INTRODUCTION.
The Secondary Mechanical Sciences.
IN the sciences of Mechanics and Physical Astronomy, Motion and Force are the direct and primary objects of our attention. But there is another class of sciences in which we endeavor to reduce phenomena, not evidently mechanical, to a known dependence upon mechanical properties and laws. In the cases to which I refer, the facts do not present themselves to the senses as modifications of position and motion, but as secondary qualities, which are found to be in some way derived from those primary attributes. Also, in these cases the phenomena are reduced to their mechanical laws and causes in a secondary manner; namely, by treating them as the operation of a medium interposed between the object and the organ of sense. These, then, we may call Secondary Mechanical Sciences. The sciences of this kind which require our notice are those which treat of the sensible qualities, Sound, Light, and Heat; that is. Acoustics, Optics, and Thermotics.
It will be recollected that our object is not by any means to give a full statement of all the additions which have been successively made to our knowledge on the subjects under review, or a complete list of the persons by whom such additions have been made; but to present a view of the progress of each of those branches of knowledge as a theoretical science;—to point out the Epochs of the discovery of those general principles which reduce many facts to one theory; and to note all that is most characteristic and instructive in the circumstances and persons which bear upon such Epochs. A history of any science, written with such objects, will not need to be long; but it will fail in its purpose altogether, if it do not distinctly exhibit some well-marked and prominent features. [24]
We begin our account of the Secondary Mechanical Sciences with Acoustics, because the progress towards right theoretical views, was, in fact, made much earlier in the science of Sound, than in those of Light and of Heat; and also, because a clear comprehension of the theory to which we are led in this case, is the best preparation for the difficulties (by no means inconsiderable) of the reasonings of theorists on the other subjects.
CHAPTER I.
Prelude to the Solution of Problems in Acoustics.
IN some measure the true theory of sound was guessed by very early speculators on the subject; though undoubtedly conceived in a very vague and wavering manner. That sound is caused by some motion of the sounding body, and conveyed by some motion of the air to the ear, is an opinion which we trace to the earliest times of physical philosophy. We may take Aristotle as the best expounder of this stage of opinion. In his Treatise On Sound and Hearing, he says, “Sound takes place when bodies strike the air, not by the air having a form impressed upon it (σχηματίζομενον), as some think, but by its being moved in a corresponding manner; (probably he means in a manner corresponding to the impulse;) the air being contracted, and expanded, and overtaken, and again struck by the impulses of the breath and of the strings. For when the breath falls upon and strikes the air which is next it, the air is carried forwards with an impetus, and that which is contiguous to the first is carried onwards; so that the same voice spreads every way as far as the motion of the air takes place.”
As is the case with all such specimens of ancient physics, different persons would find in such a statement very different measures of truth and distinctness. The admirers of antiquity might easily, by pressing the language closely, and using the light of modern discovery, detect in this passage an exact account of the production and propagation of sound: while others might maintain that in Aristotle’s own mind, there were only vague notions, and verbal generalizations. This [25] latter opinion is very emphatically expressed by Bacon.[1] “The collision or thrusting of air, which they will have to be the cause of sound, neither denotes the form nor the latent process of sound; but is a term of ignorance and of superficial contemplation.” Nor can it be justly denied, that an exact and distinct apprehension of the kind of motion of the air by which sound is diffused, was beyond the reach of the ancient philosophers, and made its way into the world long afterwards. It was by no means easy to reconcile the nature of such motion with obvious phenomena. For the process is not evident as motion; since, as Bacon also observes,[2] it does not visibly agitate the flame of a candle, or a feather, or any light floating substance, by which the slightest motions of the air are betrayed. Still, the persuasion that sound is some motion of the air, continued to keep hold of men’s minds, and acquired additional distinctness. The illustration employed by Vitruvius, in the following passage, is even now one of the best we can offer.[3] “Voice is breath, flowing, and made sensible to the hearing by striking the air. It moves in infinite circumferences of circles, as when, by throwing a stone into still water, you produce innumerable circles of waves, increasing from the centre and spreading outwards, till the boundary of the space, or some obstacle, prevents their outlines from going further. In the same manner the voice makes its motion in circles. But in water the circle moves breadthways upon a level plain; the voice proceeds in breadth, and also successively ascends in height.”
[1] Hist. Son. et Aud. vol. ix. p. 68.
[2] Ibid.
[3] De Arch. v. 3.
Both the comparison, and the notice of the difference of the two cases, prove the architect to have had very clear notions on the subject; which he further shows by comparing the resonance of the walls of a building to the disturbance of the outline of the waves of water when they meet with a boundary, and are thrown back. “Therefore, as in the outlines of waves in water, so in the voice, if no obstacle interrupt the foremost, it does not disturb the second and the following ones, so that all come to the ears of persons, whether high up or low down, without resonance. But when they strike against obstacles, the foremost, being thrown back, disturb the lines of those which follow.” Similar analogies were employed by the ancients in order to explain the occurrence of Echoes. Aristotle says,[4] “An Echo takes place, when the air, being as one body in consequence of the vessel which bounds it, and being prevented from being thrust forwards, is reflected [26] back like a ball.” Nothing material was added to such views till modern times.
[4] De Animâ, ii. 8.
Thus the first conjectures of those who philosophized concerning sound, led them to an opinion concerning its causes and laws, which only required to be distinctly understood, and traced to mechanical principles, in order to form a genuine science of Acoustics. It was, no doubt, a work which required a long time and sagacious reasoners, to supply what was thus wanting; but still, in consequence of this peculiar circumstance in the early condition of the prevalent doctrine concerning sound, the history of Acoustics assumes a peculiar form. Instead of containing, like the history of Astronomy or of Optics, a series of generalizations, each including and rising above preceding generalizations; in this case, the highest generalization is in view from the first; and the object of the philosopher is to determine its precise meaning and circumstances in each example. Instead of having a series of inductive Truths, successively dawning on men’s minds, we have a series of Explanations, in which certain experimental facts and laws are reconciled, as to their mechanical principles and their measures, with the general doctrine already in our possession. Instead of having to travel gradually towards a great discovery, like Universal Gravitation, or Luminiferous Undulations, we take our stand upon acknowledged truths, the production and propagation of sound by the motion of bodies and of air; and we connect these with other truths, the laws of motion and the known properties of bodies, as, for instance, their elasticity. Instead of Epochs of Discovery, we have Solutions of Problems; and to these we must now proceed.
We must, however, in the first place, notice that these Problems include other subjects than the mere production and propagation of sound generally. For such questions as these obviously occur:—what are the laws and cause of the differences of sounds;—of acute and grave, loud and low, continued and instantaneous;—and, again, of the differences of articulate sounds, and of the quality of different voices and different instruments? The first of these questions, in particular, the real nature of the difference of acute and grave sounds, could not help attracting attention; since the difference of notes in this respect was the foundation of one of the most remarkable mathematical sciences of antiquity. Accordingly, we find attempts to explain this difference in the ancient writers on music. In Ptolemy’s Harmonics, the third Chapter of the first Book is entitled, “How the [27] acuteness and graveness of notes is produced;” and in this, after noting generally the difference of sounds, and the causes of difference (which he states to be the force of the striking body, the physical constitution of the body struck, and other causes), he comes to the conclusion, that “the things which produce acuteness in sounds, are a greater density and a smaller size; the things which produce graveness, are a greater rarity and a bulkier form.” He afterwards explains this so as to include a considerable portion of truth. Thus he says, “That in strings, and in pipes, other things remaining the same, those which are stopped at the smaller distance from the bridge give the most acute note; and in pipes, those notes which come through holes nearest to the mouth-hole are most acute.” He even attempts a further generalization, and says that the greater acuteness arises, in fact, from the body being more tense; and that thus “hardness may counteract the effect of greater density, as we see that brass produces a more acute sound than lead.” But this author’s notions of tension, since they were applied so generally as to include both the tension of a string, and the tension of a piece of solid brass, must necessarily have been very vague. And he seems to have been destitute of any knowledge of the precise nature of the motion or impulse by which sound is produced; and, of course, still more ignorant of the mechanical principles by which these motions are explained. The notion of vibrations of the parts of sounding bodies, does not appear to have been dwelt upon as an essential circumstance; though in some cases, as in sounding strings, the fact is very obvious. And the notion of vibrations of the air does not at all appear in ancient writers, except so far as it may be conceived to be implied in the comparison of aërial and watery waves, which we have quoted from Vitruvius. It is however, very unlikely that, even in the case of water, the motions of the particles were distinctly conceived, for such conception is far from obvious.
The attempts to apprehend distinctly, and to explain mechanically, the phenomena of sound, gave rise to a series of Problems, of which we most now give a brief history. The questions which more peculiarly constitute the Science of Acoustics, are the questions concerning those motions or affections of the air by which it is the medium of hearing. But the motions of sounding bodies have both so much connexion with those of the medium, and so much resemblance to them, that we shall include in our survey researches on that subject also. [28]
CHAPTER II.
Problem of the Vibrations of Strings.
THAT the continuation of sound depends on a continued minute and rapid motion, a shaking or trembling, of the parts of the sounding body, was soon seen. Thus Bacon says,[5] “The duration of the sound of a bell or a string when struck, which appears to be prolonged and gradually extinguished, does not proceed from the first percussion; but the trepidation of the body struck perpetually generates a new sound. For if that trepidation be prevented, and the bell or string be stopped, the sound soon dies: as in spinets, as soon as the spine is let fall so as to touch the string, the sound ceases.” In the case of a stretched string, it is not difficult to perceive that the motion is a motion back and forwards across the straight line which the string occupies when at rest. The further examination of the quantitative circumstances of this oscillatory motion was an obvious problem; and especially after oscillations, though of another kind (those of a pendulous body), had attracted attention, as they had done in the school of Galileo. Mersenne, one of the promulgators of Galileo’s philosophy in France, is the first author in whom I find an examination of the details of this case (Harmonicorum Liber, Paris, 1636). He asserts,[6] that the differences and concords of acute and grave sounds depend on the rapidity of vibrations, and their ratio; and he proves this doctrine by a series of experimental comparisons. Thus he finds[7] that the note of a string is as its length, by taking a string first twice, and then four times as long as the original string, other things remaining the same. This, indeed, was known to the ancients, and was the basis of that numerical indication of the notes which the proposition expresses. Mersenne further proceeds to show the effect of thickness and tension. He finds (Prop. 7) that a string must be four times as thick as another, to give the octave below; he finds, also (Prop. 8), that the tension must be about four times as great in order to produce the octave above. From these proportions various others are deduced, and the law of the [29] phenomena of this kind may be considered as determined. Mersenne also undertook to measure the phenomena numerically, that is to determine the number of vibrations of the string in each of such cases; which at first might appear difficult, since it is obviously impossible to count with the eye the passages of a sounding string backwards and forwards. But Mersenne rightly assumed, that the number of vibrations is the same so long as the tone is the same, and that the ratios of the numbers of vibrations of different strings may be determined from the numerical relations of their notes. He had, therefore, only to determine the number of vibrations of one certain string, or one known note, to know those of all others. He took a musical string of three-quarters of a foot long, stretched with a weight of six pounds and five eighths, which he found gave him by its vibrations a certain standard note in his organ: he found that a string of the same material and tension, fifteen feet, that is, twenty times as long, made ten recurrences in a second; and he inferred that the number of vibrations of the shorter string must also be twenty times as great; and thus such a string must make in one second of time two hundred vibrations.
[5] Hist. Son. et Aud. vol. ix. p. 71.
[6] L. i. Prop. 15.
[7] L. ii. Prop. 6.
This determination of Mersenne does not appear to have attracted due notice; but some time afterwards attempts were made to ascertain the connexion between the sound and its elementary pulsations in a more direct manner. Hooke, in 1681, produced sounds by the striking of the teeth of brass wheels,[8] and Stancari, in 1706, by whirling round a large wheel in air, showed, before the Academy of Bologna, how the number of vibrations in a given note might be known. Sauveur, who, though deaf for the first seven years of his life, was one of the greatest promoters of the science of sound, and gave it its name of Acoustics, endeavored also, about the same time, to determine the number of vibrations of a standard note, or, as he called it, Fixed Sound. He employed two methods, both ingenious and both indirect. The first was the method of beats. Two organ-pipes, which form a discord, are often heard to produce a kind of howl, or wavy noise, the sound swelling and declining at small intervals of time. This was readily and rightly ascribed to the coincidences of the pulsations of sound of the two notes after certain cycles. Thus, if the number of vibrations of the notes were as fifteen to sixteen in the same time, every fifteenth vibration of the one would coincide with every [30] sixteenth vibration of the other, while all the intermediate vibrations of the two tones would, in various degrees, disagree with each other; and thus every such cycle, of fifteen and sixteen vibrations, might be heard as a separate beat of sound. Now, Sauveur wished to take a case in which these beats were so slow as to be counted,[9] and in which the ratio of the vibrations of the notes was known from a knowledge of their musical relations. Thus if the two notes form an interval of a semitone, their ratio will be that above supposed, fifteen to sixteen; and if the beats be found to be six in a second, we know that, in that time, the graver note makes ninety and the acuter ninety-six vibrations. In this manner Sauveur found that an open organ-pipe, five feet long, gave one hundred vibrations in a second.
[8] Life, p. xxiii.
[9] Ac. Sc. Hist. 1700, p. 131.
Sauveur’s other method is more recondite, and approaches to a mechanical view of the question.[10] He proceeded on this basis; a string, horizontally stretched, cannot be drawn into a mathematical straight line, but always hangs in a very flat curve, or festoon. Hence Sauveur assumed that its transverse vibrations may be conceived to be identical with the lateral swingings of such a festoon. Observing that the string C, in the middle of a harpsichord, hangs in such a festoon to the amount of 1⁄323rd of an inch, he calculates, by the laws of pendulums, the time of oscillation, and finds it 1⁄122nd of a second. Thus this C, his fixed note, makes one hundred and twenty-two vibrations in a second. It is curious that this process, seemingly so arbitrary, is capable of being justified on mechanical principles; though we can hardly give the author credit for the views which this justification implies. It is, therefore, easy to understand that it agreed with other experiments, in the laws which it gave for the dependence of the tone on the length and tension.
[10] Ac. Sc. Hist. 1713.
The problem of satisfactorily explaining this dependence, on mechanical principles, naturally pressed upon the attention of mathematicians when the law of the phenomena was thus completely determined by Mersenne and Sauveur. It was desirable to show that both the circumstances and the measure of the phenomena were such as known mechanical causes and laws would explain. But this problem, as might be expected, was not attacked till mechanical principles, and the modes of applying them, had become tolerably familiar.
As the vibrations of a string are produced by its tension, it appeared to be necessary, in the first place, to determine the law of the tension [31] which is called into action by the motion of the string; for it is manifest that, when the string is drawn aside from the straight line into which it is stretched, there arises an additional tension, which aids in drawing it back to the straight line as soon as it is let go. Hooke (On Spring, 1678) determined the law of this additional tension, which he expressed in his noted formula, “Ut tensio sic vis,” the Force is as the Tension; or rather, to express his meaning more clearly, the Force of tension is as the Extension, or, in a string, as the increase of length. But, in reality, this principle, which is important in many acoustical problems, is, in the one now before us, unimportant; the force which urges the string towards the straight line, depends, with such small extensions as we have now to consider, not on the extension, but on the curvature; and the power of treating the mathematical difficulty of curvature, and its mechanical consequences, was what was requisite for the solution of this problem.
The problem, in its proper aspect, was first attacked and mastered by Brook Taylor, an English mathematician of the school of Newton, by whom the solution was published in 1715, in his Methodus Incrementorum. Taylor’s solution was indeed imperfect, for it only pointed out a form and a mode of vibration, with which the string might move consistently with the laws of mechanics; not the mode in which it must move, supposing its form to be any whatever. It showed that the curve might be of the nature of that which is called the companion to the cycloid; and, on the supposition of the curve of the string being of this form, the calculation confirmed the previously established laws by which the tone, or the time of vibration, had been discovered to depend on the length, tension, and bulk of the string. The mathematical incompleteness of Taylor’s reasoning must not prevent us from looking upon his solution of the problem as the most important step in the progress of this part of the subject: for the difficulty of applying mechanical principles to the question being once overcome, the extension and correction of the application was sure to be undertaken by succeeding mathematicians; and, accordingly, this soon happened. We may add, moreover, that the subsequent and more general solutions require to be considered with reference to Taylor’s, in order to apprehend distinctly their import; and further, that it was almost evident to a mathematician, even before the general solution had appeared, that the dependence of the time of vibration on the length and tension, would be the same in the general case as in the [32] Taylorian curve; so that, for the ends of physical philosophy, the solution was not very incomplete.
John Bernoulli, a few years afterwards,[11] solved the problem of vibrating chords on nearly the same principles and suppositions as Taylor; but a little later (in 1747), the next generation of great mathematicians, D’Alembert, Euler, and Daniel Bernoulli, applied the increased powers of analysis to give generality to the mode of treating this question; and especially the calculus of partial differentials, invented for this purpose. But at this epoch, the discussion, so far as it bore on physics, belonged rather to the history of another problem, which comes under our notice [hereafter], that of the composition of vibrations; we shall, therefore, defer the further history of the problem of vibrating strings, till we have to consider it in connexion with new experimental facts.
[11] Op. iii. p. 207.
CHAPTER III.
Problem of the Propagation of Sound.
WE have seen that the ancient philosophers, for the most part, held that sound was transmitted, as well as produced, by some motion of the air, without defining what kind of motion this was; that some writers, however, applied to it a very happy similitude, the expansive motion of the circular waves produced by throwing a stone into still water; but that notwithstanding, some rejected this mode of conception, as, for instance, Bacon, who ascribed the transmission of sound to certain “spiritual species.”
Though it was an obvious thought to ascribe the motion of sound to some motion of air; to conceive what kind of motion could and did produce this effect, must have been a matter of grave perplexity at the time of which we are speaking; and is far from easy to most persons even now. We may judge of the difficulty of forming this conception, when we recollect that John Bernoulli the younger[12] declared, that he could not understand Newton’s proposition on this subject. The difficulty consists in this; that the movement of the parts of air, in which sound consists, travels along, but that the parts [33] of air themselves do not so travel. Accordingly Otto Guericke,[13] the inventor of the air-pump, asks, “How can sound be conveyed by the motion of the air? when we find that it is better conveyed through air that is still, than when there is a wind.” We may observe, however, that he was partly misled by finding, as he thought, that a bell could be heard in the vacuum of his air-pump; a result which arose, probably, from some imperfection in his apparatus.
[12] Prize Dis. on Light, 1736.
[13] De Vac. Spat. p. 138.
Attempts were made to determine, by experiment, the circumstances of the motion of sound; and especially its velocity. Gassendi[14] was one of the first who did this. He employed fire-arms for the purpose, and thus found the velocity to be 1473 Paris feet in a second. Roberval found a velocity so small (560 feet) that it threw uncertainty upon the rest, and affected Newton’s reasonings subsequently.[15] Cassini, Huyghens, Picard, Römer, found a velocity of 1172 Paris feet, which is more accurate than the former. Gassendi had been surprised to find that the velocity with which sounds travel, is the same whether they are loud or gentle.
[14] Fischer, Gesch. d. Physik. vol. i. 171.
[15] Newt. Prin. B. ii. P. 50, Schol.
The explanation of this constant velocity of sound, and of its amount, was one of the problems of which a solution was given in the Great Charter of modern science, Newton’s Principia (1687). There, for the first time, were explained the real nature of the motions and mutual action of the parts of the air through which sound is transmitted. It was shown[16] that a body vibrating in an elastic medium, will propagate pulses through the medium; that is, the parts of the medium will move forwards and backwards, and this motion will affect successively those parts which are at a greater and greater distance from the origin of motion. The parts, in going forwards, produce condensation; in returning to their first places, they allow extension; and the play of the elasticities developed by these expansions and contractions, supplies the forces which continue to propagate the motion.
[16] Newt. Prin. B. ii. P. 43.
The idea of such a motion as this, is, as we have said, far from easy to apprehend distinctly: but a distinct apprehension of it is a step essential to the physical part of the sciences now under notice; for it is by means of such pulses, or undulations, that not only sound, but light, and probably heat, are propagated. We constantly meet with evidence of the difficulty which men have in conceiving this undulatory motion, and in separating it from a local motion of the medium as a [34] mass. For instance, it is not easy at first to conceive the waters of a great river flowing constantly down towards the sea, while waves are rolling up the very same part of the stream; and while the great elevation, which makes the tide, is travelling from the sea perhaps with a velocity of fifty miles an hour. The motion of such a wave, or elevation, is distinct from any stream, and is of the nature of undulations in general. The parts of the fluid stir for a short time and for a small distance, so as to accumulate themselves on a neighboring part, and then retire to their former place; and this movement affects the parts in the order of their places. Perhaps if the reader looks at a field of standing corn when gusts of wind are sweeping over it in visible waves, he will have his conception of this matter aided; for he will see that here, where each ear of grain is anchored by its stalk, there can be no permanent local motion of the substance, but only a successive stooping and rising of the separate straws, producing hollows and waves, closer and laxer strips of the crowded ears.
Newton had, moreover, to consider the mechanical consequences which such condensations and rarefactions of the elastic medium, air, would produce in the parts of the fluid itself. Employing known laws of the elasticity of air, he showed, in a very remarkable proposition,[17] the law according to which the particles of air might vibrate. We may observe, that in this solution, as in that of the vibrating string already mentioned, a rule was exhibited according to which the particles might oscillate, but not the law to which they must conform. It was proved that, by taking the motion of each particle to be perfectly similar to that of a pendulum, the forces, developed by contraction and expansion, were precisely such as the motion required; but it was not shown that no other type of oscillation would give rise to the same accordance of force and motion. Newton’s reasoning also gave a determination of the speed of propagation of the pulses: it appeared that sound ought to travel with the velocity which a body would acquire by falling freely through half the height of a homogeneous atmosphere; “the height of a homogeneous atmosphere” being the height which the air must have, in order to produce, at the earth’s surface, the actual atmospheric pressure, supposing no diminution of density to take place in ascending. This height is about 29,000 feet; and hence it followed that the velocity was 968 feet. This velocity is really considerably less than that of sound; but at the time of which [35] we speak, no accurate measure had been established; and Newton persuaded himself, by experiments made in the cloister of Trinity College, his residence, that his calculation was not far from the fact. When, afterwards, more exact experiments showed the velocity to be 1142 English feet, Newton attempted to explain the difference by various considerations, none of which were adequate to the purpose;—as, the dimensions of the solid particles of which the fluid air consists;—or the vapors which are mixed with it. Other writers offered other suggestions; but the true solution of the difficulty was reserved for a period considerably subsequent.
[17] Princ. B. ii. P. 48.
Newton’s calculation of the motion of sound, though logically incomplete, was the great step in the solution of the problem; for mathematicians could not but presume that his result was not restricted to the hypothesis on which he had obtained it; and the extension of the solution required only mere ordinary talents. The logical defect of his solution was assailed, as might have been expected. Cranmer (professor at Geneva), in 1741, conceived that he was destroying the conclusiveness of Newton’s reasoning, by showing that it applied equally to other modes of oscillation. This, indeed, contradicted the enunciation of the 48th Prop. of the Second Book of the Principia; but it confirmed and extended all the general results of the demonstration; for it left even the velocity of sound unaltered, and thus showed that the velocity did not depend mechanically on the type of the oscillation. But the satisfactory establishment of this physical generalization was to be supplied from the vast generalizations of analysis, which mathematicians were now becoming able to deal with. Accordingly this task was performed by the great master of analytical generalization, Lagrange, in 1759, when, at the age of twenty-three, he and two friends published the first volume of the Turin Memoirs. Euler, as his manner was, at once perceived the merit of the new solution, and pursued the subject on the views thus suggested. Various analytical improvements and extensions were introduced into the solution by the two great mathematicians; but none of these at all altered the formula by which the velocity of sound was expressed; and the discrepancy between calculation and observation, about one-sixth of the whole, which had perplexed Newton, remained still unaccounted for.
The merit of satisfactorily explaining this discrepancy belongs to Laplace. He was the first to remark[18] that the common law of the [36] changes of elasticity in the air, as dependent on its compression, cannot be applied to those rapid vibrations in which sound consists, since the sudden compression produces a degree of heat which additionally increases the elasticity. The ratio of this increase depended on the experiments by which the relation of heat and air is established. Laplace, in 1816, published[19] the theorem on which the correction depends. On applying it, the calculated velocity of sound agreed very closely with the best antecedent experiments, and was confirmed by more exact ones instituted for that purpose.
[18] Méc. Cél. t. v. l. xii. p. 96.
[19] Ann. Phys. et Chim. t. iii. p. 288.
This step completes the solution of the problem of the propagation of sound, as a mathematical induction, obtained from, and verified by, facts. Most of the discussions concerning points of analysis to which the investigations on this subject gave rise, as, for instance, the admissibility of discontinuous functions into the solutions of partial differential equations, belong to the history of pure mathematics. Those which really concern the physical theory of sound may be referred to the problem of the motion of air in tubes, to which we shall [soon] have to proceed; but we must first speak of another form which the problem of vibrating strings assumed.
It deserves to be noticed that the ultimate result of the study of the undulations of fluids seems to show that the comparison of the motion of air in the diffusion of sound with the motion of circular waves from a centre in water, which is mentioned at the beginning of this chapter, though pertinent in a certain way, is not exact. It appears by Mr. Scott’s recent investigations concerning waves,[20] that the circular waves are oscillating waves of the Second order, and are gregarious. The sound-wave seems rather to resemble the great solitary Wave of Translation of the First order, of which we have already spoken in Book vi. [chapter vi].
[20] Brit. Ass. Reports for 1844, p. 361.
CHAPTER IV.
Problem of different Sounds of the same String.
IT had been observed at an early period of acoustical knowledge, that one string might give several sounds. Mersenne and others [37] had noticed[21] that when a string vibrates, one which is in unison with it vibrates without being touched. He was also aware that this was true if the second string was an octave or a twelfth below the first. This was observed as a new fact in England in 1674, and communicated to the Royal Society by Wallis.[22] But the later observers ascertained further, that the longer string divides itself into two, or into three equal parts, separated by nodes, or points of rest; this they proved by hanging bits of paper on different parts of the string. The discovery so modified was again made by Sauveur[23] about 1700. The sounds thus produced in one string by the vibration of another, have been termed Sympathetic Sounds. Similar sounds are often produced by performers on stringed instruments, by touching the string at one of its aliquot divisions, and are then called the Acute harmonics. Such facts were not difficult to explain on Taylor’s view of the mechanical condition of the string; but the difficulty was increased when it was noticed that a sounding body could produce these different notes at the same time. Mersenne had remarked this, and the fact was more distinctly observed and pursued by Sauveur. The notes thus produced in addition to the genuine note of the string, have been called Secondary Notes; those usually heard are, the Octave, the Twelfth, and the Seventeenth above the note itself. To supply a mode of conceiving distinctly, and explaining mechanically, vibrations which should allow of such an effect, was therefore a requisite step in acoustics.
[21] Harm. lib. iv. Prop. 28 (1636).
[22] Ph. Tr. 1677, April.
[23] A. P. 1701.
This task was performed by Daniel Bernoulli in a memoir published in 1755.[24] He there stated and proved the Principle of the coexistence of small vibrations. It was already established, that a string might vibrate either in a single swelling (if we use this word to express the curve between two nodes which Bernoulli calls a ventre), or in two or three or any number of equal swellings with immoveable nodes between. Daniel Bernoulli showed further, that these nodes might be combined, each taking place as if it were the only one. This appears sufficient to explain the coexistence of the harmonic sounds just noticed. D’Alembert, indeed, in the article Fundamental in the French Encyclopédie, and Lagrange in his Dissertation on Sound in the Turin Memoirs,[25] offer several objections to this explanation; and it cannot be denied that the subject has its difficulties; but [38] still these do not deprive Bernoulli of the merit of having pointed out the principle of Coexistent Vibrations, or divest that principle of its value in physical science.
[24] Berlin Mem. 1753, p. 147.
[25] T. i. pp. 64, 103.
Daniel Bernoulli’s Memoir, of which we speak, was published at a period when the clouds which involve the general analytical treatment of the problem of vibrating strings, were thickening about Euler and D’Alembert, and darkening into a controversial hue; and as Bernoulli ventured to interpose his view, as a solution of these difficulties, which, in a mathematical sense, it is not, we can hardly be surprised that he met with a rebuff. The further prosecution of the different modes of vibration of the same body need not be here considered.
The sounds which are called Grave Harmonics, have no analogy with the Acute Harmonics above-mentioned; nor do they belong to this section; for in the case of Grave Harmonics, we have one sound from the co-operation of two strings, instead of several sounds from one string. These harmonics are, in fact, connected with beats, of which we have [already] spoken; the beats becoming so close as to produce a note of definite musical quality. The discovery of the Grave Harmonics is usually ascribed to Tartini, who mentions them in 1754; but they are first noticed[26] in the work of Sorge On tuning Organs, 1744. He there expresses this discovery in a query. “Whence comes it, that if we tune a fifth (2 : 3), a third sound is faintly heard, the octave below the lower of the two notes? Nature shows that with 2 : 3, she still requires the unity, to perfect the order 1, 2, 3.” The truth is, that these numbers express the frequency of the vibrations, and thus there will be coincidences of the notes 2 and 3, which are of the frequency 1, and consequently give the octave below the sound 2. This is the explanation given by Lagrange,[27] and is indeed obvious.
[26] Chladni. Acoust. p. 254.
[27] Mem. Tur. i. p. 104.
CHAPTER V.
Problem of the Sounds of Pipes.
IT was taken for granted by those who reasoned on sounds, that the sounds of flutes, organ-pipes, and wind-instruments in general, [39] consisted in vibrations of some kind; but to determine the nature and laws of these vibrations, and to reconcile them with mechanical principles, was far from easy. The leading facts which had been noticed were, that the note of a pipe was proportional to its length, and that a flute and similar instruments might be made to produce some of the acute harmonics, as well as the genuine note. It had further been noticed,[28] that pipes closed at the end, instead of giving the series of harmonics 1, ½, ⅓, ¼, &c., would give only those notes which answer to the odd numbers 1, ⅓, ⅕, &c. In this problem also, Newton[29] made the first step to the solution. At the end of the propositions respecting the velocity of sound, of which we have [spoken], he noticed that it appeared by taking Mersenne’s or Sauveur’s determination of the number of vibrations corresponding to a given note, that the pulse of air runs over twice the length of the pipe in the time of each vibration. He does not follow out this observation, but it obviously points to the theory, that the sound of a pipe consists of pulses which travel back and forwards along its length, and are kept in motion by the breath of the player. This supposition would account for the observed dependence of the note on the length of the pipe. The subject does not appear to have been again taken up in a theoretical way till about 1760; when Lagrange in the second volume of the Turin Memoirs, and D. Bernoulli in the Memoirs of the French Academy for 1762, published important essays, in which some of the leading facts were satisfactorily explained, and which may therefore be considered as the principal solutions of the problem.
[28] D. Bernoulli, Berlin. Mem. 1753, p. 150.
[29] Princip. Schol. Prop. 50.
In these solutions there was necessarily something hypothetical. In the case of vibrating strings, as we have seen, the Form of the vibrating curve was guessed at only, but the existence and position of the Nodes could be rendered visible to the eye. In the vibrations of air, we cannot see either the places of nodes, or the mode of vibration; but several of the results are independent of these circumstances. Thus both of the solutions explain the fact, that a tube closed at one end is in unison with an open tube of double the length; and, by supposing nodes to occur, they account for the existence of the odd series of harmonics alone, 1, 3, 5, in closed tubes, while the whole series, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, &c., occurs in open ones. Both views of the nature of the vibration appear to be nearly the same; though Lagrange’s is expressed with an analytical generality which renders it obscure, and Bernoulli has perhaps [40] laid down an hypothesis more special than was necessary. Lagrange[30] considers the vibration of open flutes as “the oscillations of a fibre of air,” under the condition that its elasticity at the two ends is, during the whole oscillation, the same as that of the surrounding atmosphere. Bernoulli supposes[31] the whole inertia of the air in the flute to be collected into one particle, and this to be moved by the whole elasticity arising from this displacement. It may be observed that both these modes of treating the matter come very near to what we have stated as Newton’s theory; for though Bernoulli supposes all the air in the flute to be moved at once, and not successively, as by Newton’s pulse, in either case the whole elasticity moves the whole air in the tube, and requires more time to do this according to its quantity. Since that time, the subject has received further mathematical developement from Euler,[32] Lambert,[33] and Poisson;[34] but no new explanation of facts has arisen. Attempts have however been made to ascertain experimentally the places of the nodes. Bernoulli himself had shown that this place was affected by the amount of the opening, and Lambert[35] had examined other cases with the same view. Savart traced the node in various musical pipes under different conditions; and very recently Mr. Hopkins, of Cambridge, has pursued the same experimental inquiry.[36] It appears from these researches, that the early assumptions of mathematicians with regard to the position of the nodes, are not exactly verified by the facts. When the air in a pipe is made to vibrate so as to have several nodes which divide it into equal parts, it had been supposed by acoustical writers that the part adjacent to the open end was half of the other parts; the outermost node, however, is found experimentally to be displaced from the position thus assigned to it, by a quantity depending on several collateral circumstances.
[30] Mém. Turin, vol. ii. p. 154.
[31] Mém. Berlin, 1753, p. 446.
[32] Nov. Act. Petrop. tom. xvi.
[33] Acad. Berlin, 1775.
[34] Journ. Ec. Polyt. cap. 14.
[35] Acad. Berlin, 1775.
[36] Camb. Trans. vol. v. p. 234.
Since our purpose was to consider this problem only so far as it has tended towards its mathematical solution, we have avoided saying anything of the dependence of the mode of vibration on the cause by which the sound is produced; and consequently, the researches on the effects of reeds, embouchures, and the like, by Chladni, Savart, Willis, and others, do not belong to our subject. It is easily seen that the complex effect of the elasticity and other properties of the reed and of the air together, is a problem of which we can hardly [41] hope to give a complete solution till our knowledge has advanced much beyond its present condition.
Indeed, in the science of Acoustics there is a vast body of facts to which we might apply what has just been said; but for the sake of pointing out some of them, we shall consider them as the subjects of one extensive and yet unsolved problem.
CHAPTER VI.
Problem of Different Modes of Vibration of Bodies in General.
NOT only the objects of which we have spoken hitherto, strings and pipes, but almost all bodies are capable of vibration. Bells, gongs, tuning-forks, are examples of solid bodies; drums and tambourines, of membranes; if we run a wet finger along the edge of a glass goblet, we throw the fluid which it contains into a regular vibration; and the various character which sounds possess according to the room in which they are uttered, shows that large masses of air have peculiar modes of vibration. Vibrations are generally accompanied by sound, and they may, therefore, be considered as acoustical phenomena, especially as the sound is one of the most decisive facts in indicating the mode of vibration. Moreover, every body of this kind can vibrate in many different ways, the vibrating segments being divided by Nodal Lines and Surfaces of various form and number. The mode of vibration, selected by the body in each case, is determined by the way in which it is held, the way in which it is set in vibration, and the like circumstances.
The general problem of such vibrations includes the discovery and classification of the phenomena; the detection of their formal laws; and, finally, the explanation of these on mechanical principles. We must speak very briefly of what has been done in these ways. The facts which indicate Nodal Lines had been remarked by Galileo, on the sounding board of a musical instrument; and Hooke had proposed to observe the vibrations of a bell by strewing flour upon it. But it was Chladni, a German philosopher, who enriched acoustics with the discovery of the vast variety of symmetrical figures of Nodal Lines, which are exhibited on plates of regular forms, when [42] made to sound. His first investigations on this subject, Entdeckungen über die Theorie des Klangs, were published 1787; and in 1802 and 1817 he added other discoveries. In these works he not only related a vast number of new and curious facts, but in some measure reduced some of them to order and law. For instance, he has traced all the vibrations of square plates to a resemblance with those forms of vibration in which Nodal Lines are parallel to one side of the square, and those in which they are parallel to another side; and he has established a notation for the modes of vibration founded on this classification. Thus, 5–2 denotes a form in which there are five nodal lines parallel to one side, and two to another; or a form which can be traced to a disfigurement of such a standard type. Savart pursued this subject still further; and traced, by actual observation, the forms of the Nodal Surfaces which divide solid bodies, and masses of air, when in a state of vibration.
The dependence of such vibrations upon their physical cause, namely, the elasticity of the substance, we can conceive in a general way; but the mathematical theory of such cases is, as might be supposed, very difficult, even if we confine ourselves to the obvious question of the mechanical possibility of these different modes of vibration, and leave out of consideration their dependence upon the mode of excitation. The transverse vibrations of elastic rods, plates, and rings, had been considered by Euler in 1779; but his calculation concerning plates had foretold only a small part of the curious phenomena observed by Chladni;[37] and the several notes which, according to his calculation, the same ring ought to give, were not in agreement with experiment.[38] Indeed, researches of this kind, as conducted by Euler, and other authors,[39] rather were, and were intended for, examples of analytical skill, than explanations of physical facts. James Bernoulli, after the publication of Chladni’s experiments in 1787, attempted to solve the problem for plates, by treating a plate as a collection of fibres; but, as Chladni observes, the justice of this mode of conception is disproved, by the disagreement of the results with experiment.
[37] Fischer, vi. 587.
[38] Ib. vi. 596.
[39] See Chladni, p. 474.
The Institute of France, which had approved of Chladni’s labours, proposed, in 1809, the problem now before us as a prize-question:[40]—“To give the mathematical theory of the vibrations of elastic [43] surfaces, and to compare it with experiment.” Only one memoir was sent in as a candidate for the prize; and this was not crowned, though honorable mention was made of it.[41] The formulæ of James Bernoulli were, according to M. Poisson’s statement, defective, in consequence of his not taking into account the normal force which acts at the exterior boundary of the plate.[42] The author of the anonymous memoir corrected this error, and calculated the note corresponding to various figures of the nodal lines; and he found an agreement with experiment sufficient to justify his theory. He had not, however, proved his fundamental equation, which M. Poisson demonstrated in a Memoir, read in 1814.[43] At a more recent period also, MM. Poisson and Cauchy (as well as a lady, Mlle. Sophie Germain) have applied to this problem the artifices of the most improved analysis. M. Poisson[44] determined the relation of the notes given by the longitudinal and the transverse vibrations of a rod; and solved the problem of vibrating circular plates when the nodal lines are concentric circles. In both these cases, the numerical agreement of his results with experience, seemed to confirm the justice of his fundamental views.[45] He proceeds upon the hypothesis, that elastic bodies are composed of separate particles held together by the attractive forces which they exert upon each other, and distended by the repulsive force of heat. M. Cauchy[46] has also calculated the transverse, longitudinal, and rotatory vibrations of elastic rods, and has obtained results agreeing closely with experiment through a considerable list of comparisons. The combined authority of two profound analysts, as MM. Poisson and Cauchy are, leads us to believe that, for the simpler cases of the vibrations of elastic bodies, Mathematics has executed her task; but most of the more complex cases remain as yet unsubdued.
[40] See Chladni, p. 357.
[41] Poisson’s Mém. in Ac. Sc. 1812, p. 169.
[42] Ib. p. 220.
[43] Ib. 1812, p. 2.
[44] Ib. t. viii. 1829.
[45] An. Chim. tom. xxxvi. 1827, p. 90.
[46] Exercices de Mathématique, iii. and iv.
The two brothers, Ernest and William Weber, made many curious observations on undulations, which are contained in their Wellenlehre, (Doctrine of Waves,) published at Leipsig in 1825. They were led to suppose, (as Young had suggested at an earlier period,) that Chladni’s figures of nodal lines in plates were to be accounted for by the superposition of undulations.[47] Mr. Wheatstone[48] has undertaken to account for Chladni’s figures of vibrating square plates by this [44] superposition of two or more simple and obviously allowable modes of nodal division, which have the same time of vibration. He assumes, for this purpose, certain “primary figures,” containing only parallel nodal lines; and by combining these, first in twos, and then in fours, he obtains most of Chladni’s observed figures, and accounts for their transitions and deviations from regularity.
[47] Wellenlehre, p. 474.
[48] Phil. Trans. 1833, p. 593.
The principle of the superposition of vibrations is so solidly established as a mechanical truth, that we may consider an acoustical problem as satisfactorily disposed of when it is reduced to that principle, as well as when it is solved by analytical mechanics: but at the same time we may recollect, that the right application and limitation of this law involves no small difficulty; and in this case, as in all advances in physical science, we cannot but wish to have the new ground which has been gained, gone over by some other person in some other manner; and thus secured to us as a permanent possession.
Savart’s Laws.—In what has preceded, the vibrations of bodies have been referred to certain general classes, the separation of which was suggested by observation; for example, the transverse, longitudinal, and rotatory,[49] vibrations of rods. The transverse vibrations, in which the rod goes backwards and forwards across the line of its length, were the only ones noticed by the earlier acousticians: the others were principally brought into notice by Chladni. As we have already seen in the preceding pages, this classification serves to express important laws; as, for instance, a law obtained by M. Poisson which gives the relation of the notes produced by the transverse and longitudinal vibrations of a rod. But this distinction was employed by M. Felix Savart to express laws of a more general kind; and then, as often happens in the progress of science, by pursuing these laws to a higher point of generality, the distinction again seemed to vanish. A very few words will explain these steps.
[49] Vibrations tournantes.
It was long ago known that vibrations may be communicated by contact. The distinction of transverse and longitudinal vibrations being established, Savart found that if one rod touched another perpendicularly, the longitudinal vibrations of the first occasion transverse vibrations in the second, and vice versâ. This is the more remarkable, since the two sets of vibrations are not equal in rapidity, and therefore cannot sympathize in any obvious manner.[50] Savart found himself [45] able to generalize this proposition, and to assert that in any combination of rods, strings, and laminæ, at right angles to each other, the longitudinal and transverse vibrations affect respectively the rods in the one and other direction,[51] so that when the horizontal rods, for example, vibrate in the one way, the vertical rods vibrate in the other.
[50] An. Chim. 1819, tom. xiv. p. 138.
[51] An. Chim. p. 152.
This law was thus expressed in terms of that classification of vibrations of which we have spoken. Yet we easily see that we may express it in a more general manner, without referring to that classification, by saying, that vibrations are communicated so as always to be parallel to their original direction. And by following it out in this shape by means of experiment, M. Savart was led, a short time afterwards, to deny that there is any essential distinction in these different kinds of vibration. “We are thus led,” he says[52] in 1822, “to consider normal [transverse] vibrations as only one circumstance in a more general motion common to all bodies, analogous to tangential [longitudinal and rotatory] vibrations; that is, as produced by small molecular oscillations, and differently modified according to the direction which it affects, relatively to the dimensions of the vibrating body.”
[52] Ib. t. xxv. p. 33.
These “inductions,” as he properly calls them, are supported by a great mass of ingenious experiments; and may be considered as well established, when they are limited to molecular oscillations, employing this phrase in the sense in which it is understood in the above statement; and also when they are confined to bodies in which the play of elasticity is not interrupted by parts more rigid than the rest, as the sound-post of a violin.[53] And before I quit the subject, I may notice a consequence which M. Savart has deduced from his views, and which, at first sight, appears to overturn most of the earlier doctrines respecting vibrating bodies. It was formerly held that tense strings and elastic rods could vibrate only in a determinate series of modes of division, with no intermediate steps. But M. Savart maintains,[54] on the contrary, that they produce sounds which are gradually transformed into one another, by indefinite intermediate degrees. The reader may naturally ask, what is the solution of this apparent [46] contradiction between the earliest and the latest discoveries in acoustics. And the answer must be, that these intermediate modes of vibration are complex in their nature, and difficult to produce; and that those which were formerly believed to be the only possible vibrating conditions, are so eminent above all the rest by their features, their simplicity, and their facility, that we may still, for common purposes, consider them as a class apart; although for the sake of reaching a general theorem, we may associate them with the general mass of cases of molecular vibrations. And thus we have no exception here, as we can have none in any case, to our maxim, that what formed part of the early discoveries of science, forms part of its latest systems.
[53] For the suggestion of the necessity of this limitation I am indebted to Mr. Willis.
[54] An. Chim. 1826, t. xxxii. p. 384.
We have thus surveyed the progress of the science of sound up to recent times, with respect both to the discovery of laws of phenomena, and the reduction of these to their mechanical causes. The former branch of the science has necessarily been inductively pursued; and therefore has been more peculiarly the subject of our attention. And this consideration will explain why we have not dwelt more upon the deductive labors of the great analysts who have treated of this problem.
To those who are acquainted with the high and deserved fame which the labors of D’Alembert, Euler, Lagrange, and others, upon this subject, enjoy among mathematicians, it may seem as if we had not given them their due prominence in our sketch. But it is to be recollected here, as we have already observed in the case of hydrodynamics, that even when the general principles are uncontested, mere mathematical deductions from them do not belong to the history of physical science, except when they point out laws which are intermediate between the general principle and the individual facts, and which observation may confirm.
The business of constructing any science may be figured as the task of forming a road on which our reason can travel through a certain province of the external world. We have to throw a bridge which may lead from the chambers of our own thoughts, from our speculative principles, to the distant shore of material facts. But in all cases the abyss is too wide to be crossed, except we can find some intermediate points on which the piers of our structure may rest. Mere facts, without connexion or law, are only the rude stones hewn from the opposite bank, of which our arches may, at some time, be built. But mere hypothetical mathematical calculations are only plans of projected structures; and those plans which exhibit only one vast [47] and single arch, or which suppose no support but that which our own position supplies, will assuredly never become realities. We must have a firm basis of intermediate generalizations in order to frame a continuous and stable edifice.
In the subject before us, we have no want of such points of intermediate support, although they are in many instances irregularly distributed and obscurely seen. The number of observed laws and relations of the phenomena of sound, is already very great; and though the time may be distant, there seems to be no reason to despair of one day uniting them by clear ideas of mechanical causation, and thus of making acoustics a perfect secondary mechanical science.
The historical sketch just given includes only such parts of acoustics as have been in some degree reduced to general laws and physical causes; and thus excludes much that is usually treated of under that head. Moreover, many of the numerical calculations connected with sound belong to its agreeable effect upon the ear; as the properties of the various systems of Temperament. These are parts of Theoretical Music, not of Acoustics; of the Philosophy of the Fine Arts, not of Physical Science; and may be referred to in a future portion of this work, so far as they bear upon our object.
The science of Acoustics may, however, properly consider other differences of sound than those of acute and grave,—for instance, the articulate differences, or those by which the various letters are formed. Some progress has been made in reducing this part of the subject to general rules; for though Kempelen’s “talking machine” was only a work of art, Mr. Willis’s machine,[55] which exhibits the relation among the vowels, gives us a law such as forms a step in science. We may, however, consider this instrument as a phthongometer, or measure of vowel quality; and in that point of view we shall have to refer to it again when we come to speak of such measures.
[55] On the Vowel Sounds, and on Reed Organ-pipes. Camb. Trans. iii. 237.
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