FOOTNOTES
[1] Metrologische Untersuchungen über Gewichte, Münzfüsse und Masse des Alterthums in ihrem Zusammenhange. Berlin, 1838.
[2] χρύσεα χαλκείων, ἑκατόμβοι’ ἐννεαβοίων.
[3] Iliad, XXIII. 750.
[4] Victor A. L. Morier, Murray’s Magazine, August, 1889, p. 181.
[5] Trans-Caucasia, p. 410 (Engl. trans. 1854).
[6] Pollux, IX. 73, τὸ παλαιὸν δὲ τοῦτ’ ἦν Ἀθηναίοις νόμισμα καὶ ἐκαλεῖτο βοῦς, ὅτι βοῦν εἶχεν ἐντετυπωμένον. εἰδέναι δ’ αὐτὸ καὶ Ὅμηρον νομίζουσιν εἰπόντα ἑκατόμβοι’ ὲννεαβοίων.
[7] Cf. Aesch. Agam. 36; Theognis 815. Cp. τὰν ἀρετὰν καὶ τὰν σοφίαν νικᾶντι χελῶναι, a proverb (given by Pollux IX. 74) alluding to the Tortoise coins of Aegina; and Menander (Al. 1), παχὺς γὰρ ὗς ἔκειτ’ ἐπὶ στόμα.
[8] ἡ γλαῦξ ἐπὶ χαράγματος ἢ τετραδράχμου, ὡς Φιλόχορος· ἐκλήθη δὲ τὸ νόμισμα τὸ τετράδραχμον τότε [ἡ] γλαῦξ· ἦν γὰρ ἡ γλαῦξ ἐπίσημον καὶ πρόσωπον Ἀθηνᾶς, τῶν προτέρων διδράχμων ὄντων, ἐπίσημον δὲ βοῦν ἐχόντων.
[9] Plutarch, Solon, c. 15.
[10] Hultsch, Reliquiae Scriptorum Metrologicorum, I. 301, τὸ δὲ γαρ’ Ὁμήρῳ τάλαντον ἴσον ἐδύνατο τῷ μετὰ ταῦτα Δαρεικῷ. ἄγει δ’ οὖν τὸ χρυσοῦν τάλαντον Ἀττικὰς δραχμὰς β’, γράμματα ζ’, τετάρτας δηλαδὴ τεσσάρας.
[11] Iliad, XVIII. 507, 8,
κεῖτο δ’ ἄρ’ ἐν μέσσοισι δύω χρυσοῖο τάλαντα,
τῷ δόμεν, ὃς μετὰ τοῖσι δίκην ἰθύντατα εἴπῃ.
See [Appendix A] for a linguistic proof that the two talents were for the Judge.
[12] Ancient Law, p. 375.
ἀνδρὶ δὲ νικηθέντι γυναῖκ’ ἐς μέσσον ἔθηκεν,
πολλὰ δ’ ἐπίστατο ἔργα, τίον δέ ἑ τεσσαράβοιον.
[14] Od. I. 430.
[15] Iliad, IX. 12 seqq.
[16] Il. XXIII. 262 seqq.
[17] Of course amongst the lowest races of savages such as the aborigines of Australia, even barter is almost unknown. Each man makes his own stone implements from the greenstone which is everywhere in abundance, his own clubs and boomerangs, whilst Nature supplies all his other wants.
[18] Whymper’s Alaska, p. 225.
[19] Morier, Murray’s Magazine, August, 1889, p. 181.
[20] Jevons, Money, p. 24.
[21] Tribes of California, p. 21.
[22] Op. cit., p. 335.
[23] Clavigero, Hist. of Mexico, Vol. I. 386.
They counted the Cacao nuts by 8000 and to save the trouble of counting them they reckoned them by sacks, every sack being reckoned to contain 24,000. Cf. Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, Vol. I. p. 44.
[24] G. M. Dawson, ‘Report on the Queen Charlotte Islands, 1878,’ p. 135 B (Geological Survey of Canada), Montreal, 1880.
[25] F. Magnússon, Nordiske Tidskrift for Oldkyndighed, II. 112.
[26] Wanderings in a Wild Country, or Three Years among the Cannibals of New Britain (London, 1883), p. 55.
[27] For shell money in the Caroline Islands cf. Kubary’s Ethnographische Beiträge zur Kenntnis des Karolinen Archipels (Leipzig, 1889); in the Pelew Islands cf. Karl Semper, Die Pelau Inseln (Leipzig, 1873), p. 60; and for shell money in general cf. R. Stearn’s Ethno-conchology (Washington, 1889).
[28] Jevons, Money, 25.
[29] Terrien de la Couperie, Coins and Medals, p. 193.
[30] Terrien de la Couperie, Coins and Medals, p. 199.
[31] Yule’s Translation, Vol. II. p. 70.
[32] Gill, River of Golden Sand, II. p. 77.
[33] Yule’s Translation, Vol. II. p. 45.
[34] So the Irish sed, the most general name for chattel, originally meant simply an ox.
[35] Cochin-Chine Française. Excursions et Reconnaissances, XIII. (1877), p. 296-8.
[36] Excursions et Reconnaissances, XIII. No. 30 (1887), p. 296-304.
[37] M. Aymonier, Cochin-Chine. Excursions et Reconnaissances, Vol. X. No. 24 (1885), pp. 233 seqq.
[38] Ibid. p. 317.
[39] Rig-Veda, Mandala, VII. 90. 6, VIII. 67. 1-2, VI. 47, 23-4.
[40] Vendidâd, Fasgard, VII. 41 (Darmesteter’s translation in Sacred Books of the East).
[41] Vendidâd, Fasgard, IX. 37.
[42] Ibid. IV. 2.
[43] Hakluyt Society, 1857, p. 35.
[44] For larins cf. Prof. Rhys Davids, “On the Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon” (Numismata Orientalia, Vol. I. 68-73). Mr Rhys Davids makes no mention of the bronze fish-hooks, but there are a number of them in the British Museum.
[45] I am indebted to the kindness of Mr A. Galetly of the Edinburgh Museum of Science and Art for the drawing from which the figure here shown is reproduced, as also for the drawing of the Calabar wire money and West African axe money figured lower down. My friend Mr J. G. Frazer (one out of countless kindnesses) called my attention to all three objects.
[46] Haxthausen, Transkaukasia II. p. 30 (Engl. Trans. p. 409).
[47] Il. XXIII. 485.
[48] Oecon. II. 21.
[49] II. 18.
[50] Annals of the Four Masters, Anno 106 A.D. (O’Donovan’s ed.).
[51] Ancient Laws of Wales, p. 795.
[52] O’Donovan’s Supplement to O’Reilly, s.v. Lacht: Senchus Mor, I. 287.
[53] Thorpe, Laws of the Anglo-Saxons, I. 357. Cunningham, History of English Commerce, I. 117.
[54] Illud notandum est quales debent solidi esse Saxonum: id est, bovem annoticum utriusque sexus, autumnali tempore, sicut in stabulum mittitur, pro uno solido: similiter et vernum tempus, quando de stabulo exiit; et deinceps, quantum aetatem auxerit, tantum in pretio crescat. De annona vero bortrinis pro solido uno scapilos quadraginta donant et de sigule viginti. Septemtrionales autem pro solidum scapilos triginta de avena et sigule quindecim. Mel vero pro solido bortrensi, sigla una et medio donant. Septemtrionales autem duos siclos de melle pro uno solido donent. Item ordeum mundum sicut et sigule pro uno solido donent. In argento duodecim denarios solidum faciant. Et in aliis speciebus ad istum pretium omnem aestimationem compositionis sunt. Capitulare Saxonicum, II. Migne, XCVII. 202.
[55] Schive and Holmboe, Norges Mynter (Christiania, 1865), pp. I.-III.
[56] G. Hoffmann, Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, Vol. II. (1887) p. 48.
[57] Schliemann, Mycenae, and Tiryns, p. 354.
[58] Il. XVIII. 401 πόρπας τε, γναμπτάς θ’ ἕλικας, κάλυκάς τε, καὶ ὅρμους.
[59] Homer. Epos, 279-281 (2nd ed.).
[60] Hesychius s.v. ἕλικες explains them as earrings (ἐνώτια), or armlets, anklets (ψέλλια), or rings (δακτύλιοι). Eustathius on Iliad XVIII. 400 explains them as ἐνώτια ἢ ψέλλια παρὰ τὸ εἰς κύκλον ἑλίσσεσθαι, “earrings or armlets (anklets), so called from being rolled up” (helissesthai). Cp. Ebeling, Lexicon Homericum, s.v. ἕλιξ.
[61] Keary, Catalogue of Anglo-Saxon Coins, I. p. vii. From beag Mr Max Müller derives buy in spite of a phonetic difficulty.
[62] Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 are in the collection of my friend Mr R. Day, F.S.A., of Cork. The others are in my own possession.
[63] Journal of Hellenic Studies, Vol. X. Here is the description and weight of the rings (which I have been enabled to figure by the kindness of Mr John Murray):
| Metal | Description | Weight | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Grammes | Grains Troy | ||
| Silver | Plain ring | 8·8 | 137 |
| Gold | Spiral | 8·5 | 132 |
| ” | ” | 9·9 | 153 |
| ” | ” | 10·8 | 167 |
| ” | Plain ring | 15·9 | 248 |
| ” | ” | 16·5 | 257 |
| ” | ” | 19·0 | 297 |
| ” | ” | 19·4 | 303 |
| ” | Spiral | 20·5 | 320 |
| ” | ” | 21·5 | 335 |
| ” | Plain ring | 22·0 | 340 |
| ” | Spiral | 29·3 | 452 |
| ” | ” | 39·0 | 612 |
| ” | ” | 39·5 | 617 |
| ” | ” | 41·5 | 643 |
| ” | ” | 42·2 | 654 |
| ” | ” | 42·3 | 655 |
| ” | ” | 42·8 | 662 |
[64] Cf. Keary’s Catalogue of English Coins in the British Museum, p. 6.
[65] Strabo iii. p. 155. ἀντὶ δὲ νομίσματος οἱ λίαν ἐν βάθει φορτίων ἀμοιβῇ χρώνται ἢ τοῦ ἀργύρου ἐλάγματος ἀποτέμνοντες διδόασιν.
[66] Gordon Lang, Travels in Western Africa (1825), Prefatory Note.
[67] The specimen figured was brought home about 30 years ago and is now in the Edinburgh Museum of Science and Art.
[68] The specimens here figured are in the splendid collection of my friend Mr R. Day, of Cork.
[69] This information I owe to Lieut. Troup.
[70] I am indebted to Messrs James Booth and Co. for this information.
[71] Dapper Description de l’Afrique (Amsterdam, 1686) p. 367. “Le bois rouge de Majumba et la pao de Hiengo de Benguela tiennent aussi le lieu de monnaie: on en coupe des morceaux d’un pied de long; on leur met une certaine taxe selon laquelle le prix des vivres se règle.”
[72] Peter Kolben, Present state of the Cape of Good Hope, p. 262.
[73] R. W. Felkin, “Notes on the Madi or Moru Tribe of Central Africa,” Transactions of Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. XII. p. 303 seqq.
[74] Voyage au Darfour, Mohammed Ibn Omar el Tounsy (translated by Perron), Paris, 1845, pp. 218, 315.
[75] Voyage au Darfour, p. 316.
[76] Ibid. p. 319.
[77] Voyage au Darfour, p. 321.
[78] Voyage au Ouadai, Mohammed Ibn Omar el Tounsy (French translation by Perron), p. 559.
[79] Elliot’s Alaska, p. 8. This is an interesting parallel to the ancient tradition that the Carthaginians employed leather money. (Vide Smith’s Dict. of Geogr. I. 545.)
[80] Il. XXIII. 826.
[81] Il. XXIV. 230-2.
[82] Timaeus 12.
[83] B. G. v. 12.
[84] 199.
[85] Schrader. Prehistoric Antiquities of the Aryan Peoples, p. 260.
[86] Odyssey, XXIII. 198.
[87] Cunningham, Hist. of English Commerce, I. p. 117.
[88] Il. XXI. 41.
[89] Od. XV. 460.
[90] Prescott, Mexico, p. 234.
[91] Schrader, p. 255.
[92] Schrader, op. cit. p. 255.
[93] Polybius II. 19.
[94] W. Deecke, Etrusk. Forschungen, p. 5.
[95] Herod. IV. 49.
[96] Ausland, 1873, No. 39.
[97] Arist. Θαυμ. 833 b. 14, φασὶ δὲ ἐν τοῖς Βάκτροις τὸν Ὦξον ποταμὸν καταφέρειν βωλία χρυσίου πλήθει πολλά.
[98] Herod. IV. 18.
[99] Herod. III. 116, λέγεται δὲ ὑπὲκ τῶν γρυπῶν ἁρπάζειν Ἀριμάστους ἄνδρας μουνοφθάλμους.
For the gold-fields of India, cf. Dr Valentine Ball’s excellent chapter (IV.) in his Geology of India.
[100] Herod. IV. 25.
[101] Herod. IV. 71, ἀργύρῳ δὲ οὐδὲν οὐδὲ χαλκῷ χρέωνται.
[102] Strabo, XI. p. 499, παρὰ τούτοις δὲ λέγεται καὶ χρυσὸν καταφέρειν τοὺς χειμάρρους, ὑποδέχεσθαι δ’ αὐτὸν τοὺς βαρβάρους φάνταις κατατετρημέναις καὶ μαλλωταῖς δοραῖς· ἀφ’ οὖ δὴ μεμυθεῦσθαι καὶ τὸ χρυσόμαλλον δέρος.
[103] Strabo, XIV. p. 680.
[104] Herod. I. 93, πάρεξ τοῦ ἐκ τοῦ Τμώλου καταφερομένου ψήγματος.
[105] XIII. 625 sq.
[106] Herod. VI. 46 sq.
[107] Strabo, 331.
[108] Herod. IX. 75.
[109] Strabo, 618. 29. Didot.
[110] Cf. Isaiah xlv. 14.
[111] The Debae of Agatharchides and Artemidorus are held by almost all scholars to be the people of Ptolemy’s Θῆβαι πόλις, i.e. Dhahabân, from Dhahab, gold, with term.-ân.
[112] Strabo, 661. 45. Didot.
[113] Diodorus Sic. II. 50. 1 sq.
[114] This story about their connection with Boeotia doubtless arose from the confusion between Δέβαι and Θῆβαι.
[115] Diod. Sic. III. 45. 4.
[116] His description of the size of the largest nuggets of gold varies slightly; in his second reference he compares them to “royal nuts” (κάρυα βασιλικά), which are generally admitted to be walnuts, though walnuts are sometimes also called “Persian nuts” (κάρυα Περσικά), the latter name reminding us of the derivation of walnut itself; in the first passage he likens them in size to chestnuts (κάρυα κασταναικά) or κασταναῖα, the name being said to be derived from Castanaea, a city of Pontus. It would seem from this then that Diodorus got his accounts from two slightly different sources. Strabo has been so cautious as not to give us any specific epithet for the large nut, which we may accordingly regard as we please either as a chestnut or a walnut. There can be no doubt about the fruit to which Strabo compares the medium-sized nuggets. The mespilon, Latin merpilum (from which comes the French nèfle), is undoubtedly the medlar, whilst perhaps the most likely meaning for the smallest of the three fruits is olive-stone.
[117] Diodorus, III. 12-14.
[118] Mansfield Parkyns, Life in Abyssinia, Vol. I. p. 405 (London, 1853).
[119] For similar ways of trading in Africa in modern times see Rawlinson’s note ad locum.
[120] Herod. IV. 49.
[121] Strabo, 173. 34-49, Didot.
[122] Ibid. 178 Didot.
[123] Th. Mommsen (Nordetruskische Alfabete, p. 250, seqq.) gives an admirable summary of the metallurgical history of this region.
[124] Strabo, 218.
[125] Pliny, XXXIII. 4. § 78, extat lex censoria Victumularum aurifodinae, qua in Vercellenai agro cavebatur, ne plus quinque M hominum in opere publicani haberent.
[126] Strabo, 205.
[127] Th. Mommsen, Die nordetruskischen Alfabete, p. 223; Pauli, Altitalische Forschungen, p. 6.
[128] Strabo, 191.
[129] Hucher, L’Art Gaulois, 19.
[130] We must then in all probability place the first striking of the Gaulish imitations of the Philippas about 150 B.C., rather than as is usually stated about 250 B.C.
[131] Strabo, 187.
[132] Strabo, 146.
[133] Diodorus, v. 27.
[134] Strabo, 190.
[135] Both are from coins in my own possession; A found near Mildenhall (Suffolk) in 1884, cf. Dr Evans, Ancient British Coins, Pl. XXIII. 4; B at Potton in Bedfordshire, 1888; cf. op. cit. Pl. B. 8.
[136] Strabo, 191.
[137] Caesar, B. G. V. 12, pecorum magnus numerus. Utuntur aut aere aut nummis aureis aut taleis ferreis ad certum pondus examinatis pro nummo. Nascitur ibi plumbum album in mediterraneis regionibus, maritimis ferrum, sed eius exigua est copia, aere utuntur importato.
[138] Caesar, B. G. II. 4.
[139] W. Ridgeway, “The Greek Trade Routes to Britain” (Folklore, March 1880, p. 23).
[140] Strabo, 199, leaves out tin here although he mentions it when quoting from Posidonius. The reason is that after the tin-mines of Northern Spain had been developed by Publius Crassus, Caesar’s lieutenant, the British tin trade ceased.
[141] Strabo, page 201.
[142] IV. 151.
[143] Herodotus, I. 163-4.
[144] Strabo, 147.
[145] Strabo, 146.
[146] Strabo, 146 sq.
[147] Diodorus, v. 35.
[148] Marsden’s History of Sumatra, p. 172.
[149] Pliny, H. N. XXXIII. 4, 21 aurum arrugia quaesitum non coquitur sed statim suum est; inueniuntur ita massae; necnon in puteis denas excedentes libras; palacras Hispani, alii palacranas, iidem quod minutum est balucem uocant.
May the French paille (in the phrase pailles d’or), Ital. paluola, Span. palazuola, all used technically of gold, be derived from pala, the old technical term, rather than from palea, chaff?
[150] Herod. IV. 11.
[151] How trade was carried on in early days may be well illustrated from Torres Straits of to-day. (Haddon, “The Western Tribe of Torres Straits,” Journal of Anthrop. Inst. XIX. p. 347.)
Dance masks made of turtle shell (340) occasionally used as money.
If a Muralug man wanted a canoe he would communicate with a friend at Moa, who would speak to a friend of his at Badu; possibly the Muralug man might himself go to Badu, or treat with a friend there. The Badu man would cross to Mabuiag to make arrangements, and a Mabuiag man would proceed to Saibai.
If there was no canoe available at the latter place word would be sent on, along the coast, that a canoe was to be cut out and sent down.
The canoe would then retrace the course of the verbal order and ultimately find its way to Muralug. The annual payment for a canoe was say three dibi dibi or goods of about equal value. There were three annual instalments.
There is no money in the Straits; but certain articles have acquired a generally recognized exchange value, a value which is intrinsic, and not irrespective of the rarity of the material or the workmanship put into it. These objects cannot be regarded as money; they are the round shell ornaments (dibi dibi, shell armlet, wai wai, dugong, harpoon, wap, and canoe). A good wai wai is the most valuable possession; the exchange of a wai wai was a canoe, or harpoon. Ten or twelve dibi dibi was considered of equal value to any of the above. A wife was the highest unit of exchange, being valued at a canoe, or a wap or wai wai. “The intermediaries (in the purchase of a canoe) are paid for their services ‘by charging on,’ the amount depending on individual cupidity, or they may be recompensed for their trouble by presents from the purchaser” (p. 841).
[152] [Aristotle,] De Miris Auscult. 104-5 (839ᵃ 34 seqq.).
[153] Pind. Isth. V. 22 sq. μυρίαι δ’ ἔργων καλῶν τέτμηνθ’ ἑκατόμπεδοι ἐν σχερῷ κέλευθοι | καὶ πέραν Νείλοιο παγᾶν καὶ δι’ Ὑπερβορέους.
[154] Ol. III. 31 sq.
[155] Ol. III. 13 sqq.
[156] Pind. Pyth. X. 29 sqq.
[157] Herod. IV. 32.
[158] Herod. IV. 13.
[159] Herod. IV. 33.
[160] Boeckh, Corp. Inscr. Graec. Vol. I. p. 807.
[161] Cf. Sallust, Jug. 18.
[162] They derived it from λύγξ and οὖρον. The difference in colour between the Baltic and Ligurian amber found an easy explanation, the latter was regarded as the solidified urine of the female lynx, the former of the male animal. Pliny, H. N. XXXVII. 2, § 34.
[163] Cf. Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, 466. Von Sadowski, Die Handelstrassen der Griechen und Römer, p. 15.
[164] Il. V. 720 seqq.
[165] Il. XXIII. 826 seqq.
[166] Il. XII. 433-7,
ἀλλ’ ἔχον, ὤς τε τάλαντα γυνὴ χερνῆτις ἀληθής,
ἤ τε σταθμὸν ἔχουσα καὶ εἴριον ἀμφὶς ἀνέλκει
ἰσάζουσ’ ἴνα παισὶν ἀεικέα μισθὸν ἄρηται.
ὦς μὲν τῶν ἐπὶ ἶσα μάχη τέταται πτόλεμός τε κ.τ.λ.
Dr Leaf, in his introduction to Book XII., when calling attention to various marks of lateness in this book, says: “It has further been remarked with some truth that the numerous similes, though beautiful in themselves, are often disproportionately elaborated and lead up to points which are almost in the nature of an anti-climax.” But the use of the word ἀληθής in an entirely un-Homeric sense seems to make it almost certain that these lines are of late date.
[167] Cf. Plautus, Merc. II. 3. 63. Virg. Georg. I. 390, carpentes pensa puellae.
[168] Mr J. G. Frazer gives me the following interesting note:
As to the cutting off a child’s hair and weighing it against gold or silver, the facts are these.
(1) Among the Harari in Eastern Africa when a child is a few months old, its hair is cut off and weighed against silver or gold money; the money is then divided among the female relations of the mother.
Paulitschke, Beiträge zur Ethnographie und Anthropologie der Somâl, Galla und Hararî (Leipzig, 1886), p. 70.
(2) Mohammed’s daughter Fâtima gave in alms the weight of her child’s hair in silver.
W. Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in early Arabia, p. 153.
(3) Among the Mohammedans of the Punjaub a boy’s hair is shaved off on the 7th or 3rd day after birth, or sometimes immediately after birth. Rich people give alms of silver coins equal in weight to the hair.
Punjab Notes and Queries, I., No. 66.
(4) When the Hindus of Bombay dedicate a child to any god or purpose, they shave its head and weigh the hair against gold or silver.
Id. II. No. 11.
(5) In the inland districts of Padang (Sumatra) three days after birth the child’s hair is cut off and weighed. Double the weight of hair in money is given to the priest.
Pistorios. Studien over de inlandsche Huisponding in de Padangsche Bovenlanden, p. 56; Van Hasselt, Volksbeschrijving van Midden-Sumatra, p. 268.
(6) There is the Egyptian custom, for which we have the evidence of Herodotus, II. 65, and Diodorus, I. 8.
[169] F. L. Griffith, “Metrology of the Medical Papyrus Ebers,” Proceed. of Soc. Bibl. Arch. June 1891.
[170] Hultsch, Metrol. Scrip. 299, τὸ Μακεδονικὸν τάλαντον τρεῖς ἦσαν χρύσινοι.
[171] Catalogue of Greek Kings of Bactria, p. lxix.
[172] Catalogue of Greek Kings of Bactria, p. lxvii.
[173] Lepsius, Denkmäler, 331.
[174] Brugsch, Op. cit. I. 386.
[175] Münz- Mass- und Gewichtswesen in Vorderasien, p. 80 seqq.
[176] Lenormant, La Monnaie dans l’Antiquité, I. 103 seqq.
[177] Metrol.², p. 375.
[178] Horapollo, I. 11, Πάρ’ Αἰγυπτίοις μονάς ἐστιν αἱ δύο δραχμαί.
[179] Deecke, Etrusk. Forsch. II. p. 1. Head, Op. cit. p. 12.
[180] Head, Op. cit. p. 747.
[181] Τὸ μέντοι Σικελικὸν τάλαντον ἐλάχιστον ἴσχυεν, τὸ μὲν ἀρχαῖον, ὡς Ἀριστοτέλης λέγει τέτταρας καὶ εἴσκοσι τοὺς νούμμους τὸ δὲ ὕστερον δυοκαίδεκα, δύνασθαι δὲ τὸν νοῦμμον τρία ἡμιωβόλια. (Hultsch, Reliq. Metrol. Scrip. 300.)
[182] Cf. Hucher, L’Art Gaulois, p. 19 and Pl. I.
[183] Histoire de la Monnaie Romaine, I. 236.
[184] Étude des Monnaies de l’Italie antique.
[185] De Rep. II. 35, 60.
[186] X. 50.
[187] Aulus Gellius, XI. 1. 2. 3; Plutarch, Poplic. 11, says a cow = 100 ὀβολοί, a sheep 10 ὀβολοί.
[188] Pollux, IX. 80, εὐθὺς πρίω μοι δέκα νόμων μόσχον καλάν.
[189] Theocr. IX. 3, μόσχως βουσὶν ὑφέντες.
[190] Mr Head (Coinage of Syracuse), Numismat. Chronicle, New Series, Vol. XIV., thinks that under Dionysius the Elder (406-367 B.C.) and his successors gold was to silver as 15:1 at Syracuse, whilst in the time of Agathocles (317-289 B.C.) it was as 12:1. We can however hardly take the evidence of the coin weights as sufficient, when we consider the extraordinary devices to which Dionysius resorted to raise money, causing coins of tin to pass as silver, making the silver coins bear a double value etc. as is related by Aristotle, Oeconomica, II. 21.
[191] Op. cit. 26.
[192] Livy XXXIV. 1. Valer. Max. 9. 1. 3.
[193] Head, Op. cit. 160.
[194] Mommsen (Blacas), Histoire de la Monnaie romaine, III. 275.
[195] Pertz, Monumenta Historica Germaniae, Vol. III. Lex Alamannorum, lib. sec. LXXX. summus bovis 5 tremisses valet cett.
[196] Pertz, Op. cit. Leges Burgundiorum, p. 534: pro bove solidos 2 cett.
[197] Schive and Holmboe, Norges Mynter (Christiania, 1865), pp. i-iv.
[198] Herod. VI. 57. See evidence of this collected by Stengel, Die griechische Sakralaltertümer, pp. 29 sq. 81 sq. (Iwan Müller’s Handbach, Vol. V. pt. iii.)
[199] Hist. Animal. X. 50, τά γε μὴν ἱερεῖα ἑκάστης ἀγέλης αὐτόματα φοιτᾷ καὶ τῷ βωμῷ παρέστηκεν, ἄγει δὲ ἄρα αὐτὰ πρώτη μὲν ἡ θεός, εἶτα ἡ δύναμίς τε καὶ ἡ τοῦ θύοντος βούλησις. εἰ γοῦν ἐθέλοις θῦσαι οἶν, ἰδού σοι τῷ βωμῷ παρέστηκεν οἶς, καὶ δεῖ χέρνιβα κατάρξασθαι· εἰ δὲ εἴης τῶν ἁδροτέρων καὶ ἐθέλοις θῦσαι βοῦν θήλειαν ἢ καὶ ἔτι πλείους, εἶτα ὑπὲρ τῆς τιμῆς οὔτε σὲ ὁ νομεὺς ἐπιτιμῶν ζημιώσει οὔτε σὺ λυπήσεις ἐκεῖνον· τὸ γὰρ δίκαιον τῆς πράσεως ἡ θεὸς ἐφορᾷ. καὶ εὖ καταθεὶς ἵλεων ἕξεις αὐτήν· εἰ δὲ ἐθέλοις τοῦ δέοντος πρίασθαι εὐτελέστερον, σὺ μὲν κατέθηκας τὸ ἀργύριον ἄλλως, τὸ δὲ ζῷον ἀπέρχεται, καὶ θῦσαι οὐκ ἔχεις.
[200] Egypt under the Pharaohs (2nd edit. Engl, transl.), Vol. II. p. 199.
[201] Sir Rutherford Alcock, The Capital of the Tycoon, I. 281.
[202] Marco Polo, Yule’s Transl. II. pp. 62 and 70.
[203] Aegypten und ägyptisches Leben in Alterthum, p. 611.
[204] 1 Kings x. 21.
[205] 2 Chron. i. 15.
[206] 2 Chron. i. 17.
[207] Sacred Books of the East, Vols. V., XVIII., and XXIV.
[208] Report of the Royal Commission appointed to enquire into the recent changes in the relative values of the precious metals. 1st Report, p. 60 (1866).
[209] This is almost exactly the weight of the örtug, into 3 of which the ora (ounce) of 410 grs. was divided. The örtug of gold being 136·7 grs., and the value of a cow being 128 grs. of gold, it is hard not to believe that there was a connection between them. (See [App. C].)
[211] J. Silvestre, “Notes pour servir à la recherche et au classement des monnaies et des médailles de Annam et de la Cochin-Chine Française.” Excursions et Reconnaissances, No. 15 (1883), p. 395.
[212] H. C. Millies, Recherches sur les monnaies des Indigènes de l’Archipel Indien et de la péninsule Malaie (La Haye, 1871).
[213] Sir Thomas Wade’s Colloquial Chinese Course, I. p. 213 (2nd ed.).
[214] J. Silvestre, Op. cit. p. 308 seqq.
[215] J. Mours, Le Royaume du Cambodge, I. p. 323 (Paris, 1883).
[216] This coin bears on one side the sacred bird Hangsa, on the other a picture of an ancient palace of the kings.
[217] E. Aymonier, Notes sur le Laos. Saigon, 1885.
[218] For an account of the various kinds of Siamese coins of the bullet shape cf. Msg. Pallegoix, Description du royaume Thai ou Siam, I. 256 (Paris, 1854).
[219] E. Aymonier, Cochin-Chine Française. Excursions et Reconnaissances, Vol. X. No. 24 (1885), p. 317.
[220] Aymonier, ibid.
[221] This mode of estimating the age of the buffalo by the length of its horns may throw some light on the young ox suis cornibus intructus of the Marseilles inscription ([p. 143]).
[222] XXIII. 850 sq.
[223] Od. XXI. 76.
[224] E. Aymonier, Notes sur le Laos, p. 33.
[225] History of the Indian Archipelago by John Crawfurd, F.R.S. Vol. I., p. 271.
[226] P. 275.
[227] History of Sumatra by William Marsden, F.R.S. (London, 1811), p. 171.
[228] R. W. Felkin, ‘Notes on the Madi or Moon tribe of Central Africa.’ Proceedings of Royal Society of Edinburgh, Vol. XII. pp. 303, seqq.
[229] H. T. Colebrooke, On Indian Weights and Measures (Miscellaneous Essays edited by Prof. E. B. Cowell, 1873), Vol. I. 528-543.
[230] Numismatic Chronicle, IV. 131 (N. S.).
[231] Thomas, Initial Coinage of Bengal, II. p. 6 (Royal Asiatic Journal, Vol. VI.).
[232] Algebra with Arithmetic and Mensuration translated from the Sanskrit of Brahmegupta and Bhascara by H. T. Colebrooke (London, 1817).
[233] Down almost to the present day a system of currency, similar to that shown in the Līlāvati prevailed in Assam. “Gold continues to pass current in small uncoined round balls, usually weighing one Tola,” there was a silver coinage also, and cowries passed as money. W. Robinson, Descriptive Account of Assam, pp. 249 and 267 (London, 1841).
[234] Martini, Metrologia, p. 770. Formerly the nashod = 3 habbi of ·063 gram which is just the weight of the barley grain, whereas ·047 the weight assigned to the gendum is that of a grain of wheat.
[235] Queipo, Essai sur les Systèmes Métriques et Monétaires des anciens peuples I. 360 (Paris, 1859).
[236] Ancient Laws of Ireland, Vol. IV. 335, (Book of Aicill), O’Donovan’s Supplement, s.v. pingiun.
[237] Ruding, Annals of the Coinage of Great Britain, II. 58.
[238] Ruding, op. cit. I. 369.
[239] Marquardt, Röm. Staatsverwaltung, II. p. 30.
[240] Fragm. ap. Hultsch, Metrol. Script. I. 248, ἡ δὲ δραχμὴ κέρατα ιη͵. ἄλλοι δὲ λέγουσιν· ἔχει γραμμὰς τρεῖς ... τὸ γράμμα ὀβολοὺς β͵. ὁ δὲ ὀβολὸς κέρατα γ͵. τὸ δὲ κερὰτιον ἔχει σιτάρια δ͵.
[241] Hultsch, Op. cit. II. 128.
[242] Recueil de travaux relatifs à la Philologie et l’Archéologie Egyptienne et Assyrienne, Vol. X. fasc. 4, p. 157.
[243] Bosman, Guinea, Letter VI. (Pinkerton’s Voyages, Vol. XVI. p. 374).
[244] Although I have made many enquiries and Dr Thiselton Dyer of Kew has taken much trouble in the matter, I am unable to give the reader the botanical names of the Taku and Damba. Dr Dyer thinks the Damba is our old friend the Abrus precatorius, the Indian ratti, confirming the opinion I had previously formed from its weight. These seeds are commonly known as crabs’ eyes.
[245] Op. cit. 373. “The fetiches they cast in moulds made of a black and heavy earth into what form they please.” (p. 367.)
[246] Ellis, History of Madagascar, I. p. 335.
[247] Op. cit. I. p. 6.
[248] Prescott, Conquest of Mexico, p. 44.
[249] Prescott, Peru, p. 56.
[250] Nissen, “Griechische und römische Metrologie” (Iwan Müller’s Handbuch der classischen Alterthumswissenschaft I. 663 seq. or separately, Nordlingen, 1886).
[251] “Das älteste Gewicht,” 1889, pp. 1-9, 34-43.
[252] The whole series of these ancient weights was some years ago subject to a careful process of weighing in a balance of precision by an officer of the Standard Department and the result was published by Mr W. H. Chisholme in the Ninth Annual Report of the Warden of the Standards 1874-5, where a complete list of all of them may be found.
All the more important pieces had however been weighed many years before, and it need only be stated that the results of the process of re-weighing under more favourable conditions are in the main identical with those formerly arrived at by Queipo and the late Dr Brandis.
[253] Metrologie², p. 393.
[254] Étalons pondéraux primitifs et lingots monétaires (Bucharest, 1884), p. 49.
[255] Soph. Antig. 1038 seqq.
κερδαίνετ’, ἐμπολᾶτε τόν πρὸς Σάρδεων
ἤλεκτρον, εἰ βούλεσθε, καὶ τὸν Ἰνδικὸν
χρυσόν.
[256] I. 94.
[257] Pollux, IX. 83.
[258] Histoire de la Monnaie Romaine, I. 15.
[259] Herod. I. 14.
[260] Hultsch, Metrol.² 579.
[261] Head, op. cit. XXXVI.
[262] Head, op. cit. XXXVI.
[263] Thuc. II. 13.
[264] Ol. I. 75: Nem. IV. 46.
[265] VIII. 375, ὠνομάζετο δ’ Οἰνώνη πάλαι, ἐπῴκησαν δὲ αὐτὴν Ἀργεῖοι καὶ Κρῆτες καὶ Ἐπιδαύριοι καὶ Δωριεῖς.
[266] VI. 22. 2, Ὀλυμπιάδι μὲν τῇ ὀγδοῃ τὸν Ἀργεῖον ἐπήγαγον Φείδωνα τυράννων τῶν ἐν Ἔλλησι μάλιστα ὑβρίσαντα κ.τ.λ.
[267] Φείδωνος δὲ τοῦ τὰ μέτρα ποιήσαντος τοῖς Πελοποννησίοισι καὶ ὑβρίσαντος κ.τ.λ.
[268] Ἔφορος δ’ ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ἄργυρον πρῶτον κοπῆναί φησι ὑπὸ Φείδωνος, ἐμπόριον γὰρ γενέσθαι, διὰ τὴν λυπρότητα τῆς χώρας τῶν ἀνθρώπων θαλαττουργούντων ἐμπορικῶς, ἀφ’ οὖ τὸν ῥῶπον Αἰγιναίαν ἐμπολὴν λέγεσθαι.
[269] Strabo VIII. 358, Φείδωνα δὲ τὸν Ἀργεῖον, δέκατον μὲν ὄντα ἀπὸ Τημένου, δυνάμει δὲ ὑπερβεβλημένον τοὺς κατ’ αὐτόν, ἀφ’ ἧς τήν τε λῆξιν ὅλην ἀνέλαβε τὴν Τημένου διεσπασμένην εἰς πλείω μέρη, καὶ μέτρα ἐξεῦρε τὰ Φειδώνια καλούμενα καὶ σταθμοὺς κὰι νόμισμα κεχαραγμένον τό τε ἄλλο καὶ τὸ ἀργυρον.
[270] Pollux Onom. X. 179, εἴη δ’ ἂν καὶ Φείδων τι ἀγγεῖον ἐλαιηρόν, ἀπὸ τῶν Φειδωνίων μέτρων ὠνομασμέον, ὑπὲρ ὧν ἐν Ἀργείων πολιτείᾳ Ἀριστοτέλης λέγει.
[271] This enables us to understand why it was that in the truce at Pylus it was stipulated (probably by the Spartans) that they should be allowed to send in 2 Attic (not Peloponnesian) choenikes of barley meal for each of their men daily. By this arrangement the beleaguered men got a larger ration.
[272] πάντων δὲ πρῶτος Φείδων Ἀργεῖος νόμισμα ἕκοψεν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ· καὶ δοὺς τὸ νόμισμα καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τοὺς ὀβελίσκους, ἀνέθηκε τῇ ἐν Ἄργει Ἥρα, ἐπειδὴ δὲ τότε οἰ ὀβελίσκοι τὴν χεῖρα ἐπλήρουν, τουτέστι, τὴν δράκα, ἡμεῖς, καίπερ μὴ πληροῦντες τὴν δράκα τοῖς ἓξ ὀβόλους δραχμὴν αὐτὴν λέγομεν παρὰ τὸ δράξασθαι.
[273] Φείδων ὁ Ἀργεῖος ἐδήμευσε τὰ μέτρα ... καὶ ἀνεσκεύασε καὶ νόμισμα ἀργυροῦν ἐν Αἰγίνῃ ἐποίησεν (l. 30).
[274] Head op. cit. XXXVIII.
[275] Op. cit. 153.
[276] Op. cit. XXXVIII.
[277] Of course it is quite possible that the Persians issued coins in Egypt after their conquest, but these coins cannot be regarded as really Egyptian.
[278] Herod. I. 62.
[279] Head, op. cit. p. XL. Professor Percy Gardner (Types of Greek Coins, p. 2), regards the Euboic standard as 130, which he thinks was raised to 135 grs. by Solon when the latter introduced (as he supposes) the Euboic system at Athens.
[280] Head, Coinage of Syracuse, p. 71.
[281] Arist. Oeconomica, II. 21.
[282] Head, op. cit. p. 26.
[283] Chautard, Imitations des monnaies au type esterling (Nancy, 1871).
[284] Mr D. B. Monro, Historical Review, January, 1886.
[285] Il. II. 867.
[286] Od. XV. 460.
[287] Od. XV. 470.
[288] It is more probable however that Chalkos copper got its name from the place (Chalcis) where it was first found in Greece. The name Chalcis may itself be connected with χαλκίς, an owl.
[289] Tylor, Primitive Culture, Vol. I. p. 219.
[290] Schliemann, Tiryns, pl. II. Helbig, Das homerisches Epos², p. 79.
[291] Report of the British Association, 1883, p. 21.
[292] Νάφε καὶ μέμνασ’ ἀπιστεῖν, ἄρθρα ταῦτα τῶν φρενῶν, Epicharmus.
[293] Boeckh, Metrol. Untersuch. p. 32.
[294] Head, op. cit. XXVIII.
[295] “Griech. und röm. Metrologie” (in Iwan Müller’s Handbuch der klass. Altertumswissenschaft, Vol. I. p. 684).
[296] Head, op. cit. XXIX. Madden’s Jewish Coinage, p. 277.
[297] Horapollo I. 11, παρ’ Αἰγυπτίοις μονάς ἐστιν αἱ δύο δραχμαί. μονὰς δὲ παντὸς ἀριθμοῦ γένεσις. εὐλογῶς οὖν τὰς δύο δραχμὰς βουλόμενοι δηλῶσαι γύπα γράφουσι, ἐπεὶ μήτηρ δοκεῖ καὶ γένεσις εἶναι, καθάπερ καὶ ἡ μονὰς.
[298] W. M. Flinders Petrie, Naukratis, p. 75. It is with extreme reluctance that I must refuse to follow Mr Petrie, who for careful accuracy and scientific method stands at the head not only of metrologists but of archaeologists in general. But it seems to me that in his method of arriving at his weight-units from the weighing of weight-pieces he has overlooked one very important factor. False weights and balances have prevailed in all ages and countries, and we can hardly wrong the ancient Egyptians if we suppose that a certain number of their nation were not as honest as they might have been in their dealings. The variations in the weights of his specimens given by Mr Petrie may very well be due to false weights. And it must be carefully noted that frauds were not only perpetrated by means of light but also by means of too heavy weights. Whether the Jews learned to cheat when they sojourned in the land of Goshen or not, we cannot say, but that they used too heavy as well as too light weights is plain from the denunciations of the prophets: thus Amos (viii. 5), “When will the new moon be gone that we may sell corn? and the sabbath that we may set forth wheat, making the ephah small, and the shekel great, and falsifying the balances by deceit?” See also Ezekiel xlv. 10. But the practice of cheating with too heavy as well as with too light weights is best seen in Deuteronomy xxv. 13; “Thou shalt not have in thy bag divers weights, a great and a small; thou shalt not have in thine house divers measures, a great and a small. Thou shalt have a perfect and just weight, a perfect and just measure shalt thou have.” It seems hardly likely that of the 516 weights found by Mr Petrie at Naukratis all were “perfect and just” weights. It is thus quite possible that the variations from what there is evidence to suppose is the normal standard, whether they be those of excess or deficiency, may be accounted for, at least in part, by this consideration. Mr Petrie’s method, if applied to natural products such as certain kinds of seeds, will of course give the truest possible result, but when the factor of human knavery enters, his method is at once open to serious drawbacks.
[299] Erman, Aegypten und Aegypt. Leben, p. 611.
[300] We also find mention of a weight called the pek, which weighed ·71 grammes (11 grains), and was the ⅟₁₂₈ part of the uten. Hultsch, Metrol.² p. 37, regards it as a provincial Ethiopian weight. Its awkward relation to the kat and uten seem to show that it did not form part of the genuine Egyptian system.
[301] The large copper coins of the Ptolemies of 1450-1350 grs. Troy (the flans of which were turned in a lathe) were almost certainly struck on the native uten.
[302] This weight (in my own possession) said to have come from India, and almost perfect, weighed 4·29 grammes.
[303] III. 89, τοῖσι μὲν αὐτῶν ἀργύριον ἀπαγινέουσι εἴρητο Βαβυλώνιον σταθμὸν τάλαντον ἀπαγινέειν, τοῖσι δὲ χρυσίον ἀπαγινέουσι Εὐβοϊκόν· τὸ δὲ Βαβυλώνιον τάλαντον δύναται Εὐβοΐδας ἑβδομήκοντα μνέας.
[304] If, as is held by some of the best critics, this is a late passage, there is an a fortiori argument against the early use of the mina.
[305] Is it possible that the so-called Ducks are only degraded forms of bull-head weights? The ears and horns were dropped as being inconvenient (see bull-head weight, [p. 283]), and at a later time when the tradition of their origin had been lost, the shapeless lump was adorned with a bird’s head to serve as a handle. All the large weights from Nineveh are without any head; and it is but very rarely even on the small haematite weights that the duck’s head is found fully formed.
[306] As no better selection of these weights could be made than that of Mr Head, I have followed his description. Cf. R. S. Poole, in Madden’s Jewish Coinage, p. 261 seqq., and the Report of the Warden of the Standards, 1874-5, for a full account of these weights.
[307] The Manah is of course the Meneh so familiar from Belshazzar’s vision, mene, mene tekel upharsin (Daniel v. 25), which the best scholars follow M. Clermont-Ganneau (Journal Asiatique, 1886) in interpreting as a mina, a mina, a shekel, and the parts of a shekel.
[308] Prof. Sayce (Academy, Dec. 19th, 1891) publishes a weight from Babylonia inscribed “One maneh standard weight, the property of Merodach-sar-ilani, a duplicate of the weight which Nebuchadrezzar, king of Babylon, the son of Nabopolassar, king of Babylon, made in exact accordance with the weight [prescribed] by the deified Dungi, a former king.” This confirms my contention that the mina is prior in date to the talent.
[309] Cf. Plautus, Persa.
[310] Brandis, 20-38.
[311] Head, XXIX.
[312] Berosus. Synkellos 30, 6 (Eusebii chronic, ed. Alfr. Schoene vol. I. col. 8): ἀλλ’ ὁ μὲν Βηρωσσὸς διὰ σάρων καὶ νήρων καὶ σώσσων ἀνεγράψατο· ὦν ὁ μὲν σάρος τρισχιλίων καὶ ἑξακοσίων ἐτῶν χρόνον σημαίνει, ὁ δὲ νῆρος ἐτῶν ἑξακοσίων, ὁ δὲ σῶσσος ἑξήκοντα. Fragm. Script. Hist. Graec.
[313] Hultsch, op. cit. p. 407.
[314] Recueil des travaux relatifs à la Philologie et l’Archéologie Egyptiennes et Assyriennes, Vol. x. fasc. 4, p. 157.
[315] Kaeji in Fleckeisen’s Jahrbücher, 1880, first calls attention to this word.
[316] Hultsch, Metrol.², p. 131.
[317] Rig Veda, Mandala, VI. 47, 23-4.
[318] Herod. III. 96.
[319] For 20 pieces of gold (εἴκοσι χρυσῶν) LXX.
[320] Gen. xx. 16.
[321] Judges xvi. 5.
[322] Judges ix. 4.
[323] Judges xvii. 2-4.
[324] Joshua vii. 21.
[325] Cf. Buxtorf and Gesenius sub voce.
[326] A is from Beirut, in the Greville Chester Collection in the Ashmolean Museum, of white and yellow crystalline stone; wt. 32·160 gram. (a very slight chip from the base); on the base is engraved a rude ibex and another figure. B is from Persia, slightly chipped on side of head, yellowish white stone, veined with red, like jasper; wt. 22·450 gram.; on the base are two ibexes. I am indebted for this information to Mr A. J. Evans, Keeper of the Ashmolean Museum, by whose kindness I am likewise enabled to give representations of the weights.
[327] Madden’s Jewish Coinage, p. 7.
[328] Exod. xxx. 13. Levit. v. 15, etc.
[329] The question of the date at which certain documents were written or took their final shape is of course important. But it does not at all follow that a document written at a later period cannot contain traditions of real historical value. Thus here we find Chronicles, placed quite late by the critics, gives the weight in shekels, whilst Kings, supposed to be far earlier, gives it in minas.
[330] The mere question as to whether the 200 shekels is far more than the average crop of hair can weigh, does not concern us. If the writer wished to exaggerate the amount of Absalom’s hair he would naturally make the shekel as heavy as possible, and say that the weight was in the heavy or royal shekels, employed for merchandize.
[331] Exod. XXX. 23-4.
[332] Antiq. III. 8, 10.
[333] Pollux, IX. 59, observes that when χρυσοῦς stands alone, στατήρ is always to be understood.
[334] Exod. XXX. 13.
[335] Hist. V. 3.
[336] Hultsch, Metr. Scrip. s.v. Lupinus.
[337] In Gesenius’ Lexicon, II. 88; II. 144, it is suggested that the gerah is the lupin.
[338] Antiq. III. 6, § 7, λυχνία ἐκ χρυσοῦ ... σταθμὸν ἔχουσα μνᾶς ἑκατὸν, ἂς Ἑβραῖοι μὲν καλοῦσι κίγχαρες, εἰς δὲ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν μεταβαλλόμενον γλῶσσαν σημναίνει τάλαντον.
[339] Even granting that the parts of Exodus (the priestly Code) took their present form in post-Exile times it is perfectly possible that the metrological data contained therein are based on a genuine old tradition, just as Homer, although in its present shape differing much in linguistic forms from what must have been its original, gives us an archaic talent quite different from those in use when it took its final shape.
[340] 2 Kings v. 5.
[341] LXX. τρίτον τοῦ διδράχμου.
[342] We are unfortunately unable to gain any definite knowledge from Ezekiel xlv., as v. 12, which gives the weight system, is confused, and there is a great discrepancy between the Hebrew and Greek texts. Though it is a prophetic passage, there is no reason for supposing that the prophet did not clearly understand the standard weight system of his time (600 B.C.), for his account of the metric system is singularly clear. It is best to give the whole passage as it appears in the Revised Version: “Thus saith the Lord God: Let it suffice you, O princes of Israel: remove violence and spoil, and execute judgment and justice; take away your exactions from my people, saith the Lord God. Ye shall have just balances, and a just ephah, and a just bath. The ephah and the bath shall be of one measure, that the bath may contain the tenth part of an homer, and the ephah the tenth part of an homer: the measure thereof shall be after the homer. And the shekel shall be twenty gerahs; twenty shekels, five and twenty shekels, fifteen shekels shall be your maneh.” (vv. 9-12.) One thing is clear at least, and that is that the passage is a protest against over-exaction, and we may infer that the weight system here mentioned is for precious metals, seeing that there is no mention made of the talent. The shekel is to be 20 gerahs, that is, the shekel of the Sanctuary. If the princes had sought to exact payment in royal shekels instead of the old shekel, and also to make the maneh of silver contain 60 shekels instead of 50, we can see every reason for the cry of the oppressed being loud.
The confusion in the Hebrew text may be due to the fact that there were two manehs in use, that of 50 shekels for gold and silver, and that of 60 shekels for other commodities. The Septuagint version is perfectly capable of explanation on the principles which I have indicated. The LXX. runs thus: καὶ τὰ στάθμια εἴκοσι ὀβολοί, πέντε σίκλοι, πέντε καὶ σίκλοι, δέκα καὶ πεντήκοντα σίκλοι ἡ μνᾶ ἔσται ὑμῖν. So Tischendorf.
There is a MS. (Cod. Al.) reading οἱ πέντε σίκλοι, καὶ πέντε καὶ οἱ δέκα σίκλοι. Tischendorf’s text can hardly be right, πέντε καὶ σίκλοι, δέκα καὶ πεντήκοντα contain two most unnatural collocations. δέκα καὶ πεντήκοντα is absolutely absurd as a way of expressing 60. εἶς καὶ πεντήκοντα up to ἐννεα καὶ πεντήκοντα to express 51 to 59 are reasonable and found universally, but to add on 10 to one of the main multiples of 10 in the decimal system is a method unknown, and is just as absurd in Greek as it would be if in English we were to say 10 and 50, meaning thereby 60. Again in the previous clause, the words πέντε καὶ point to some other numeral such as 10, or 20, as necessarily following. This is obtained by taking the MS. reading πέντε καὶ δέκα σίκλοι, καὶ πεντήκοντα, κ.τ.λ. Now the LXX. gives the plural στάθμια for “shekel”: στάθμια means the actual weights employed in weighing the amounts of gold or silver so weighed. Ezekiel is describing the various weight-units to be employed: “And the weights are 20 gerahs (lupins), the five shekel weight, the fifteen shekel weight, and fifty shekels shall be your maneh.” The article οἱ is very rightly used before πέντε, for it refers to the well known multiple of the shekel, of which we spoke above when dealing with the Bull’s-head weight. The same explanation may probably be given of the fifteen shekel weight. The maneh of 50 shekels of 20 gerahs each is the old maneh of the Sanctuary (Period II.), not the royal maneh which contained 100 light shekels.
Now turning to the Hebrew version we find “twenty shekels, five and twenty shekels and fifteen shekels,”the sum of which makes a maneh of 60 shekels, or the royal Assyrian and Hebrew commercial maneh. It is also to be observed that the position of fifteen is unnatural; it ought to come in the series before “twenty” and “five and twenty.” Fifty stands in the corresponding place in LXX. Has the Hebrew text altered 50 into 15 so as to obtain a total of 60? But there is another question; Why do we find “five” and “fifteen” stand first in LXX., and “twenty” and “twenty five” in Hebrew? On the theory, that of the Septuagint translators, that the prophet is describing a series of weight-pieces, it is quite simple. Combine the numbers of both versions, and place them in order thus: 1 shekel, 5 shekels, 15 shekels, 20 shekels, 25 shekels (½ maneh), 50 shekels (maneh). This gives a rational explanation of how the discrepancy arose. The LXX. translated from a text which probably ran thus, 5 shekels, 10 shekels, 15 shekels, and went no further with the series. For it is not at all improbable that the reading οἱ δέκα is due to the fact that after οἱ πέντε σίκλοι stood οἱ δέκα, which was followed by οἱ πεντεκάιδεκα σίκλοι. The Jews of a later date, knowing only of the commercial mina of 60 shekels, left out some of the numerals, and altered 50 into 15 to make up 60 shekels.
[343] Herod. III. 89, seqq.
[344] Metrol.², p. 420.
[345] Metrol.², p. 153.
[346] Head, op. cit. p. 789.
[347] The amount of gold in electrum varies greatly. Pliny, H. N. XXXIII. 4. 23, ubicumque quinta argenti portio est, et electrum uocatur. The Carthaginian electrum probably came from Spain (cp. [p. 94]).
[348] Head, op. cit. p. 2.
[349] Pliny, H. N. XXXIV.
[350] Herod. I. 94, πρῶτοι δὲ ἀνθρώπων, τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, νόμισμα χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου κοψάμενοι ἐχρήσαντο.
[351] Julius Pollux, IX. 83.
[352] Head, op. cit. p. 544.
[353] H. N. XXXIII. 4. 23, ubicumque quinta argenti portio est, et electrum uocatur.
[354] River of Golden Sand, II. p. 78.
[355] Head, op. cit. p. 545.
[356] Ibid. p. 503.
[357] Pollux, III. 87, εὐδόκιμος δὲ καὶ ὁ Γυγάδας χρυσὸς καὶ οἱ Κροίσειοι στατήρες: ix. 84 sq., ἴσως δὲ ὀνομάτων καταλόγῳ προσήκουσιν οἱ Κροίσειοι στατῆρες καὶ Φιλίππειοι, καὶ Δαρεικοὶ, καὶ τὸ Βερενικεῖον νόμισμα καὶ Ἀλεξανδρεῖον, καὶ Πτολεμαικὸν καὶ Δημαρετεῖον, κ.τ.λ.
[358] Annuaire de Numismatique, 1884, p. 119.
[359] Zeitschr. für Assyriologie. Vol. II. 48 (1887).
[360] Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology, 1883-4, p. 87.
[361] IV. 166, Δαρεῖος μὲν γὰρ χρυσίον καθαρώτατον ἀπεψήσας ἐς τὸ δυνατώτατον νόμισμα ἐκόψατο.
[362] Or. XII. 70 τρία τάλαντα ἀργυρίου καὶ τετρακοσίους κυζικηνοὺς καὶ ἑκατὸν δαρεικοὺς καὶ φιάλας ἀργυρίου τέσσαρας.
[363] Thuc. VIII. 28; Xen. An. I. 1. 9; I. 3. 21; I. 7. 18; V. 6. 18; VII. 6. 1; Cyrop. V. 27; Dem. XXIV. 129; Aristoph. Eccl. 602; Arrian Anab. IV. 18. 7; Diod. XVII. 66, etc.
[364] Plutarch, Cimon, X. 11, φιάλας δύο, τὴν μὲν ἀργυρείων ἐμπλησάμενον Δαρεικῶν, τὴν δὲ χρυσῶν.
[365] Thes. XXV., ἔκοψε δε νόμισμα βοῦν ἐγχαράξας.
[366] p. 27 (ch. 10) (Kenyon’s ed.), ἐν μὲν οὖν τοῖς νόμοις ταῦτα δοκεῖ θεῖναι δημοτικά, πρὸ δὲ τῆς νομοθεσίας ποιησάσθαι τὴν χριῶν ἀποκοπήν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα τήν τε τῶν μέτρων καὶ τῶν σταθμῶν καὶ τὴν τοῦ νομίσματος αὔξησιν. ἐπ’ ἐκείνου γὰρ ἐγένετο καὶ τὰ μέτρα μείζω τῶν Φειδωνείων, καὶ ἡ μνᾶ πρότερον ἔχουσα παραπλήσιον ἐβδομήκοντα δραχμὰς ἀνεπληρώθη ταῖς ἑκατόν. ἦν δ’ ὁ ἀρχαῖος χαρακτὴρ δίδραχμον. ἐποίησε δὲ καὶ σταθμὸν πρὸς τὸ νόμισμα τρεῖς καὶ ἑξήκοντα μνᾶς τὸ τάλαντον ἀγούσας, καὶ ἐπιδιενεμήθησαν αἱ μναῖ τῷ στατῆρι καὶ τοῖς ἄλλοις σταθμοῖς.
[367] I have translated the παρὰ [μικρὸν] of Kaibel and Wilamowitz instead of Kenyon’s παραπλήσιον. According to Plutarch (Solon. 15) the old (silver) mina contained 73 drachms. The apparent discrepancy is easily explained. In the prae-Solonian mina there were 70 drachms of 92 grs. each. Plutarch writing at a later time took the number of drachms of 92 grs. in the post-Solonian mina of 6750, which is just 73. The information supplied by the Polity is evidently older and better.
[368] The. Reinsch needlessly regards ἦν δὲ ὁ ἀρχαῖος κ.τ.λ. as an interpolation.
[369] Kaibel and Wilamowitz read σταθμὰ instead of σταθμὸν.
[370] Pollux IX. 59.
[371] Pollux IX. 58 ἔχων στατῆρας χρυσίου τρισχιλίους.
[372] Thuc. (I. 27) speaks of Corinthian drachms not staters; and (V. 47) of Aeginetic drachms.
[374] P. Gardner, Types of Greek Coins, passim.
[375] Comparetti, Leggi antiche della città di Gortyna in Creta, 1885; Museo Italiano II. 195, no. 39: ibid, II. 222. Roberts, Greek Epigraphy, p. 53.
[376] Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique, 1888, p. 405 seqq. (where he gives an engraving of a stater so countermarked). Mr B. V. Head (Numism. Chron. 3rd ser. IX. 242) in a notice of this paper lends his great authority to the support of Svoronos’ view.
[377] Head, op. cit. 450, who quotes Marquardt’s Cyzicus, p. 45.
[378] Fishermen offered to Poseidon the first tunny they caught (Athen. p. 346), but this was simply an offering of first fruits and not because the tunny was sacred.
[379] Zeitschrift f. Numismatik, X. 144 seqq.
[380] The tunny is a very large fish, usually four feet long, and is hardly likely to have been sold by the basketful.
[381] Apud Stephanum Byzant. s.v. Τένεδος.
[382] X. 14. 1.
[383] Iliad, XXIII. 850-1,
Αὐτὰρ ὁ τοχευτῇσι τίθει ἰόεντα σίδηρον,
κὰδ δ’ ἐτίθει δέκα μὲν πελέκεας, δέκα δ’ ἡμιπέλεκκα.
[384] No doubt the axe was often used as a religious emblem; double-headed axes borne in procession are seen on Hittite sculptures (Perrot et Chipiez, Histoire de l’Art dans l’antiquité, IV. p. 637). It was also the symbol of Dionysus at Pagasae. So amongst the Polynesians we find processional axes as well as real ones like our sword of state as contrasted with real swords.
[385] Ib. 882-3,
ἀν δ’ ἄρα Μηριόνης πελέκεας δέκα πάντας ἄειρεν,
Τεῦκρος δ’ ἡμιπέλεκκα φέρεν κοίλας ἐπὶ νῆας.
[386] Although Mr Frazer (Golden Bough, I. 8) has given abundant evidence to show that kings were in some places worshipped as gods, no one can maintain that the Persians, who were Zoroastrians, would have treated their king as a god.
[387] The electrum coins with the lion’s head with open jaws formerly ascribed to Miletus are now assigned to the Lydian king Alyattes by M. J. P. Six, Num. Chron. N. S. Vol. x. 185 seqq. (1890).
[388] Head, Op. cit. 6. 88.
[389] Lindsay, Survey of the Coinage of Ireland, p. 6 seqq.
[390] Il. VII. 468 seqq.
[391] A. Dobbs, Account of Hudson’s Bay (1744).
[392] Politics II. 1257 B ὁ γὰρ χαρακτὴρ ἐτέθη τοῦ πὸσου σημεῖον.
[393] Plutarch, Solon 18.
[394] Ibid. 23 Εἰς μὲν γε τὰ τιμήματα τῶν θυσιῶν λογίζεται πρόβατον καὶ δραχμὴν ἀντὶ μεδίμνου· τῷ δ’ Ἴσθμια νικήσαντι δραχμὰς ἔταξεν ἑκατὸν δίδοσθαι, τῷ δ’ Ὀλύμπια πεντακοσίας· λύκον δὲ τῷ κομίσαντι πέντε δραχμὰς ἔδωκε, λυκιδέα δὲ μίαν, ὧν φησιν ὁ Φαληρεὺς Δημήτριος τὸ μὲν βοὸς εἶναι, τὸ δὲ προβάτου τιμήν.
[395] Lysias, de Sacra oliva, 6.
[396] Strabo, XVII. 836.
[397] Diodorus Siculus V. 26. 2 διδόντες γὰρ τοῦ οἴνου κεράμιον ἀντιλαμβάνουσι παῖδα κτλ.
[398] Baumeister, Denkmäler, s.v. Silphium. Studicyna, Kyrene, p. 22. Birch, Ancient Pottery (frontispiece). The vase is in the Paris Bibliothèque.
[399] The only evidence to show that Demeter was worshipped at Metapontum is that a female head on certain of her coins is accompanied by the legend Σωτηρία. It has been inferred that this is an epithet of Demeter, but this is most unlikely, for in that case we should expect Σὼτειρα, as on the coins of Hipponium, Syracuse, Agrigentum, Corcyra, Cyzicus, and Apamea, not Σωτηρία, as the adjective. Thus we always find Ζεὺς Σωτήρ, not Σωτήριος: cf. Σώτειρα Εὐνομία, Pind. Ol. IX. 16, Σώτειρα Τύχα, Ol. XII. 2, Σώτειρα Θέμις, Ol. VIII. 21. Σωτηρία is rather Safety (Lat. Salus), who, as my friend Mr J. G. Frazer points out to me, was worshipped at Patrae and Aegeum, two of the chief towns of Achaea (Pausan. VII. 21. 7; VII. 24. 3). We also find such names of divinities as Ὑγιεία, Ὁμόνοια and Νίκα on the coins of Metapontum. As Metapontum was an Achaean colony, it is likely that Salus was worshipped there also. Besides it was to Apollo, and not to Demeter, that they dedicated their golden ear as a harvest thank-offering. Θέρος is the ear cut from the stalk after the ancient way of reaping, cf. θέρη σταχύων, Plut.
[400] Athenaeus XIII. p. 589 ab; Schol. on Aristophanes, Plutus, 179; Suidas, s.v. χελώνη.
[401] Voyage of the Sunbeam, p. 276 (London, 1880). [L.M.R.]
[402] We learn from Strabo, 773, that the Greeks were familiar with the employment of tortoise shells, for a tribe called Tortoise-eaters on the north coast of Africa used the shells of these animals, which were of large size, for roofing purposes. Pausanias (VIII. 23. 9) tells us that there were large tortoises well suited for making lyres in Arcadia, but the people would not touch them as they were under the protection of Pan. As Pan was lord of the forest and mountain, the tortoise being especially large would naturally be regarded as his special property.
[403] Mansfield Parkyn, Abyssinia, Vol. I. p. 407.
[404] Pausan. IX. 34.
[405] Pausan. I. 25.
[406] Iliad XVII. 381.
[407] Iliad XXII. 158.
[408] Strabo 192, ὅθεν οἱ ἄρισται ταριχεῖαι τῶν ὑείων κρεῶν εἰς τὴν Ῥώμην κατακομίζονται. Hucher, Art Gaulois, Pl. 78. The swine is also found on coins of Bellovaci, Pictones and Armorican Gauls.
[409] On the plastron of the sea-tortoise eight triangular patches are made very conspicuous by pigmentation.
[410] Photius Lex. s.v. Λάμβδα. Eustathius on Homer p. 293. 39 seqq. Xenophon Hell. IV. 4. 10 (which shows that the letter was on the front, cf. Pausan. IV. 28. 5).
[411] Pollux, V. 66.
[412] Xenoph. De Vectigalibus, iv. 10, εἰ δὲ τις φήσειε καὶ χρυσίον μηδὲν ἧττον χρήσιμον εἶναι ἢ ἀργύριον, τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἀντιλέγω, ἐκεῖνο μέντοι οἶδα ὅτι καὶ χρυσίον ὅταν πολὺ παραφανῇ, αὐτὸ μὲν ἀτιμότερον γίγνεται, τὸ δὲ ἀργύριον τιμιώτερον ποιεῖ.
[413] Strabo, IV. 208, συνεργασαμένων δὲ σὺν βαρβάροις τῶν Ἱταλιωτῶν ἐν διμήνῳ, παραχρῆμα τὸ χρυσίον εὐωνότερον γενέσθαι τῷ τρίτῳ μέρει καθ’ ὅλην τὴν Ἰταλίαν.
[414] Pindar, Olymp. VII. 58 sq.
[415] Numismatic Chron. VII. 185. That the Cyzicene staters were at some time and at some places (Cyzicus itself?) less in value than a Daric is made possible from the new-found Mimiambi of Herondas (VII. 96 seqq.); where 4 Darics seem worth more than 5 staters:
ταύτηι δὲ δώσεισ κε[ῖ]νο τὸ ἕτερον ζεῦγοσ
κόσου; πάλιν πρήμηνον ἀξίαν φωνὴν
σεω<υ>τοῦ.
Κ. στατήρασ πέντε ναὶ μὰ θεοὺσ φο[ι]τᾶι
ἡ ψάλτρι’ <Εὐ>έτηρισ ἡμέρην πᾶσαν
λαβεῖν ἀνώγουσ’· ἀλλ’ ἐγώ μιν [ἐχθα]ίρω
κἢν τέσσαράσ μοι δαρεικοὺσ ὑπόσχηται
ὁτεύνεκέν μευ τὴν γυναῖκα τωθάζει
κακοῖσι δέ[ν]νοισ. ει ... χρείη.
[416] Xen. Anab. V. 6. 23; VII. 3. 10. Dem. Phorm. p. 914.
[417] Op. cit. p. 449.
[418] Corp. Inscr. Graec. 125, ἀγέτω ἡ μνᾶ ἡ ἐμπορικὴ Στεφανηφόρου δραχμὰς ἑκατὸν τριάκοντα καὶ ὀκτὼ πρὸς τὰ σταθμία τὰ ἐν τῷ ἀργυροκοπείῳ.
[419] Cf. Wharton, Etyma Latina, s.v. litra.
[420] Pollux, IX. 80.
[421] Cf. Shakespeare, I. Henry IV. II. 4, 590, in Falstaff’s tavern bill: “Item, Anchovies and sack, 6d. Item, bread, Ob. O monstrous! But one halfpenny worth of bread to such an intolerable deal of sack!”
[422] Head, op. cit. p. 105.
[423] The forms scripulum, scrupulum, scrupulus are all due to its simply being regarded in later times as a weight, and thus falsely identified with scrupulus, a small pebble.
[424] Book of Aicill, p. 335.
[425] Caesar, B. G. III. 13.
[426] Blacas, Mommsen, I. p. 177.
[427] It is worth noticing that Plutarch (Poplicola 11) translates the libral asses of early Rome by the Greek obolos; ἦν δὲ τιμὴ προβάτου μὲν ὀβολοὶ δέκα, βοὸς δὲ ἑκατόν· οὔπω νομίσματι χρωμένων πολλῷ τότε τῶν Ῥωμαίων, ἀλλὰ προβατείαις καὶ κτηνοτροφίαις εὐθηνούντων. It is quite possible that Plutarch embodies a genuine tradition that the original as and obol were the same. Otherwise like Dionysius of Halicarnassus he would have represented the asses by the value in Greek money of his own time. For he can hardly have supposed that at any time an ox was worth only 100 of the obols of his own time.
[428] So the word mark means not only a weight but is also used as a linear measure = 48 alen, and also as a measure of area, as in the term arable mark etc. See [Appendix].
[429] Many of the Roman unciae in the British Museum are under 410 grs.
[430] ὁ δὲ νοῦμμος δοκεῖ μὲν εἶναι Ῥωμαίων τοὔνομα τοῦ νομίσματος, ἔστι δὲ Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ τῶν ἐν Ἰταλίᾳ καὶ ἐν Σικελίᾳ Δωριέων.
[431] Pollux IX. 84.
[432] Evans, Horsemen of Tarentum, pp. 9-11.
[433] Tabulae Heracleenses (Boeckh Corp. Inscrip. Graec. 5774-5; Cauer, Delectus 40, 41) I, 122. αἱ δέ κα μὴ πεφυτεύκωντι κατὰ γεγραμμένα, κατεδικέσθεν πὰρ μὲν τὰν ἐλαίαν δέκα νόμως ἀργυρίω πὰρ τὸ φυτὸν ἕκαστον, πὰρ δὲ τὰς ἀμπέλως δύο μνᾶς ἀργυρίω πὰρ τὰν σχοῖνον ἑκάσταν.
[434] Boeckh, Metrol. Unters. 160, takes the Sicilicus as originally the Silician quadrans in the Roman silver reckoning. Cf. Mommsen, Blacas, I, 243. Hultsch, Metrol. p. 145.
[435] Étude des monnaies de l’Italie antique. Première partie, pp. 8 and 16.
[436] Ibid. p. 29.
[437] Ibid. p. 30.
[438] Soutzo, ibid. p. 31.
[439] If we take the καινὸν κόμμα of Aristophanes (Ranae 720) to refer, as the scholiast ad loc. asserts on the authority of Hellanicus and Philochorus, to a gold issue in B.C. 407, which was much alloyed. As Mr Head says it is quite possible that Aristophanes alludes to the new bronze coinage issued the year before the Frogs was acted (Hist. Num. 314). No such base gold coins of Athens are known, and as her gold coins are of excellent quality, it is better to refer them with Head to 394 B.C., the period of her restored prosperity, when Conon and Pharnabazus brought aid from the great king.
[440] Varro ap. Non. p. 356 nam lateres argentei atque aurei primum conflati atque in aerarium conditi. Lateres is used in this sense by Tacitus, Annals, XVI. 1.
[441] Gaius I. 122. This passage is unhappily corrupt. The Verona MS. runs asses librales erant et dupondii——unde etiam dupondius. As dupondius is really a masculine adjective used as a noun, a masculine noun must be understood, this can only be as. Dupondius then is simply a two-pound bar.
[442] XXXIII. 3. 13.
[443] Before striking silver at Rome the Romans had struck silver coins with type of quadriga and ROMA in Campania. Hence it is that Pliny regarded these the quadrigati and bigati as the oldest issue instead of the coins with the Dioscuri ([Fig. 54]). The biga came next, after it the genuine Roman quadriga.
[444] Varro, R. R. II. 1, 9.
[445] Varro ap. Non. p. 189 aut bovem aut ovem aut vervecem habet signum. Probably uerrem, not ueruecem, is the true reading, since Plutarch says that the coins were marked with an ox, a sheep or a swine (βοῦν ἐπεχάραττον ἢ πρόβατον ἢ ὗν). Popl. 11.
[446] Festus fragm. p. 347 Müller s.v. Sextantari asses.
[447] V. 173 Müller.
[448] Deux. Partie p. 41. “Le poids normal de l’as oncial est de 27 gr. 25, mais il alla en s’affaiblissant progressivement du commencement à la fin de la periode.”
[449] Ancient Laws of Ireland, Vol. I. p. 61. O’Curry, Manners and Customs of the Ancient Irish, Vol. I. pp. 100 seq.
[450] Survey of the Coinage of Ireland, p. 3.
[451] Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland, p. 213 seqq.
[452] Folio 24 c.
[453] The bracketed words are interlined in a recent hand; but the final word shows that they were a portion of the text.
[454] Near Croghan Hill, in the north of King’s Co.
[455] See [note on Irish text].
[456] O’Donovan has omitted caerach of the MS.
[457] Norges Mynter, IV-V.
[458] I am indebted to Mr E. Magnússon for the translation of Holmboe.
[459] Polybius XXXIV. 8.
[460] Solon 23, see [p. 324] supra.
[461] Wasserschleben, Die Bussordnungen d. Abendländisch. Kirchen (De disputatione Hibernensis Sinodi et Gregori Nasaseni sermo), p. 137.
[462] Beside the difficulty about numo aureo there is a further variant between anulis ferreis and taleis ferreis (bars of iron). Can Caesar have in reality written both? May the original reading have been: utuntur aut aere aut numo aureo, aut aureis anulis, aut taleis ferreis etc.? Caesar speaks of the Britons having iron of their own, and it is highly probable that they employed ingots or bars of it as money, as the wild tribes of Annam and Africa do at present. They probably used their gold or bronze rings and armlets as money also.
[463] These are taken from Sir W. Wilde’s Catalogue, but for the weights of articles acquired since 1862 I am indebted to the kindness of the Curator, Major Macenery.
[464] My friend Mr F. Seebohm has shown me that as a weight the Swedish Jungfrau is equal to the Irish Cumhal.