasnes, himself returning to Gosselies at about 8.30 P.M.

Now it has been fiercely contested that Ney received verbal orders from Napoleon to occupy Quatre-Bras on the night of the 15th. Whether he did or did not is a point still undecided by the authorities on the campaign, but it matters little, for Napoleon, in his written orders to Ney on the 16th, expressed his satisfaction with the progress of the night before, and did not blame Ney for his failure to occupy the cross-roads. As a matter of fact, Saxe-Weimar made such a bold show of resistance to the reconnaissance sent by Ney, that the latter was entirely deceived as to his enemy’s numbers: he believed that the English were in great force there. Had Ney attacked Quatre-Bras that night, he would have driven back Saxe-Weimar’s Brigade of Nassauers, the only troops in occupation, and seized the most important point in the theatre of war. But, viewing the question from what must have been Ney’s own point of view, he was acting on sound strategical principles by not pushing ahead too far. He had only just arrived on the ground, and was not acquainted with any of his Staff, or his divisional generals, or even with the strength of his troops. He believed that a strong English force held Quatre-Bras, and that, by attacking, he would be overwhelmed by the whole of Wellington’s army; that Napoleon’s Left Wing would be crushed. He therefore adopted more cautious methods, and awaited the arrival of d’Erlon’s Corps, and news of the progress of the Centre and Right Wing.

Prince Bernard of Saxe-Weimar may be credited with having saved the situation for the Allies. Had he adhered rigidly to the principles of strategy, he would have fallen back from Quatre-Bras; but instead, his fine courage prompted him to hold on until supports should arrive, and his boldness triumphed over Ney’s prudence. If Ney had seized Quatre-Bras that night, and if the succeeding events had taken place as they did take place, the battle of Waterloo would never have been fought, for Wellington could not have risked a battle without hope of Prussian assistance. But there were many little risks and chances which might have changed the whole result of the campaign!

To return to d’Erlon. By starting an hour and a half later than he was ordered to do, he lost most valuable time; and throughout the day he took no pains to make up for the delay, although he actually received an order from Soult, late in the afternoon, to the effect that he was to join Reille at Gosselies that evening. Instead of this, by nightfall his leading division, Durutte’s, was at Jumet, 1½ miles in rear of Gosselies, and his Headquarters at Marchienne, 6 miles in rear! Matters had not progressed at all satisfactorily on the Left Wing.

The 15th of June on the side of the Allies.

Blucher had decided upon a concentration of his whole army at Sombreffe, in the event of Napoleon attacking by Charleroi. Therefore, on the evening of the 14th, he ordered the Second, Third, and Fourth Corps to concentrate on Sombreffe, while the First Corps was to make a stout resistance, and fall back slowly on Fleurus, which Zieten was to hold, in order to gain time for the concentration. These arrangements were made without any definite agreement between Wellington and Blucher, as to the Duke’s movements under these circumstances. It was understood that each should give the other all the assistance in his power, in the event of a French attack; but no formal undertaking for definite action was entered into. Besides, Blucher, when he ordered his concentration, believed that Wellington’s troops were too scattered to allow of their concentration within two days. He could not therefore have expected much actual support from Wellington. There was also the possibility that Wellington himself was confronted with a strong force.

In the concentration of the Prussian Corps, another defect in the transmission and execution of orders from Headquarters must be mentioned. Gneisenau, the chief of Blucher’s Staff, sent instructions to Bulow, commanding the Fourth Corps, on the 14th, to the effect that he was so to dispose his Corps that his troops might reach Hannut in one march. The order was indefinite, and contained no statement that Napoleon was about to attack; there was no mention of the disposition of the other Prussian Corps; no mention of Blucher’s intentions, or of the general situation. This was culpable negligence on the part of the chief of the Staff. It was his duty under the circumstances to transmit all such important information to all the Corps commanders; and because Bulow’s Corps was some distance in rear, is no reason why such a necessary step should have been omitted. The result was a serious delay on the part of the Fourth Corps. At midnight on the 14th, a second despatch from Gneisenau was sent to Bulow, ordering a concentration of his Corps on Hannut. The first despatch reached Bulow at 5 A.M. on the 15th, when he was at Liège. The instructions contained in it were at once acted upon, and Bulow sent a report to this effect to Headquarters. While these instructions were being carried out, the second despatch arrived towards midday (on the 15th). Its contents seemed to Bulow to be impossible to act upon until the next day, for most of his troops were by this time so far in their movement that the new order could not reach them in time to be carried out that night; also there would be no quarters prepared for those troops which were still within reach of the new instructions. Furthermore, this second despatch was also indefinite. It contained no positive order that Bulow was to move his headquarters to Hannut; it merely suggested that Hannut appeared suitable. There was no mention of the commencement of hostilities. Bulow therefore decided to postpone the execution of this order until the 16th, and he sent a report to this effect to Blucher, promising to be in Hannut by noon next day (16th). The officer sent with this report reached Namur at 9 P.M., expecting to find Blucher there, but he discovered that Headquarters had been removed to Sombreffe. Meanwhile, a third despatch was sent off at 11 A.M. on the 15th from Namur, instructing Bulow to move the Fourth Corps, after a rest at Hannut, on Gembloux, starting at daybreak on the 16th. The orderly carrying this message naturally went to Hannut, where he expected to find Bulow. At Hannut he found Gneisenau’s second despatch lying unopened, awaiting Bulow’s arrival. He then started off at all speed with both despatches to Liège, where he arrived at daybreak on the 16th. But by this time Gneisenau’s instructions were impracticable. Thus Bulow, through no fault of his own, was prevented from reaching the field of Ligny with his Corps, when his arrival on the right flank of the French might have had the same effect that the arrival of the Prussian army had at the great battle two days later.

While the concentration of the Second and Third Corps was rapidly progressing behind him, Zieten was occupied with his retreat on Fleurus. At half-past three in the morning of the 15th, the Prussian picquets in front of Lobbes, a village on the Sambre, were driven in by the advanced guard of the French Left Column (this was the head of Reille’s Corps advancing). An hour later, the French opened with artillery on Maladrie, a hamlet about a mile in front of Thuin. It was this cannonade which was heard by the troops of Steinmetz’s Division in Fontaine l’Evêque, and even Zieten at Charleroi heard it. He therefore lost no time in sending reports to both Blucher and Wellington that fighting had actually commenced. His report to Wellington gave the Duke definite news that an attack on Charleroi was imminent, but it did not induce him to alter his plans in any way. For Wellington was still apprehensive of an attack by way of Mons, and he judged that his army was in the best position to meet such an attack. He was unwilling to engage himself in a move eastwards while there was a chance of the French attacking from the westwards. With such a belief, it is clear that Wellington, by concentrating prematurely at Quatre-Bras, which it was his intention to do if Napoleon’s attack should eventually be by the Charleroi-Brussels road, would merely carry out the very move which his enemy would wish. Therefore he awaited more definite news of the French attack on Zieten.

But Zieten’s report to Blucher made the Marshal more than ever assured of the wisdom of concentrating at Sombreffe.

The retreat of Zieten’s Corps was very ably carried out. The Prussians at Maladrie, after maintaining a stubborn resistance, were finally overpowered, but they retreated in good order on Thuin. Here they joined a battalion of Westphalian Landwehr, and resistance was made until 7 A.M., when, after suffering very heavy losses, the Prussians fell back to Montigny. Here, again, they joined two squadrons of Dragoons, who covered the rest of their retreat to Marchienne. But the French cavalry, under Pajol, pushed on so vigorously, and the small retreating column suffered such severe losses, that, upon arrival at Marchienne, a mere skeleton was left. By this time also the outposts at Lobbes had effected their retreat on Marchienne. General Steinmetz, commanding the First Division of Zieten’s Corps, was now fully aware of the French attack. He therefore sent a staff officer to warn Van Merlen, who commanded the Dutch-Belgian outposts at St. Symphorien between Binche and Mons, and to inform him that he was falling back with his Division upon Charleroi.

The manner in which the outposts fell back, and the readiness with which reports as to the enemy’s movements and those of the several Prussian picquets and supports were passed from one part of the retreating Division to the other, and from the right of Zieten’s corps to the left of Wellington’s army, are worthy of the closest attention. The Prussian commanders thoroughly understood the value of rapid and accurate information, distributed to all parts of their commands. The long Napoleonic wars had taught them something of their profession.

Zieten’s management of his retreat marks him as a very capable soldier. Towards 8 A.M. he satisfied himself that the whole French army was making for Charleroi. He therefore sent out the following orders for retreat: the First Division (Steinmetz’s) to retire by Courcelles to Gosselies, and take up a position behind the village; the Second Division to gain time for the retreat of the First by defending the bridges over the Sambre at Châtelet, Charleroi, and Marchienne; it was then to fall back behind Gilly. The Third and Fourth Divisions, with the cavalry and artillery reserves, were to take up position at Fleurus.

Meanwhile, Napoleon was pushing rapidly on Charleroi with the Imperial Guard and Pajol’s Cavalry Corps. The Prussian detachment holding the bridge connecting Marcinelle and Charleroi made a stout defence, but was soon overpowered, and by noon the French had obtained possession of the town. The Third and Fourth Divisions of Zieten’s Corps were by this time well on the road to Fleurus, but Steinmetz’s Division was in great jeopardy. For the French were already masters of the Sambre, even below Charleroi, and the First Division was in danger of being cut off from its retreat on Gosselies. Accordingly Zieten, with great resolution, detached three battalions of infantry from the Third Division, and sent them to Colonel Lutzow, who was holding Gosselies with a regiment of Lancers from Roder’s Reserve Cavalry. Lutzow placed one battalion in Gosselies, and took up a position in reserve with the remainder. As soon as the French had taken Charleroi, Napoleon ordered Pajol to send a brigade of Light Cavalry towards Gosselies, and to take the remainder of his Corps towards Gilly. The Brigade actually reached Jumet ahead of Steinmetz’s Division, which had not yet crossed a small stream called the Piéton, which ran between Fontaine l’Evêque and Gosselies. But Colonel Lutzow went out with his regiment of Lancers from Gosselies, met the French Hussars, and drove them back with loss, enabling Steinmetz to reach the village in safety.

In the meantime reinforcements, consisting of the advanced guard of Reille’s Corps, were being pushed along the Gosselies road, with a view to cutting off Steinmetz’s retreat, and separating Zieten’s Corps from Wellington’s army. This move of the French was very skilful, but Steinmetz, perceiving that his position was one of great danger, made a feint against the French left flank, and, covering his retreat with a regiment of Lancers and one of Hussars, withdrew to Heppignies, a village half-way between Gosselies and Fleurus. Had Steinmetz been caught and surrounded at Gosselies, Blucher would have been weaker by one Division in the great struggle at Ligny next day; and he could ill afford to reduce his numbers.

Ney, who had taken over the command of the French Left Wing, and who was at this time pushing on with Piré’s Cavalry and Bachelu’s Infantry to Frasnes, sent Girard’s Division of Reille’s Corps to pursue Steinmetz. Girard occupied Ransart, and made an attack upon Heppignies, but the Prussians drove him back, and retired in good order to Fleurus, thus rejoining the main body of their Corps, and effecting their retreat in a very skilful manner.

In the Prussian centre, meanwhile, Pirch II.‘s Second Division, which had been ordered to gain time for the retreat of the First, retired to Gilly, on the road to Fleurus, when the French entered Charleroi. At Gilly the Prussians took up a strong position and prepared to delay the French advance as much as possible. Pirch’s line of defence stretched from Soleilmont on his right, to Châtelineau on his left; and a small stream ran in his front at the foot of the ridge on which his position stood. His left flank was further strengthened by a detachment holding the bridge over the Sambre at Châtelet. Cavalry patrols watched the valley of the Sambre for the approach of Gérard’s Corps, which was already marching on Châtelet. Had Gerard marched earlier from Phillippeville, he would have prevented, by his occupation of Châtelet earlier in the day, Pirch’s stand at Gilly.

Grouchy had orders to take Vandamme’s Corps and Excelmans’ Cavalry, and pursue the Prussians along the Charleroi-Fleurus road; but he was deceived as to the strength of the enemy at Gilly. Fearing to attack without further reinforcements, he rode back to Napoleon for instructions. This was at about 5 P.M. Napoleon, fretting at the delay, which he regarded as needless, himself rode out with four squadrons of Cavalry of the Guard, and reconnoitred Pirch’s position. He soon satisfied himself as to Pirch’s real strength, and gave Grouchy orders to attack at once. Accordingly, at 6 P.M., artillery fire opened on the Prussians from two batteries; three infantry columns from Vandamme’s Corps were ordered to assault in front, and two cavalry brigades to menace the Prussian flanks. Pirch was preparing to reply to the French artillery fire, when he received orders from Zieten to retire on Fleurus viâ Lambusart. As soon as he began to withdraw his battalions, the French cavalry, under Letort, made a vigorous attack. The Prussian infantry resisted stoutly, and a regiment of dragoons, with great boldness, charged the French squadrons with such effect that they were for the moment checked, and the Prussians were able to gain the cover of the wood of Fleurus. A battalion of the Sixth Regiment of the Line, by forming square repeatedly, bravely kept the enemy’s cavalry at a distance, and gained very valuable time for the retreat of the rest of Pirch’s Division. In front of Lambusart, where Pirch joined some battalions of the Third Division and Roder’s Reserve Cavalry, a fresh position was taken up, and a regiment of Brandenburg Dragoons, sent by Zieten to support Pirch II., did excellent service by charging the French horsemen and checking their pursuit. Towards eight o’clock three batteries of French Horse Artillery, which accompanied the cavalry, opened fire on Lambusart; but night was coming on, and the attack died out very shortly afterwards. Pirch II. then withdrew to Fleurus, where he joined the remainder of Zieten’s Divisions, and the whole Corps retreated to Ligny. Steinmetz had reached Fleurus from Heppignies at about 10 P.M.

Zieten’s retreat in the face of almost the whole French army is worthy of close attention. His men had been marching and fighting from three o’clock in the morning until ten o’clock at night, and had engaged the enemy in one or two very sharp conflicts. The skilful manner in which each Division was withdrawn without getting too closely engaged with the enemy, and in which the Divisions supported each other, is illustrative of the best methods of war. That he was able to concentrate his Corps at Fleurus with a loss of only 1,200 men, after having checked the rapid onset of the French, speaks very highly for Zieten’s skill in generalship. The campaign of Waterloo still affords useful lessons and examples to modern students.

The Prussian Second Corps, under Pirch I., reached Sombreffe by ten o’clock at night; the Third Corps passed the night at Namur; while the Fourth Corps was still near Liège.

On Wellington’s side, Van Merlen, commanding the outposts between Mons and Binche, received the report from General Steinmetz at 8 A.M., to the effect that the French had attacked and driven in his outposts, and that he was falling back on Charleroi with his Division. Early in the morning the troops of Perponcher’s Dutch-Belgian Division, which was stationed at Hautain-le-Val, Frasnes, and Villers Perruin, heard firing from the direction of Charleroi. In the afternoon, definite news reached them of the enemy’s attack on Charleroi, and Perponcher at once assembled his First Brigade (Bylandt’s) at Nivelles. A picquet of the Second Nassau battalion was posted in front of Frasnes to give warning of the French advance. In the meantime, Prince Bernard of Saxe Weimar, with his Brigade of Nassau troops, belonging to Perponcher’s Division, on his own initiative moved forward from Genappe to Frasnes, reporting his action to the headquarters of his division at Hautain-le-Val; and Perponcher approved. When Ney advanced on Frasnes in the evening, with Piré’s cavalry and Bachelu’s infantry, Saxe Weimar, after making a determined show of resistance, skilfully withdrew behind Quatre-Bras, and Ney, as before-mentioned, was quite deceived as to his actual strength, and forebore to attack that night.

Zieten’s report to Wellington, sent off from Charleroi at 5 A.M., reached the Duke’s headquarters at Brussels at 9 A.M. Wellington did not consider the news sufficiently definite to cause him to make any immediate alteration in his dispositions. But at three o’clock in the afternoon, the Prince of Orange, coming from the outposts near Mons, where he had seen Van Merlen, and obtained information of the attack on the Prussians and of their retreat, reported his intelligence to the Duke. Wellington was now satisfied of the true direction of the French attack, but he sent orders to General Dornberg at Mons to report at once any movement of the French in that direction. He then ordered his troops to concentrate at their respective headquarters. On the left, Perponcher’s and Chassé’s Divisions were to assemble at Nivelles; the Third British Division (Alten’s) was to concentrate at Braine-le-Comte and march on Nivelles in the night; the First British Division (Cooke’s) was to assemble at Enghien. In the centre, Clinton’s Division (the Second British) was to collect at Ath, and Colville’s (the Fourth British) at Grammont. On the right, Steedman’s Division and Anthing’s Brigade of Dutch-Belgians were to march on Sotteghem. Uxbridge’s cavalry was to assemble at Ninove, except Dornberg’s Brigade, which was to march on Vilvorde; (still Wellington had apprehensions for his right). The Reserve was kept in readiness in and around Brussels; with orders to be prepared to march at once.

Late that night (the 15th), towards ten o’clock, news of Ney’s attack at Frasnes was received by the Prince of Orange at Braine-le-Comte. The latter forwarded the report to Wellington, adding that Saxe Weimar had fallen back to Quatre-Bras, and that the French advance had been checked there. A despatch from Blucher at Namur also reached Wellington about this time, and the Duke decided to march his troops more to their left—i.e. towards the Prussians. He therefore issued a second batch of orders that night, directing Cooke’s Division from Enghien to Braine-le-Comte; Clinton’s and Colville’s Divisions from Ath and Grammont to Enghien; and the cavalry from Ninove to Enghien. The other dispositions were to remain as they were.

At the close of the 15th, Napoleon’s position promised success for his efforts next day. Blucher had only Zieten’s Corps concentrated at Ligny; Pirch’s Corps was still some miles back. Wellington’s army was still far from Quatre-Bras. Surely, if Napoleon advanced to the attack of the Prussians at daybreak on the 16th, he must, with his overwhelming forces, crush half of Blucher’s army and force the remainder to fall back on Liège? And Ney, if he attacked with Reille’s and d’Erlon’s Corps (for the latter might have pushed on during the night)—or even with Reille’s Corps and Piré’s Cavalry—could have driven back the English force at Quatre-Bras, which, by daybreak on the 16th, had only been reinforced by the remainder of Perponcher’s Dutch-Belgian Division? Ney had ridden to Charleroi in the night, and had had an interview with Napoleon. He must, therefore, have known the state of affairs in the centre and on the right; he must have told Napoleon how matters stood on his wing. Why did not Napoleon order him to attack Quatre-Bras at daybreak on the 16th? There is no satisfactory answer. It is inconceivable that Napoleon, than whom no general has ever been bolder and more decisive in his moves or quicker to take action at critical moments, should have neglected to spend the night of the 15th in bringing up the troops in rear—Lobau’s Corps, d’Erlon’s Corps, Gérard’s Corps. What if the columns had straggled out and become doubled in length? Had Napoleon’s troops never made a greater effort in his earlier campaigns? There is no doubt existing that Napoleon, great warrior as he was, let his opportunity slip on the night of the 15th. His advanced troops were within 2 miles of Ligny, and 3 of the Quatre-Bras-Sombreffe road. Was not this the very point he had aimed at so carefully in his plan of campaign? He was already almost master of the line of junction of Wellington’s and Blucher’s armies. He had, in fact, almost, but not quite, attained the main objective of his scheme. It was within his grasp on the night of the 15th. How could Wellington prevent Ney from capturing Quatre-Bras at daybreak on the 16th? And how could Blucher save Ligny and Sombreffe, if Napoleon chose to bring up his two Corps from Charleroi and Châtelet, and attack at dawn with these overwhelming numbers? Both these attacks would have called for great efforts from the French troops, who had been marching and fighting since 3 A.M. on the 15th; but the attacks would have been finished in three or four hours, and then Napoleon could have thought of giving rest to his tired infantry, while his cavalry pursued the Prussians back towards Liège. A day spent in resting and in concentrating, and Napoleon could have turned to deal with Wellington. The Napoleon of Jena and Austerlitz would have won the campaign on the 15th.

But the delays of the 15th were insignificant in comparison with those of the 16th. And there were not only delays on the 16th, but very serious mistakes—although of a kind without which no war has ever been waged. It is not our intention to criticise these mistakes so much as to discuss their effects on the course of the campaign, and to illustrate their grievous results.

Movements on the 16th.

Ney, on his return to Gosselies from his interview with Napoleon, ordered Reille to move Jerome’s and Foy’s Divisions, with his five batteries of artillery, to Frasnes, whither he himself went. Ney’s misgivings as to the wisdom of attacking Quatre-Bras were not unfounded. He feared a movement against his right flank by a strong force of Prussians whom he believed to be between Quatre-Bras and Ligny. He was anxious for his left flank, in case some of Wellington’s troops were moving against him from the direction of Nivelles. He was ignorant of the real strength in front of him at Quatre-Bras. He had no staff officers whom he could send out to gather information on these points. He was unwilling to risk damaging Napoleon’s plans by inviting defeat while so far in advance of the centre column. He therefore waited for d’Erlon’s Corps and Kellermann’s Corps of heavy cavalry, which Napoleon had promised to send him. He despatched orders to d’Erlon to bring up the First Corps with the utmost speed to Frasnes.

In the meantime, Wellington’s troops were fast moving on Nivelles and Quatre-Bras. Lord Uxbridge’s Cavalry and Clinton’s Division were ordered to move on Braine-le-Comte, and Steedman’s Division with Anthing’s Brigade from Sotteghem to Enghien at daybreak. Picton’s Division started from Brussels for Quatre-Bras at 2 A.M. The Duke of Brunswick, with 5,000 Brunswick infantry, left at 3 A.M. At 3 A.M. also Perponcher reached Quatre-Bras with his First Brigade of Dutch-Belgians, under Bylandt. The Prince of Orange arrived at Quatre-Bras at 6 A.M., reconnoitred Ney’s position, and pushed Perponcher’s troops further forward. He gave orders that as great a show of strength as possible was to be made, but a close or premature engagement with the enemy was to be avoided. Thus at 7 A.M. the Prince had 9 battalions of Dutch-Belgian troops, and 16 guns, holding Quatre-Bras; Ney opposite, with Piré’s Division of Lancers, Bachelu’s Division of Infantry, and Lefebvre-Desnouette’s Cavalry of the Guard, in all 9,700 men, and the remainder of Reille’s Corps in support at Frasnes!

Wellington himself arrived at Quatre-Bras at 11 A.M., inspected the position, saw that the French were not preparing an immediate attack, and complimented the Prince of Orange on his dispositions. He then rode off to the mill of Bussy, where he met Blucher. It is not necessary to go into the details of this interview. Suffice it to say that Wellington agreed with Blucher that he would come to the latter’s assistance at Ligny, if he was not himself attacked.

At 11 A.M. Ney received from Napoleon a letter giving him detailed instructions as to the movements of the French army. The Emperor told Ney that he intended attacking the Prussians at Ligny, driving them back on Gembloux. Ney was then to march on Brussels, and Napoleon, marching by the Sombreffe-Quatre-Bras road with his Imperial Guard, would support him. Thus, according to the letter, Ney’s movements were to wait upon Napoleon’s. This interpretation was some cause of Ney’s delays on the 16th.

Soon after the receipt of Napoleon’s letter, Ney received an order from Soult, chief of the Staff, directing him to move the First and Second Corps, and Kellermann’s Cavalry, on Quatre-Bras, drive back the enemy, and reconnoitre as far as he could towards Nivelles and Brussels; also to push a division to Genappe, and another towards Marbais, so as to open communication with Napoleon’s left between Sombreffe and Quatre-Bras. Napoleon’s intention was to reach Brussels by daybreak on the 17th, having defeated the Prussians, and Ney having defeated the English!

In accordance with this order, Ney sent instructions to Reille and d’Erlon. These were to the following effect:—The First, Second, and Third Divisions of d’Erlon’s Corps were to move to Frasnes; the Fourth Division of that Corps, with Piré’s Cavalry, was to move to Marbais; Kellermann’s Cavalry Corps to Frasnes and Liberchies.

Just at this time, a message from Reille reached Ney, stating that Girard (not Gérard, who commanded the Fourth Corps) had sent in a report that strong columns of Prussians were moving along the Namur-Nivelles road, with heavy masses behind them. (These were Pirch’s I. troops deploying at St Amand and Ligny.) Reille had seen Napoleon’s letter to Ney, and read its contents, but he wrote to Ney that he would wait the latter’s instructions, while he prepared his troops for instant march. Another order from Napoleon reached Ney at this moment. It stated that the Marshal was to unite the First and Second Corps with Kellermann’s Cavalry, and drive the enemy from Quatre-Bras, thus distinctly emphasising the previous order. The Emperor, who thought that Ney would then have an ample force to crush any troops which could be in front of him, stated that Grouchy was about to move on Sombreffe.

Girard’s report as to the Prussian columns on the Namur road made Ney doubly anxious for his position. He therefore again sent urgent orders to Reille and d’Erlon to hasten up. At 2 P.M., in the belief that d’Erlon must be close behind, he moved to the attack of the Anglo-Dutch position with three infantry divisions (Bachelu’s, Foy’s and Jerome’s, of Reille’s Corps) and Piré’s Division of Light Cavalry, with 5 batteries—a strength of 18,000 men and 40 guns. Opposed to him were the 7,000 infantry and 16 guns of the Prince of Orange.

It is not proposed to give an account of the battle of Quatre-Bras. It has been shown what an opportunity Ney had lost by not attacking earlier, and what his reasons were for not doing so. Picton’s Division and the Duke of Brunswick’s Division arrived early in the afternoon, and Wellington took over the command. These reinforcements, to which were added towards the close of the day, Alten’s Division, Cooke’s Division, two more Brunswick battalions and a battery of Brunswick artillery, gave Wellington a superiority in numbers over Ney, who was only reinforced by Kellermann’s Cavalry Corps during the battle. D’Erlon’s Corps had, in the meantime, been wandering between Ligny and Frasnes.

In its results the battle of Quatre-Bras was of great importance to both sides. Although Ney had not obtained possession of Quatre-Bras, and had not defeated Wellington’s troops, nor driven them back on Brussels, yet he had effectually prevented Wellington joining with Blucher’s right. He had not been guilty of disobeying orders, and he himself did not feel confident of victory when he attacked on the afternoon of the 16th. On the other hand, Wellington had, by his masterly defence, completely frustrated Ney’s object. He was now in full possession of Quatre-Bras; he had gained a brilliant victory, and his divisions were still coming up from behind. Should he receive news of a Prussian victory at Ligny, he was prepared to attack Ney next morning, and, if successful, to join Blucher’s right wing and fall upon Napoleon’s left. If the Prussians were defeated at Ligny, he was ready to fall back and take up a position where Blucher could join him, and together they would attack Napoleon’s combined forces.

To turn to events upon the Prussian side, Blucher’s decision to stand at Ligny was determined by several strategical considerations. Firstly, the position he chose communicated with Wellington’s left by 6 miles of very good road, along which co-operation on either hand could be easily effected. Secondly, he guarded the communications with Aix-la-Chapelle and the Prussian States. Thirdly, if the Allies should be defeated both at Quatre-Bras and at Ligny, then two parallel lines of retreat, the one upon Mont St Jean towards Brussels, and the other upon Wavre towards Louvain, were available, which would render possible a junction near the forest of Soignies. Fourthly, if Napoleon had advanced against Wellington by way of Mons, the Prussians, by concentrating at Sombreffe, could have marched to the Duke’s assistance, leaving Zieten to watch Charleroi and the neighbourhood. Fifthly, if Napoleon had advanced on Namur, the Third Corps (Thielemann’s) could have retreated as did Zieten’s, and allowed time and protection for the First, Second, and possibly the Fourth Corps, while Wellington moved to join the Prussian right.

The situation of the Allied armies was not exactly that of the Austrians and Sardinians in Italy in 1796-97; there was the possibility of striking at their point of junction and of beating each army separately, but the short and excellent line of communication between the points of concentration of Wellington’s and Blucher’s armies, namely, the Quatre-Bras-Sombreffe road, afforded each army such easy and rapid means of effecting a junction, although, in fact, it was not actually used as a means of co-operation, that there was a “moral” influence in it which went a long way towards defeating Napoleon’s object. This may sound somewhat exaggerated; but what was it that made Ney uneasy for his own right flank on the 15th-16th, before he attacked? The report sent by Girard that Prussian columns were on that road. What was Napoleon’s fear during the battle of Ligny? That Wellington would send a force from Quatre-Bras to join Blucher’s right, along this road. What was the chief advantage in Wellington’s position at Quatre-Bras? This road again, which afforded a means of joining the Prussians at Ligny, had the occasion arisen. And in what way was this road of use to Blucher at Sombreffe? He could co-operate with Wellington if Napoleon had attacked viâ Mons.

Blucher had decided to fight at Ligny, even though he had little hope of the arrival of Bulow’s Corps in time to join the battle. For he believed that Napoleon’s forces were not superior to his own in numbers; he had selected the position previously, and had had it surveyed carefully; he hoped that he would be able to hold his own either until Bulow arrived, or until night put an end to the fight. In the event of the Fourth Corps reaching the field in time to take part, the extra weight in numbers would decide in Blucher’s favour, or else the Corps would attack Napoleon’s right flank at a time when his troops would be most fatigued. Or again, if night came on, sufficient time would have been gained for Bulow’s arrival to be made certain before daybreak next day, when a successful attack on the French might confidently be expected. In both cases, any pressure on Wellington would be relieved, so that the Anglo-Dutch Army might combine with Blucher to overwhelm the whole of Napoleon’s forces. Thus Blucher reasoned.

To refuse a battle would have meant a retreat along his communications with the Rhine, and Blucher was most unwilling to abandon his chances of joining with Wellington.

The battle itself will not be described; but d’Erlon’s wanderings towards the field and away from it again, and the influence of these aimless manœuvres on the struggle, may be discussed here.

At eight o’clock that morning (the 16th), Napoleon had sent orders to Ney to detach one Division of his force to Marbais, so as to support the Emperor and attack in rear the Prussian right, while the battle of Ligny was at its height. At 2 P.M., he had ordered Ney to attack and defeat whatever force might be in front of him (he had ascertained that Ney must be greatly superior in numbers to the force that opposed him), and then to move along the Namur road and fall on Blucher’s rear. At 3.15 P.M. this order was reiterated, and in the most emphatic manner was Ney ordered to bring the whole of his forces to bear on the Prussian right and rear. When, therefore, at 5.30 P.M., Napoleon was preparing his greatest blow at Blucher and getting in readiness his Reserves to crush the Prussian Centre at Ligny, the news that a strong column of infantry, cavalry, and artillery was making for Fleurus on the French left arrived, and it might have been guessed that this was a part of Ney’s forces, acting in accordance with the instructions sent to the Marshal, but sadly in the wrong direction. Instead of moving against the Prussian right, this column was making for the left rear of the French. Vandamme, who forwarded the report to the Emperor, suspended his movements, and Girard fell back with his Division, until the uncertainty should be cleared up. For it was possible, perhaps, that Wellington had overcome Ney and was marching to assist Blucher; Ney had sent no tidings during the day. Napoleon, at first, believed that the force was the Division despatched by Ney in accordance with the eight o’clock order; but he reflected that the numbers were too great for a Division, and that Ney had been ordered to send the force by Marbais. Then, when Vandamme’s suspicions were supported by a second report, he became extremely uneasy; he suspended his projected attack on the Prussian centre: and sent off an officer of his staff to ascertain the truth. At 7 P.M., nearly two hours after the first appearance of the strange column, the staff-officer returned, with the tidings that d’Erlon’s whole Corps was at hand, and was marching to join Napoleon’s left. On the receipt of this news, the advance of the Imperial Guard was renewed, and Girard’s Division resumed its former position in line.

How d’Erlon had arrived in this position may be explained with little difficulty. When Napoleon’s aide-de-camp, Laurent, reached Gosselies with the morning order, he found that the First Corps was already marching towards Quatre-Bras, and that d’Erlon himself had gone forward to Frasnes. Laurent hastened to find him, and on overtaking the columns of the First Corps on his way, he took upon himself the responsibility of changing their direction towards St Amand. D’Erlon, on learning what had been done, rode off at once to join his Corps, sending word to Ney to inform him what had happened. The road from Frasnes towards St Amand lay through Villers-Perruin, and it was this direction which brought the column into such an unexpected position towards the French rear. On reaching Villers-Perruin, however, d’Erlon sent out a Light Cavalry Brigade to his left, as a precautionary measure. This Brigade encountered a Prussian Brigade of Hussars and Lancers under Marwitz, who withdrew slowly and in good order. Girard’s Division, perceiving the Prussians retire, became reassured, and moved forward to its original position. But now, d’Erlon received from Ney a most urgent and peremptory order to rejoin him at once. D’Erlon, who acted under Ney’s immediate orders, decided that it was his duty to obey those orders; and since he had received no definite instructions from the Emperor as to how he should act when he had brought his Corps on the field, he turned about and left the ground. Thus he was too late in his return to be of use to Ney at Quatre-Bras, and the eccentric direction given to his columns, although the natural outcome of his previous dispositions, served to postpone Napoleon’s great attack with his Guard for two hours; and, when the addition of 20,000 men might have entirely overwhelmed the Prussians, he calmly withdrew his men.

D’Erlon’s error was his inaction when he arrived on the field, and not so much his diversion from Ney’s orders. He must have known that he could not return to Quatre-Bras in time to be of any service; but that by following up Marwitz, and falling on the rear of the Prussian right wing, he would be most likely to render the very greatest assistance to Napoleon. How he could have failed to realise the importance of his presence at such a juncture surpasses all imagination. The very fact that Marwitz’s Brigade had been able to present some show of compactness before Jacquinot’s Cavalry might have proved to him that there was still a stout resistance to be expected on the part of the Prussians. Again, we think Napoleon should have sent instructions as to how d’Erlon should act, by his aide-de-camp, in the event of the strange column being French. Had d’Erlon remained on the left wing to assist Ney, Quatre-Bras might have been won by the French. Had he realised the uselessness of a return march to Ney when he was yet at hand to help Napoleon, and thrown all his weight into the struggle at Ligny, he would have been of the greatest use in overwhelming the Prussians.

Such mistakes as these are unexpected, and therefore happen, in war.

CHAPTER II
THE THIRD PRUSSIAN CORPS AND GROUCHY’S FORCES

The Third Prussian Corps, commanded by Lieut.-General Thielemann, entered on the campaign of 1815 with a total strength of 23,980 men and 48 guns. There were four divisions[3] of infantry, containing from six to nine battalions each. These were composed as follows:—

Ninth Division—Major-General Borcke—Battns.Men.
8th and 30th Regiments of the Line3}6,752
1st Kurmark Landwehr Regiment6}
Tenth Division—Colonel Kampfen—
27th Regiment of the Line3}4,045
2nd Kurmark Landwehr Regiment3}
Eleventh Division—Colonel Luck—
3rd and 4th Kurmark Landwehr Regiments63,634
Twelfth Division—Colonel Stulpnagel—
31st Regiment of the Line3}6,180
5th and 6th Kurmark Landwehr Regiment6}
—————
Total Infantry3020,611

The cavalry numbered 2,405 men, in two brigades, as follows:—