INTRODUCTION.
THE earliest and fundamental conceptions of men respecting the objects with which Astronomy is concerned, are formed by familiar processes of thought, without appearing to have in them any thing technical or scientific. Days, Years, Months, the Sky, the Constellations, are notions which the most uncultured and incurious minds possess. Yet these are elements of the Science of Astronomy. The reasons why, in this case alone, of all the provinces of human knowledge, men were able, at an early and unenlightened period, to construct a science out of the obvious facts of observation, with the help of the common furniture of their minds, will be more apparent in the course of the philosophy of science: but I may here barely mention two of these reasons. They are, first, that the familiar act of thought, exercised for the common purposes of life, by which we give to an assemblage of our impressions such a unity as is implied in the above notions and terms, a Month, a Year, the Sky, and the like, is, in reality, an inductive act, and shares the nature of the processes by which all sciences are formed; and, in the next place, that the ideas appropriate to the induction in this case, are those which, even in the least cultivated minds, are very clear and definite; namely, the ideas of Space and Figure, Time and Number, Motion and Recurrence. Hence, from their first origin, the modifications of those ideas assume a scientific form.
We must now trace in detail the peculiar course which, in consequence of these causes, the knowledge of man respecting the heavenly bodies took, from the earliest period of his history. [112]
CHAPTER I.
Earliest Stages of Astronomy.
Sect. 1.—Formation of the Notion of a Year.
THE notion of a Day is early and obviously impressed upon man in almost any condition in which we can imagine him. The recurrence of light and darkness, of comparative warmth and cold, of noise and silence, of the activity and repose of animals;—the rising, mounting, descending, and setting of the sun;—the varying colors of the clouds, generally, notwithstanding their variety, marked by a daily progression of appearances;—the calls of the desire of food and of sleep in man himself, either exactly adjusted to the period of this change, or at least readily capable of being accommodated to it;—the recurrence of these circumstances at intervals, equal, so far as our obvious judgment of the passage of time can decide; and these intervals so short that the repetition is noticed with no effort of attention or memory;—this assemblage of suggestions makes the notion of a Day necessarily occur to man, if we suppose him to have the conception of Time, and of Recurrence. He naturally marks by a term such a portion of time, and such a cycle of recurrence; he calls each portion of time, in which this series of appearances and occurrences come round, a Day; and such a group of particulars are considered as appearing or happening in the same day.
A Year is a notion formed in the same manner; implying in the same way the notion of recurring facts; and also the faculty of arranging facts in time, and of appreciating their recurrence. But the notion of a Year, though undoubtedly very obvious, is, on many accounts, less so than that of a Day. The repetition of similar circumstances, at equal intervals, is less manifest in this case, and the intervals being much longer, some exertion of memory becomes requisite in order that the recurrence may be perceived. A child might easily be persuaded that successive years were of unequal length; or, if the summer were cold, and the spring and autumn warm, might be made to believe, if all who spoke in its hearing agreed to support the delusion, that one year was two. It would be impossible to practise such a deception with regard to the day, without the use of some artifice beyond mere words. [113]
Still, the recurrence of the appearances which suggest the notion of a Year is so obvious, that we can hardly conceive man without it. But though, in all climes and times, there would be a recurrence, and at the same interval in all, the recurring appearances would be extremely different in different countries; and the contrasts and resemblances of the seasons would be widely varied. In some places the winter utterly alters the face of the country, converting grassy hills, deep leafy woods of various hues of green, and running waters, into snowy and icy wastes, and bare snow-laden branches; while in others, the field retains its herbage, and the tree its leaves, all the year; and the rains and the sunshine alone, or various agricultural employments quite different from ours, mark the passing seasons. Yet in all parts of the world the yearly cycle of changes has been singled out from all others, and designated by a peculiar name. The inhabitant of the equatorial regions has the sun vertically over him at the end of every period of six months, and similar trains of celestial phenomena fill up each of these intervals, yet we do not find years of six months among such nations. The Arabs alone,[1] who practise neither agriculture nor navigation, have a year depending upon the moon only; and borrow the word from other languages, when they speak of the solar year.
[1] Ideler, Berl. Trans. 1813, p. 51.
In general, nations have marked this portion of time by some word which has a reference to the returning circle of seasons and employments. Thus the Latin annus signified a ring, as we see in the derivative annulus: the Greek term ἐνιαυτὸς implies something which returns into itself: and the word as it exists in Teutonic languages, of which our word year is an example, is said to have its origin in the word yra which means a ring in Swedish, and is perhaps connected with the Latin gyrus.
Sect. 2.—Fixation of the Civil Year.
The year, considered as a recurring cycle of seasons and of general appearances, must attract the notice of man as soon as his attention and memory suffice to bind together the parts of a succession of the length of several years. But to make the same term imply a certain fixed number of days, we must know how many days the cycle of the seasons occupies; a knowledge which requires faculties and artifices beyond what we have already mentioned. For instance, men cannot reckon as far as any number at all approaching the number of days in the year, without possessing a system of numeral terms, and methods [114] of practical numeration on which such a system of terms is always founded.[2] The South American Indians, the Koussa Caffres and Hottentots, and the natives of New Holland, all of whom are said to be unable to reckon further than the fingers of their hands and feet,[3] cannot, as we do, include in their notion of a year the fact of its consisting of 365 days. This fact is not likely to be known to any nation except those which have advanced far beyond that which may be considered as the earliest scientific process which we can trace in the history of the human race, the formation of a method of designating the successive numbers to an indefinite extent, by means of names, framed according to the decimal, quinary, or vigenary scale.
[2] Arithmetic in Encyc. Metrop. (by Dr. Peacock), Art. 8.
[3] Ibid. Art. 32.
But even if we suppose men to have the habit of recording the passage of each day, and of counting the score thus recorded, it would be by no means easy for them to determine the exact number of days in which the cycle of the seasons recurs; for the indefiniteness of the appearances which mark the same season of the year, and the changes to which they are subject as the seasons are early or late, would leave much uncertainty respecting the duration of the year. They would not obtain any accuracy on this head, till they had attended for a considerable time to the motions and places of the sun; circumstances which require more precision of notice than the general facts of the degrees of heat and light. The motions of the sun, the succession of the places of his rising and setting at different times of the year, the greatest heights which he reaches, the proportion of the length of day and night, would all exhibit several cycles. The turning back of the sun, when he had reached the greatest distance to the south or to the north, as shown either by his rising or by his height at noon, would perhaps be the most observable of such circumstances. Accordingly the τροπαὶ ἠελίοιο, the turnings of the sun, are used repeatedly by Hesiod as a mark from which he reckons the seasons of various employments. “Fifty days,” he says, “after the turning of the sun, is a seasonable time for beginning a voyage.”[4]
Ἤματα πεντήκοντα μετὰ τροπὰς ἠελίοιο
Ἐς τέλος ἐλθόντος θέρεος.—Op. et Dies, 661.
The phenomena would be different in different climates, but the recurrence would be common to all. Any one of these kinds of phenomena, noted with moderate care for a year, would show what was the number of days of which a year consisted; and if several years [115] were included in the interval through which the scrutiny extended, the knowledge of the length of the year so acquired would be proportionally more exact.
Besides those notices of the sun which offered exact indications of the seasons, other more indefinite natural occurrences were used; as the arrival of the swallow (χελιδών) and the kite (ἰκτίν), The birds, in Aristophanes’ play of that name, mention it as one of their offices to mark the seasons; Hesiod similarly notices the cry of the crane as an indication of the departure of winter.[5]
[5] Ideler, i. 240.
Among the Greeks the seasons were at first only summer and winter (θέρος and χειμών), the latter including all the rainy and cold portion of the year. The winter was then subdivided into the χειμών and ἔαρ (winter proper and spring), and the summer, less definitely, into θέρος and ὀπώρα (summer and autumn). Tacitus says that the Germans knew neither the blessings nor the name of autumn, “Autumni perinde nomen ac bona ignorantur.” Yet harvest, herbst, is certainly an old German word.[6]
[6] Ib. i. 243.
In the same period in which the sun goes through his cycle of positions, the stars also go through a cycle of appearances belonging to them; and these appearances were perhaps employed at as early a period as those of the sun, in determining the exact length of the year. Many of the groups of fixed stars are readily recognized, as exhibiting always the same configuration; and particular bright stars are singled out as objects of attention. These are observed, at particular seasons, to appear in the west after sunset; but it is noted that when they do this, they are found nearer and nearer to the sun every successive evening, and at last disappear in his light. It is observed also, that at a certain interval after this, they rise visibly before the dawn of day renders the stars invisible; and after they are seen to do this, they rise every day at a longer interval before the sun. The risings and settings of the stars under these circumstances, or under others which are easily recognized, were, in countries where the sky is usually clear, employed at an early period to mark the seasons of the year. Eschylus[7] makes Prometheus mention this among the benefits of which [116] he, the teacher of arts to the earliest race of men, was the communicator.
Οὔκ ἤν γαρ αὐτοῖς οὔτε χείματος τέκμαρ,
Οὔτ’ ἀνθεμώδους ἦρος, οὔδε καρπίμου
Θέρους βέβαιον· ἀλλ’ ἄτερ γνώμης τὸ πᾶν
Ἔπρασσον, ἔστε δή σφιν ἀνατολὰς ἐγὼ
Ἄστρων ἔδειξα, τάς τε δυσκρίτους δύσεις.—Prom. V. 454.
Thus, for instance, the rising[8] of the Pleiades in the evening was a mark of the approach of winter. The rising of the waters of the Nile in Egypt coincided with the heliacal rising of Sirius, which star the Egyptians called Sothis. Even without any artificial measure of time or position, it was not difficult to carry observations of this kind to such a degree of accuracy as to learn from them the number of days which compose the year; and to fix the precise season from the appearance of the stars.
[8] Ideler (Chronol. i. 242) says that this rising of the Pleiades took place at a time of the year which corresponds to our 11th May, and the setting to the 20th October; but this does not agree with the forty days of their being “concealed,” which, from the context, must mean, I conceive, the interval between their setting and rising. Pliny, however, says, “Vergiliarum exortu æstas incipit, occasu hiems; semestri spatio intra se messes vindemiasque et omnium maturitatem complexæ.” (H. N. xviii. 69.)
The autumn of the Greeks, ὀπώρα, was earlier than our autumn, for Homer calls Sirius ἀστὴρ ὀπωρινός, which rose at the end of July.
A knowledge concerning the stars appears to have been first cultivated with the last-mentioned view, and makes its first appearance in literature with this for its object. Thus Hesiod directs the husbandman when to reap by the rising, and when to plough by the setting of the Pleiades.[9] In like manner Sirius,[10] Arcturus,[11] the Hyades and Orion,[12] are noticed.
Πληίαδων Ἀτλαγενέων ἐπιτελλομενάων.
Ἄρχεσθ’ ἀμητοῦ· ἀρότοιο δὲ, δυσομενάων.
Αἵ δή τοι νύκτας τε καὶ ἤματα τεσσεράκοντα
Κεκρύφαται, αὔτις δὲ περιπλομένου ἐνιαυτοῦ
Φαίνονται. Op. et Dies, l. 381.
[10] Ib. l. 413.
Εὖτ’ ἂν δ’ ἑξήκοντα μετὰ τροπὰς ἠελίοιο
Χειμέρι’, ἐκτελέσῃ Ζεὺς ἤματα, δή ῥα τότ’ ἀστὴρ
Ἀρκτοῦρος, προλιπὼν ἱερὸν ῥόον Ὠκεανοῖο
Πρῶτον παμφαίνων ἐπιτέλλεται ἀκροκνέφαιος.
Op. et Dies, l. 562.
Εὖτ’ ἂν δ’ Ὠρίων καὶ Σείριος ἐς μέσον ἔλθῃ
Οὐρανὸν, Ἀρκτοῦρον δ’ ἐσὶδῃ ῥοδοδάκτυλος ἠὼς.
Ib. 607.
. . . . . . . αὐτὰρ ἐπὴν δὴ
Πληϊάδες Ὑάδες τε τὸ τε σθένος Ὠρίωνος
Δύνωσιν. Ib. 612.
These methods were employed to a late period, because the Greek months, being lunar, did not correspond to the seasons. Tables of such motions were called παραπήγματα.—Ideler, Hist. Untersuchungen, p. 209.
[117] By such means it was determined that the year consisted, at least, nearly, of 365 days. The Egyptians, as we learn from Herodotus,[13] claimed the honor of this discovery. The priests informed him, he says, “that the Egyptians were the first men who discovered the year, dividing it into twelve equal parts; and this they asserted that they discovered from the stars.” Each of these parts or months consisted of 30 days, and they added 5 days more at the end of the year, “and thus the circle of the seasons come round.” It seems, also, that the Jews, at an early period, had a similar reckoning of time, for the Deluge which continued 150 days (Gen. vii. 24), is stated to have lasted from the 17th day of the second month (Gen. vii. 11) to the 17th day of the seventh month (Gen. viii. 4), that is, 5 months of 30 days.
[13] Ib. ii. 4.
A year thus settled as a period of a certain number of days is called a Civil Year. It is one of the earliest discoverable institutions of States possessing any germ of civilization; and one of the earliest portions of human systematic knowledge is the discovery of the length of the civil year, so that it should agree with the natural year, or year of the seasons.
Sect. 3.—Correction of the Civil Year. (Julian Calendar.)
In reality, by such a mode of reckoning as we have described, the circle of the seasons would not come round exactly. The real length of the year is very nearly 365 days and a quarter. If a year of 365 days were used, in four years the year would begin a day too soon, when considered with reference to the sun and stars; and in 60 years it would begin 15 days too soon: a quantity perceptible to the loosest degree of attention. The civil year would be found not to coincide with the year of the seasons; the beginning of the former would take place at different periods of the latter; it would wander into various seasons, instead of remaining fixed to the same season; the term year, and any number of years, would become ambiguous: some correction, at least some comparison, would be requisite.
We do not know by whom the insufficiency of the year of 365 days was first discovered;[14] we find this knowledge diffused among all civilized nations, and various artifices used in making the correction. The method which we employ, and which consists in reckoning an [118] additional day at the end of February every fourth or leap year, is an example of the principle of intercalation, by which the correction was most commonly made. Methods of intercalation for the same purpose were found to exist in the new world. The Mexicans added 13 days at the end of every 52 years. The method of the Greeks was more complex (by means of the octaëteris or cycle of 8 years); but it had the additional object of accommodating itself to the motions of the moon, and therefore must be treated of hereafter. The Egyptians, on the other hand, knowingly permitted their civil year to wander, at least so far as their religious observances were concerned. “They do not wish,” says Geminus,[15] “the same sacrifices of the gods to be made perpetually at the same time of the year, but that they should go through all the seasons, so that the same feast may happen in summer and winter, in spring and autumn.” The period in which any festival would thus pass through all the seasons of the year is 1461 years; for 1460 years of 365¼ days are equal to 1461 years of 365 days. This period of 1461 years is called the Sothic Period, from Sothis, the name of the Dog-star, by which their fixed year was determined; and for the same reason it is called the Canicular Period.[16]
[14] Syncellus (Chronographia, p. 123) says that according to the legend, it was King Aseth who first added the 5 additional days to 360, for the year, in the eighteenth century, b. c.
[15] Uranol. p. 33.
[16] Censorinus de Die Natali, c. 18.
Other nations did not regulate their civil year by intercalation at short intervals, but rectified it by a reform when this became necessary. The Persians are said to have added a month of 30 days every 120 years. The Roman calendar, at first very rude in its structure, was reformed by Numa, and was directed to be kept in order by the perpetual interposition of the augurs. This, however, was, from various causes, not properly done; and the consequence was, that the reckoning fell into utter disorder, in which state it was found by Julius Cæsar, when he became dictator. By the advice of Sosigenes, he adopted the mode of intercalation of one day in 4 years, which we still retain; and in order to correct the derangement which had already been produced, he added 90 days to a year of the usual length, which thus became what was called the year of confusion. The Julian Calendar, thus reformed, came into use, January 1, b. c. 45.
Sect. 4.—Attempts at the Fixation of the Month.
The circle of changes through which the moon passes in about thirty days, is marked, in the earliest stages of language, by a word which implies the space of time which one such circle occupies; just [119] as the circle of changes of the seasons is designated by the word year. The lunar changes are, indeed, more obvious to the sense, and strike a more careless person, than the annual; the moon, when the sun is absent, is almost the sole natural object which attracts our notice; and we look at her with a far more tranquil and agreeable attention than we bestow on any other celestial object. Her changes of form and place are definite and striking to all eyes; they are uninterrupted, and the duration of their cycle is so short as to require no effort of memory to embrace it. Hence it appears to be more easy, and in earlier stages of civilization more common, to count time by moons than by years.
The words by which this period of time is designated in various languages, seem to refer us to the early history of language. Our word month is connected with the word moon, and a similar connection is noticeable in the other branches of the Teutonic. The Greek word μὴν in like manner is related to μήνη, which though not the common word for the moon, is found in Homer with that signification. The Latin word mensis is probably connected with the same group.[17]
[17] Cicero derives this word from the verb to measure: “quia mensa spatia conficiunt, menses nominantur;” and other etymologists, with similar views, connect the above-mentioned words with the Hebrew manah, to measure (with which the Arabic word almanach is connected). Such a derivation would have some analogy with that of annus, &c., noticed [above]: but if we are to attempt to ascend to the earliest condition of language, we must conceive it probable that men would have a name for a most conspicuous visible object, the moon, before they would have a verb denoting the very abstract and general notion, to measure.
The month is not any exact number of days, being more than 29, and less than 30. The latter number was first tried, for men more readily select numbers possessing some distinction of regularity. It existed for a long period in many countries. A very few months of 30 days, however, would suffice to derange the agreement between the days of the months and the moon’s appearance. A little further trial would show that months of 29 and 30 days alternately, would preserve, for a considerable period, this agreement.
The Greeks adopted this calendar, and, in consequence, considered the days of their month as representing the changes of the moon: the last day of the month was called ἔνη καὶ νέα, “the old and new” as belonging to both the waning and the reappearing moon:[18] and their [120] festivals and sacrifices, as determined by the calendar, were conceived to be necessarily connected with the same periods of the cycles of the sun and moon. “The laws and the oracles,” says Geminus, “which directed that they should in sacrifices observe three things, months, days, years, were so understood.” With this persuasion, a correct system of intercalation became a religious duty.
[18] Aratus says of the moon, in a passage quoted by Geminus, p. 33:
Αἴει δ’ ἄλλοθεν ἄλλα παρακλίνουσα μετωπὰ
Εἴρῃ, ὁποσταίη μήνος περιτέλλεται ἡὼς
As still her shifting visage changing turns,
By her we count the monthly round of morns.
The above rule of alternate months of 29 and 30 days, supposes the length of the months 29 days and a half, which is not exactly the length of a lunar month. Accordingly the Months and the Moon were soon at variance. Aristophanes, in “The Clouds,” makes the Moon complain of the disorder when the calendar was deranged.
Οὐκ ἄγειν τὰς ἡμέρας
Οὐδὲν ὀρθῶς, ἀλλ’ ἀνω τε καὶ κάτω κυδοιδοπᾶν
Ὥστ’ ἀπειλεῖν φησὶν αὐτῇ τοὐς θεοὺς ἑκάστοτε
Ἡνίκ’ ἂν ψευσθῶσι δείπνου κἀπίωσιν οἴκαδε
Τῆς ἑορτῆς μὴ τυχόντες κατὰ λόγον τῶν ἡμερῶν.
Nubes, 615–19.
Chorus of Clouds.
The Moon by us to you her greeting sends,
But bids us say that she’s an ill-used moon,
And takes it much amiss that you should still
Shuffle her days, and turn them topsy-turvy:
And that the gods (who know their feast-days well)
By your false count are sent home supperless,
And scold and storm at her for your neglect.[19]
[19] This passage is supposed by the commentators to be intended as a satire upon those who had introduced the cycle of Meton (spoken of in [Sect. 5]), which had been done at Athens a few years before “The Clouds” was acted.
The correction of this inaccuracy, however, was not pursued separately, but was combined with another object, the securing a correspondence between the lunar and solar years, the main purpose of all early cycles.
Sect. 5.—Invention of Lunisolar Years.
There are 12 complete lunations in a year; which according to the above rule (of 29½ days to a lunation) would make 354 days, leaving 12¼ days of difference between such a lunar year and a solar year. It is said that, at an early period, this was attempted to be corrected by interpolating a month of 30 days every alternate year; and Herodotus[20] relates a conversation of Solon, implying a still ruder mode of [121] intercalation. This can hardly be considered as an improvement in the Greek calendar already described.
[20] B. i. c. 15.
The first cycle which produced any near correspondence of the reckoning of the moon and the sun, was the Octaëteris, or period of 8 years: 8 years of 354 days, together with 3 months of 30 days each, making up (in 99 lunations) 2922 days; which is exactly the amount of 8 years of 365¼ days each. Hence this period would answer its purpose, so far as the above lengths of the lunar and solar cycles are exact; and it might assume various forms, according to the manner in which the three intercalary months were distributed. The customary method was to add a thirteenth month at the end of the third, fifth, and eighth year of the cycle. This period is ascribed to various persons and times; probably different persons proposed different forms of it. Dodwell places its introduction in the 59th Olympiad, or in the 6th century, b. c.: but Ideler thinks the astronomical knowledge of the Greeks of that age was too limited to allow of such a discovery.
This cycle, however, was imperfect. The duration of 99 lunations is something more than 2922 days; it is more nearly 2923½; hence in 16 years there was a deficiency of 3 days, with regard to the motions of the moon. This cycle of 16 years (Heccædecaëteris), with 3 interpolated days at the end, was used, it is said, to bring the calculation right with regard to the moon; but in this way the origin of the year was displaced with regard to the sun. After 10 revolutions of this cycle, or 160 years, the interpolated days would amount to 30, and hence the end of the lunar year would be a month in advance of the end of the solar. By terminating the lunar year at the end of the preceding month, the two years would again be brought into agreement: and we have thus a cycle of 160 years.[21]
[21] Geminus. Ideler.
This cycle of 160 years, however, was calculated from the cycle of 16 years; and it was probably never used in civil reckoning; which the others, or at least that of 8 years, appear to have been.
The cycles of 16 and 160 years were corrections of the cycle of 8 years; and were readily suggested, when the length of the solar and lunar periods became known with accuracy. But a much more exact cycle, independent of these, was discovered and introduced by Meton,[22] 432 years b. c. This cycle consisted of 19 years, and is so correct and convenient, that it is in use among ourselves to this day. The time occupied by 19 years, and by 235 lunations, is very nearly the same; [122] (the former time is less than 6940 days by 9½ hours, the latter, by 7½ hours). Hence, if the 19 years be divided into 235 months, so as to agree with the changes of the moon, at the end of that period the same succession may begin again with great exactness.
[22] Ideler, Hist. Unters. p. 208.
In order that 235 months, of 30 and 29 days, may make up 6940 days, we must have 125 of the former, which were called full months, and 110 of the latter, which were termed hollow. An artifice was used in order to distribute 110 hollow months among 6940 days. It will be found that there is a hollow month for each 63 days nearly. Hence if we reckon 30 days to every month, but at every 63d day leap over a day in the reckoning, we shall, in the 19 years, omit 110 days; and this accordingly was done. Thus the 3d day of the 3d month, the 6th day of the 5th month, the 9th day of the 7th, must be omitted, so as to make these months “hollow.” Of the 19 years, seven must consist of 13 months; and it does not appear to be known according to what order these seven years were selected. Some say they were the 3d, 6th, 8th, 11th, 14th, 17th, and 19th; others, the 3d, 5th, 8th, 11th, 13th, 16th, and 19th.
The near coincidence of the solar and lunar periods in this cycle of 19 years, was undoubtedly a considerable discovery at the time when it was first accomplished. It is not easy to trace the way in which such a discovery was made at that time; for we do not even know the manner in which men then recorded the agreement or difference between the calendar day and the celestial phenomenon which ought to correspond to it. It is most probable that the length of the month was obtained with some exactness by the observation of eclipses, at considerable intervals of time from each other; for eclipses are very noticeable phenomena, and must have been very soon observed to occur only at new and full moon.[23]
[23] Thucyd. vii. 50. Ἡ σελήνη ἐκλείπει· ἐτύγχανε γὰρ πανσέληνος οὖσα. iv. 52, Τοῦ ἡλίου ἐκλιπές τι ἐγένετο περὶ νουμηνίαν. ii. 28. Νουμηνίᾳ κατὰ σελήνην (ὥσπερ καὶ μόνον δοκεῖ εἶναι γίγνεσθαι δυνατὸν) ὁ ἡλίος ἐξέλιπε μετὰ μεσημβρίαν καὶ πάλιν ἀν ἐπληρώθη, γενόμενος μηνοειδὴς καὶ ἀστέρων τινῶν ἐκφανέντων.
The exact length of a certain number of months being thus known, the discovery of a cycle which should regulate the calendar with sufficient accuracy would be a business of arithmetical skill, and would depend, in part, on the existing knowledge of arithmetical methods; but in making the discovery, a natural arithmetical sagacity was probably more efficacious than method. It is very possible that the Cycle of Meton is correct more nearly than its author was aware, and [123] nearly than he could ascertain from any evidence and calculation known to him. It is so exact that it is still used in calculating the new moon for the time of Easter; and the Golden Number, which is spoken of in stating such rules, is the number of this Cycle corresponding to the current year.[24]
[24] The same cycle of 19 years has been used by the Chinese for a very great length of time; their civil year consisting, like that of the Greeks, of months of 29 and 30 days. The Siamese also have this period. (Astron. Lib. U. K.)
Meton’s Cycle was corrected a hundred years later (330 b. c.), by Calippus, who discovered the error of it by observing an eclipse of the moon six years before the death of Alexander.[25] In this corrected period, four cycles of 19 years were taken, and a day left out at the end of the 76 years, in order to make allowance for the hours by which, as already observed, 6940 days are greater than 19 years, and than 235 lunations: and this Calippic period is used in Ptolemy’s Almagest, in stating observations of eclipses.
[25] Delamb. A. A. p. 17.
The Metonic and Calippic periods undoubtedly imply a very considerable degree of accuracy in the knowledge which the astronomers, to whom they are due, had of the length of the month; and the first is a very happy invention for bringing the solar and lunar calendars into agreement.
The Roman Calendar, from which our own is derived, appears to have been a much less skilful contrivance than the Greek; though scholars are not agreed on the subject of its construction, we can hardly doubt that months, in this as in other cases, were intended originally to have a reference to the moon. In whatever manner the solar and lunar motions were intended to be reconciled, the attempt seems altogether to have failed, and to have been soon abandoned. The Roman months, both before and after the Julian correction, were portions of the year, having no reference to full and new moons; and we, having adopted this division of the year, have thus, in our common calendar, the traces of one of the early attempts of mankind to seize the law of the succession of celestial phenomena, in a case where the attempt was a complete failure.
Considered as a part of the progress of our astronomical knowledge, improvements in the calendar do not offer many points to our observation, but they exhibit a few very important steps. Calendars which, belonging apparently to unscientific ages and nations, possess a great degree of accordance with the true motions of the sun and moon (like [124] the solar calendar of the Mexicans, and the lunar calendar of the Greeks), contain the only record now extant of discoveries which must have required a great deal of observation, of thought, and probably of time. The later improvements in calendars, which take place when astronomical observation has been attentively pursued, are of little consequence to the history of science; for they are generally founded on astronomical determinations, and are posterior in time, and inferior in accuracy, to the knowledge on which they depend. But cycles of correction, which are both short and close to exactness, like that of Meton, may perhaps be the original form of the knowledge which they imply; and certainly require both accurate facts and sagacious arithmetical reasonings. The discovery of such a cycle must always have the appearance of a happy guess, like other discoveries of laws of nature. Beyond this point, the interest of the study of calendars, as bearing on our subject, ceases: they may be considered as belonging rather to Art than to Science; rather as an application of a part of our knowledge to the uses of life, than a means or an evidence of its extension.
Sect. 6.—The Constellations.
Some tendency to consider the stars as formed into groups, is inevitable when men begin to attend to them; but how men were led to the fanciful system of names of Stars and of Constellations, which we find to have prevailed in early times, it is very difficult to determine. Single stars, and very close groups, as the Pleiades, were named in the time of Homer and Hesiod, and at a still earlier period, as we find in the book of Job.[26]
[26] Job xxxviii. 31. “Canst thou bind the sweet influences of Chima (the Pleiades), or loose the bands of Kesil (Orion)? Canst thou bring forth Mazzaroth (Sirius) in his season? or canst thou guide Ash (or Aisch) (Arcturus) with his sons?”
And ix. 9. “Which maketh Arcturus, Orion, and Pleiades, and the chambers of the south.”
Dupuis, vi. 545, thinks that Aisch was αἴξ, the goat and kids. See Hyde, Ulughbeigh.
Two remarkable circumstances with respect to the Constellations are, first, that they appear in most cases to be arbitrary combinations; the artificial figures which are made to include the stars, not having any resemblance to their obvious configurations; and second, that these figures, in different countries, are so far similar, as to imply some communication. The arbitrary nature of these figures shows that they [125] were rather the work of the imaginative and mythological tendencies of man, than of mere convenience and love of arrangement. “The constellations,” says an astronomer of our own time,[27] “seem to have been almost purposely named and delineated to cause as much confusion and inconvenience as possible. Innumerable snakes twine through long and contorted areas of the heavens, where no memory can follow them: bears, lions, and fishes, large and small, northern and southern, confuse all nomenclature. A better system of constellations might have been a material help as an artificial memory.” When men indicate the stars by figures, borrowed from obvious resemblances, they are led to combinations quite different from the received constellations. Thus the common people in our own country find a wain or wagon, or a plough, in a portion of the great bear.[28]
[27] Sir J. Herschel.
[28] So also the Greeks, Homer, Il. xviii. 487.
Ἄρκτον ἢν καὶ ἄμαξαν ἐπίκλησιν καλέουσιν.
The Northern Bear which oft the Wain they call.
The similarity of the constellations recognized in different countries is very remarkable. The Chaldean, the Egyptian, and the Grecian skies have a resemblance which cannot be overlooked. Some have conceived that this resemblance may be traced also in the Indian and Arabic constellations, at least in those of the zodiac.[29] But while the figures are the same, the names and traditions connected with them are different, according to the histories and localities of each country;[30] the river among the stars which the Greeks called the Eridanus, the Egyptians asserted to be the Nile. Some conceive that the Signs of the Zodiac, or path along which the sun and moon pass, had its divisions marked by signs which had a reference to the course of the seasons, to the motion of the sun, or the employments of the husbandman. If we take the position of the heavens, which, from the knowledge we now possess, we are sure they must have had 15,000 years ago, the significance of the signs of the zodiac, in which the sun was, as referred to the Egyptian year, becomes very marked,[31] and has led some to suppose that the zodiac was invented at such a period. Others have rejected this as an improbably great antiquity, and have thought it more likely that the constellation assigned to each season was that which, at that season, rose at the beginning of the night: [126] thus the balance (which is conceived to designate the equality of days and nights) was placed among the stars which rose in the evening when the spring began: this would fix the origin of these signs 2500 years before our era.
[29] Dupuis, vi. 548. The Indian zodiac contains, in the place of our Capricorn, a ram and a fish, which proves the resemblance without chance of mistake. Bailly, i. p. 157.
[30] Dupuis, vi. 549.
[31] Laplace, Hist. Astron. p. 8.
It is clear, as has already been said, that Fancy, and probably Superstition, had a share in forming the collection of constellations. It is certain that, at an early period, superstitious notions were associated with the stars.[32] Astrology is of very high antiquity in the East. The stars were supposed to influence the character and destiny of man, and to be in some way connected with superior natures and powers.
[32] Dupuis, vi. 546.
We may, I conceive, look upon the formation of the constellations, and the notions thus connected with them, as a very early attempt to find a meaning in the relations of the stars; and as an utter failure. The first effort to associate the appearances and motions of the skies by conceptions implying unity and connection, was made in a wrong direction, as may very easily be supposed. Instead of considering the appearances only with reference to space, time, number, in a manner purely rational, a number of other elements, imagination, tradition, hope, fear, awe of the supernatural, belief in destiny, were called into action. Man, still young, as a philosopher at least, had yet to learn what notions his successful guesses on these subjects must involve, and what they must exclude. At that period, nothing could be more natural or excusable than this ignorance; but it is curious to see how long and how obstinately the belief lingered (if indeed it be yet extinct) that the motions of the stars, and the dispositions and fortunes of men, may come under some common conceptions and laws, by which a connection between the one and the other may be established.
We cannot, therefore, agree with those who consider Astrology in the early ages as “only a degraded Astronomy, the abuse of a more ancient science.”[33] It was the first step to astronomy by leading to habits and means of grouping phenomena; and, after a while, by showing that pictorial and mythological relations among the stars had no very obvious value. From that time, the inductive process went on steadily in the true road, under the guidance of ideas of space, time, and number.
[33] Ib. vi. 546.
Sect. 7.—The Planets.
While men were becoming familiar with the fixed stars, the planets must have attracted their notice. Venus, from her brightness, and [127] from her accompanying the sun at no great distance, and thus appearing as the morning and evening star, was very conspicuous. Pythagoras is said to have maintained that the evening and morning star are the same body, which certainly must have been one of the earliest discoveries on this subject; and indeed we can hardly conceive men noticing the stars for a year or two without coming to this conclusion.
Jupiter and Mars, sometimes still brighter than Venus, were also very noticeable. Saturn and Mercury were less so, but in fine climates they and their motion would soon be detected by persons observant of the heavens. To reduce to any rule the movements of these luminaries must have taken time and thought; probably before this was done, certainly very early, these heavenly bodies were brought more peculiarly under those views which we have noticed as leading to astrology.
At a time beyond the reach of certain history, the planets, along with the sun and moon, had been arranged in a certain recognized order by the Egyptians or some other ancient nation. Probably this arrangement had been made according to the slowness of their motions among the stars; for though the motion of each is very variable, the gradation of their velocities is, on the whole, very manifest; and the different rate of travelling of the different planets, and probably other circumstances of difference, led, in the ready fancy of early times, to the attribution of a peculiar character to each luminary. Thus Saturn was held to be of a cold and gelid nature; Jupiter, who, from his more rapid motion, was supposed to be lower in place, was temperate; Mars, fiery, and the like.[34]
[34] Achilles Tatius (Uranol. pp. 135, 136), gives the Grecian and Egyptian names of the planets.
| Egyptian. | Greek. | ||
| Saturn | Νεμεσέως | Κρόνου ἀστὴρ | φαίνων |
| Jupiter | Ὀσίριδος | Δῖος | φαέθων |
| Mars | Ἡρακλεοῦς | Ἀρέος | πυρόεις |
| Venus | Ἀφροδίτης | ἑώσφορος | |
| Mercury | Ἀπόλλωνος | Ἑρμοῦ | στίλβων |
It is not necessary to dwell on the details of these speculations, but we may notice a very remarkable evidence of their antiquity and generality in the structure of one of the most familiar of our measures of time, the Week. This distribution of time according to periods of seven days, comes down to us, as we learn from the Jewish scriptures, from the beginning of man’s existence on the earth. The same usage is found over all the East; it existed among the Arabians, Assyrians, [128] Egyptians.[35] The same week is found in India among the Bramins; it has there, also, its days marked by those of the heavenly bodies; and it has been ascertained that the same day has, in that country, the name corresponding with its designation in other nations.
[35] Laplace, Hist. Astron. p. 16.
The notion which led to the usual designations of the days of the week is not easily unravelled. The days each correspond to one of the heavenly bodies, which were, in the earliest systems of the world, conceived to be the following, enumerating them in the order of their remoteness from the earth:[36] Saturn, Jupiter, Mars, the Sun, Venus, Mercury, the Moon. At a later period, the received systems placed the seven luminaries in the seven spheres. The knowledge which was implied in this view, and the time when it was obtained, we must consider [hereafter]. The order in which the names are assigned to the days of the week (beginning with Saturday) is, Saturn, the Sun, the Moon, Mars, Mercury, Jupiter, Venus; and various accounts are given of the manner in which one of these orders is obtained from the other; all the methods proceeding upon certain arbitrary arithmetical processes, connected in some way with astrological views. It is perhaps not worth our while here to examine further the steps of this process; it would be difficult to determine with certainty why the former order of the planets was adopted, and how and why the latter was deduced from it. But there is something very remarkable in the universality of the notions, apparently so fantastic, which have produced this result; and we may probably consider the Week, with Laplace,[37] as “the most ancient monument of astronomical knowledge.” This period has gone on without interruption or irregularity from the earliest recorded times to our own days, traversing the extent of ages and the revolutions of empires; the names of the ancient deities which were associated with the stars have been replaced by those of the objects of the worship of our Teutonic ancestors, according to their views of the correspondence of the two mythologies; and the Quakers, in rejecting these names of days, have cast aside the most ancient existing relic of astrological as well as idolatrous superstition.
[36] Philol. Mus. No. 1.
[37] Hist. Ast. p. 17.
Sect. 8.—The Circles of the Sphere.
The inventions hitherto noticed, though undoubtedly they were steps in astronomical knowledge, can hardly be considered as purely abstract and scientific speculations; for the exact reckoning of time is one of [129] the wants, even of the least civilized nations. But the distribution of the places and motions of the heavenly bodies by means of a celestial sphere with imaginary lines drawn upon it, is a step in speculative astronomy, and was occasioned and rendered important by the scientific propensities of man.
It is not easy to say with whom this notion originated. Some parts of it are obvious. The appearance of the sky naturally suggests the idea of a concave Sphere, with the stars fixed on its surface. Their motions during any one night, it would be readily seen, might be represented by supposing this Sphere to turn round a Pole or Axis; for there is a conspicuous star in the heavens which apparently stands still (the Pole-star); all the others travel round this in circles, and keep the same positions with respect to each other. This stationary star is every night the same, and in the same place; the other stars also have the same relative position; but their general position at the same time of night varies gradually from night to night, so as to go through its cycle of appearances once a year. All this would obviously agree with the supposition that the sky is a concave sphere or dome, that the stars have fixed places on this sphere, and that it revolves perpetually and uniformly about the Pole or fixed point.
But this supposition does not at all explain the way in which the appearances of different nights succeed each other. This, however, may be explained, it appears, by supposing the sun also to move among the stars on the surface of the concave sphere. The sun by his brightness makes the stars invisible which are on his side of the heavens: this we can easily believe; for the moon, when bright, also puts out all but the largest stars; and we see the stars appearing in the evening, each in its place, according to their degree of splendor, as fast as the declining light of day allows them to become visible. And as the sun brings day, and his absence night, if he move through the circuit of the stars in a year, we shall have, in the course of that time, every part of the starry sphere in succession presented to us as our nocturnal sky.
This notion, that the sun moves round among the stars in a year, is the basis of astronomy, and a considerable part of the science is only the development and particularization of this general conception. It is not easy to ascertain either the exact method by which the path of the sun among the stars was determined, or the author and date of the discovery. That there is some difficulty in tracing the course of the sun among the stars will be clearly seen, when it is considered that no [130] star can ever be seen at the same time with the sun. If the whole circuit of the sky be divided into twelve parts or signs, it is estimated by Autolycus, the oldest writer on these subjects whose works remain to us,[38] that the stars which occupy one of these parts are absorbed by the solar rays, so that they cannot be seen. Hence the stars which are seen nearest to the place of the setting and the rising sun in the evening and in the morning, are distant from him by the half of a sign: the evening stars being to the west, and the morning stars to the east of him. If the observer had previously obtained a knowledge of the places of all the principal stars, he might in this way determine the position of the sun each night, and thus trace his path in a year.
[38] Delamb. A. A. p. xiii.
In this, or some such way, the sun’s path was determined by the early astronomers of Egypt. Thales, who is mentioned as the father of Greek astronomy, probably learnt among the Egyptians the results of such speculations, and introduced them into his own country. His knowledge, indeed, must have been a great deal more advanced than that which we are now describing, if it be true, as is asserted, that he predicted an eclipse. But his having done so is not very consistent with what we are told of the steps which his successors had still to make.
The Circle of the Signs, in which the sun moves among the stars, is obliquely situated with regard to the circles in which the stars move about the poles. Pliny[39] states that Anaximander,[40] a scholar of Thales, was the first person who pointed out this obliquity, and thus, as he says, “opened the gate of nature.” Certainly, the person who first had a clear view of the nature of the sun’s path in the celestial sphere, made that step which led to all the rest; but it is difficult to conceive that the Egyptians and Chaldeans had not already advanced so far.
[39] Lib. ii. c. (viii.)
[40] Plutarch, De Plac. Phil. lib. ii. cap. xii. says Pythagoras was the author of this discovery.
The diurnal motion of the celestial sphere, and the motion of the moon in the circle of the signs, gave rise to a mathematical science, the Doctrine of the Sphere, which was one of the earliest branches of applied mathematics. A number of technical conceptions and terms were soon introduced. The Sphere of the heavens was conceived to be complete, though we see but a part of it; it was supposed to turn about the visible pole and another pole opposite to this, and these poles were connected by an imaginary Axis. The circle which divided the sphere exactly midway between these poles was called the Equator (ἰσημέρινος). [131] The two circles parallel to this which bounded the sun’s path among the stars were called Tropics (τροπικαί), because the sun turns back again towards the equator when he reaches them. The stars which never set are bounded by a circle called the Arctic Circle (ἄρκτικος, from ἄρκτος, the Bear, the constellation to which some of the principal stars within that circle belong.) A circle about the opposite pole is called Antarctic, and the stars which are within it can never rise to us.[41] The sun’s path or circle of the signs is called the Zodiac, or circle of animals; the points where this circle meets the equator are the Equinoctial Points, the days and nights being equal when the sun is in them; the Solstitial Points are those where the sun’s path touches the tropics; his motion to the south or to the north ceases when he is there, and he appears in that respect to stand still. The Colures (κόλουροι, mutilated) are circles which pass through the poles and through the equinoctial and solstitial points; they have their name because they are only visible in part, a portion of them being below the horizon.
[41] The Arctic and Antarctic Circles of modern astronomers are different from these.
The Horizon (ὁρίζων) is commonly understood as the boundary of the visible earth and heaven. In the doctrine of the sphere, this boundary is a great circle, that is, a circle of which the plane passes through the centre of the sphere; and, therefore, an entire hemisphere is always above the horizon. The term occurs for the first time in the work of Euclid, called Phænomena (Φαινόμενα). We possess two treatises written by Autolycus[42] (who lived about 300 b. c.) which trace deductively the results of the doctrine of the sphere. Supposing its diurnal motion to be uniform, in a work entitled Περὶ Κινουμένης Σφαῖρας, “On the Moving Sphere,” he demonstrates various properties of the diurnal risings, settings, and motions of the stars. In another work, Περὶ Ἐπιτολῶν καὶ Δύσεων, “On Risings and Settings,”[43] tacitly assuming the sun’s motion in his circle to be uniform, he proves certain propositions, with regard to those risings and settings of the stars, which take place at the same time when the sun rises and sets,[44] or vice versâ;[45] and also their apparent risings and settings when they cease to be visible after sunset, or begin to be visible after sunrise.[46] [132] Several of the propositions contained in the former of these treatises are still necessary to be understood, as fundamental parts of astronomy.
[42] Delambre, Astron. Ancienne, p. 19.
[43] Delambre, Astron. Anc. p. 25.
[44] Cosmical rising and setting.
[45] Acronycal rising and setting; (ἀκρονυκίος, happening at the extremity of the night.)
[46] Heliacal rising and setting.
The work of Euclid, just mentioned, is of the same kind. Delambre[47] finds in it evidence that Euclid was merely a book-astronomer, who had never observed the heavens.
[47] Ast. Anc. p. 53.
We may here remark the first instance of that which we shall find abundantly illustrated in every part of the history of science; that man is prone to become a deductive reasoner;—that as soon as he obtains principles which can be traced to details by logical consequence, he sets about forming a body of science, by making a system of such reasonings. Geometry has always been a favorite mode of exercising this propensity: and that science, along with Trigonometry, Plane and Spherical, to which the early problems of astronomy gave rise, have, up to the present day, been a constant field for the exercise of mathematical ingenuity; a few simple astronomical truths being assumed as the basis of the reasoning.
Sect. 9.—The Globular Form of the Earth.
The establishment of the globular form of the earth is an important step in astronomy, for it is the first of those convictions, directly opposed to the apparent evidence of the senses, which astronomy irresistibly proves. To make men believe that up and down are different directions in different places; that the sea, which seems so level, is, in fact, convex; that the earth, which appears to rest on a solid foundation, is, in fact, not supported at all; are great triumphs both of the power of discovering and the power of convincing. We may readily allow this, when we recollect how recently the doctrine of the antipodes, or the existence of inhabitants of the earth, who stand on the opposite side of it, with their feet turned towards ours, was considered both monstrous and heretical.
Yet the different positions of the horizon at different places, necessarily led the student of spherical astronomy towards this notion of the earth as a round body. Anaximander[48] is said by some to have held the earth to be globular, and to be detached or suspended; he is also stated to have constructed a sphere, on which were shown the extent of land and water. As, however, we do not know the arguments upon which he maintained the earth’s globular form, we cannot judge of the [133] value of his opinion; it may have been no better founded than a different opinion ascribed to him by Laertius, that the earth had the shape of a pillar. Probably, the authors of the doctrine of the globular form of the earth were led to it, as we have said, by observing the different height of the pole at different places. They would find that the space which they passed over from north to south on the earth, was proportional to the change of place of the horizon in the celestial sphere; and as the horizon is, at every place, in the direction of the earth’s apparently level surface, this observation would naturally suggest to them the opinion that the earth is placed within the celestial sphere, as a small globe in the middle of a much larger one.
[48] See Brucker, Hist. Phil. vol. i. p. 486.
We find this doctrine so distinctly insisted on by Aristotle, that we may almost look on him as the establisher of it.[49] “As to the figure of the earth, it must necessarily be spherical.” This he proves, first by the tendency of things, in all places, downwards. He then adds,[50] “And, moreover, from the phenomena according to the sense: for if it were not so, the eclipses of the moon would not have such sections as they have. For in the configurations in the course of a month, the deficient part takes all different shapes; it is straight, and concave, and convex; but in eclipses it always has the line of division convex; wherefore, since the moon is eclipsed in consequence of the interposition of the earth, the periphery of the earth must be the cause of this by having a spherical form. And again, from the appearances of the stars, it is clear, not only that the earth is round, but that its size is not very large: for when we make a small removal to the south or the north, the circle of the horizon becomes palpably different, so that the stars overhead undergo a great change, and are not the same to those that travel to the north and to the south. For some stars are seen in Egypt or at Cyprus, but are not seen in the countries to the north of these; and the stars that in the north are visible while they make a complete circuit, there undergo a setting. So that from this it is manifest, not only that the form of the earth is round, but also that it is a part of not a very large sphere: for otherwise the difference would not be so obvious to persons making so small a change of place. Wherefore we may judge that those persons who connect the region in the neighborhood of the pillars of Hercules with that towards India, and who assert that in this way the sea is one, do not assert things very improbable. They confirm this conjecture moreover by the [134] elephants, which are said to be of the same species (γένος) towards each extreme; as if this circumstance was a consequence of the conjunction of the extremes. The mathematicians, who try to calculate the measure of the circumference, make it amount to 400,000 stadia; whence we collect that the earth is not only spherical, but is not large compared with the magnitude of the other stars.”
[49] Arist. de Cœlo, lib. ii. cap. xiv. ed. Casaub. p. 290.
[50] p. 291 C.
When this notion was once suggested, it was defended and confirmed by such arguments as we find in later writers: for instance,[51] that the tendency of all things was to fall to the place of heavy bodies, and that this place being the centre of the earth, the whole earth had no such tendency; that the inequalities on the surface were so small as not materially to affect the shape of so vast a mass; that drops of water naturally form themselves into figures with a convex surface; that the end of the ocean would fall if it were not rounded off; that we see ships, when they go out to sea, disappearing downwards, which shows the surface to be convex. These are the arguments still employed in impressing the doctrines of astronomy upon the student of our own days; and thus we find that, even at the early period of which we are now speaking, truths had begun to accumulate which form a part of our present treasures. ~Additional material in the [3rd edition].~
[51] Pliny, Nat. Hist. ii. lxv.
Sect. 10.—The Phases of the Moon.
When men had formed a steady notion of the Moon as a solid body, revolving about the earth, they had only further to conceive it spherical, and to suppose the sun to be beyond the region of the moon, and they would find that they had obtained an explanation of the varying forms which the bright part of the moon assumes in the course of a month. For the convex side of the crescent-moon, and her full edge when she is gibbous, are always turned towards the sun. And this explanation, once suggested, would be confirmed, the more it was examined. For instance, if there be near us a spherical stone, on which the sun is shining, and if we place ourselves so that this stone and the moon are seen in the same direction (the moon appearing just over the top of the stone), we shall find that the visible part of the stone, which is then illuminated by the sun, is exactly similar in form to the moon, at whatever period of her changes she may be. The stone and the moon being in the same position with respect to us, and both being enlightened by the sun, the bright parts are the same in figure; [135] the only difference is, that the dark part of the moon is usually not visible at all.
This doctrine is ascribed to Anaximander. Aristotle was fully aware of it.[52] It could not well escape the Chaldeans and Egyptians, if they speculated at all about the causes of the appearances in the heavens.
[52] Probl. Cap. xv. Art. 7.
Sect. 11.—Eclipses.
Eclipses of the sun and moon were from the earliest tunes regarded with a peculiar interest. The notions of superhuman influences and relations, which, as we have seen, were associated with the luminaries of the sky, made men look with alarm at any sudden and striking change in those objects; and as the constant and steady course of the celestial revolutions was contemplated with a feeling of admiration and awe, any marked interruption and deviation in this course, was regarded with surprise and terror. This appears to be the case with all nations at an early stage of their civilization.
This impression would cause Eclipses to be noted and remembered; and accordingly we find that the records of Eclipses are the earliest astronomical information which we possess. When men had discovered some of the laws of succession of other astronomical phenomena, for instance, of the usual appearances of the moon and sun, it might then occur to them that these unusual appearances also might probably be governed by some rule.
The search after this rule was successful at an early period. The Chaldeans were able to predict Eclipses of the Moon. This they did, probably, by means of their Cycle of 223 months, or about 18 years; for at the end of this time, the eclipses of the moon begin to return, at the same intervals and in the same order as at the beginning.[53] Probably this was the first instance of the prediction of peculiar astronomical phenomena. The Chinese have, indeed, a legend, in which it is related that a solar eclipse happened in the reign of Tchongkang, above 2000 years before Christ, and that the emperor was so much irritated against two great officers of state, who had neglected to predict this eclipse, that he put them to death. But this cannot be accepted as a real event: for, during the next ten centuries, we find no single observation or fact connected with astronomy in the Chinese [136] histories; and their astronomy has never advanced beyond a very rude and imperfect condition.
[53] The eclipses of the sun are more difficult to calculate; since they depend upon the place of the spectator on the earth.
We can only conjecture the mode in which the Chaldeans discovered their Period of 18 years; and we may make very different suppositions with regard to the degree of science by which they were led to it. We may suppose, with Delambre,[54] that they carefully recorded the eclipses which happened, and then, by the inspection of their registers, discovered that those of the moon recurred after a certain period. Or we may suppose, with other authors, that they sedulously determined the motions of the moon, and having obtained these with considerable accuracy, sought and found a period which should include cycles of these motions. This latter mode of proceeding would imply a considerable degree of knowledge.
[54] A. A. p. 212.
It appears probable rather that such a period was discovered by noticing the recurrence of eclipses, than by studying the moon’s motions. After 6585⅓ days, or 223 lunations, the same eclipses nearly will recur. It is not contested that the Chaldeans were acquainted with this period, which they called Saros; or that they calculated eclipses by means of it.
Sect. 12.—Sequel to the Early Stages of Astronomy.
Every stage of science has its train of practical applications and systematic inferences, arising both from the demands of convenience and curiosity, and from the pleasure which, as we have already said, ingenuous and active-minded men feel in exercising the process of deduction. The earliest condition of astronomy, in which it can be looked upon as a science, exhibits several examples of such applications and inferences, of which we may mention a few.
Prediction of Eclipses.—The Cycles which served to keep in order the Calendar of the early nations of antiquity, in some instances enabled them also, as has just been stated, to predict Eclipses; and this application of knowledge necessarily excited great notice. Cleomedes, in the time of Augustus, says, “We never see an eclipse happen which has not been predicted by those who made use of the Tables.” (ὑπὸ τῶν κανονικῶν.)
Terrestrial Zones.—The globular form of the earth being assented to, the doctrine of the sphere was applied to the earth as well as the heavens; and the earth’s surface was divided by various imaginary [137] circles; among the rest, the equator, the tropics, and circles, at the same distance from the poles as the tropics are from the equator. One of the curious consequences of this division was the assumption that there must be some marked difference in the stripes or zones into which the earth’s surface was thus divided. In going to the south, Europeans found countries hotter and hotter, in going to the north, colder and colder; and it was supposed that the space between the tropical circles must be uninhabitable from heat, and that within the polar circles, again, uninhabitable from cold. This fancy was, as we now know, entirely unfounded. But the principle of the globular form of the earth, when dealt with by means of spherical geometry, led to many true and important propositions concerning the lengths of days and nights at different places. These propositions still form a part of our Elementary Astronomy.
Gnomonic.—Another important result of the doctrine of the sphere was Gnomonic or Dialling. Anaximenes is said by Pliny to have first taught this art in Greece; and both he and Anaximander are reported to have erected the first dial at Lacedemon. Many of the ancient dials remain to us; some of these are of complex forms, and must have required great ingenuity and considerable geometrical knowledge in their construction.
Measure of the Sun’s Distance.—The explanation of the phases of the moon led to no result so remarkable as the attempt of Aristarchus of Samos to obtain from this doctrine a measure of the Distance of the Sun as compared with that of the Moon. If the moon was a perfectly smooth sphere, when she was exactly midway between the new and full in position (that is, a quadrant from the sun), she would be somewhat more than a half moon; and the place when she was dichotomized, that is, was an exact semicircle, the bright part being bounded by a straight line, would depend upon the sun’s distance from the earth. Aristarchus endeavored to fix the exact place of this Dichotomy; but the irregularity of the edge which bounds the bright part of the moon, and the difficulty of measuring with accuracy, by means then in use, either the precise time when the boundary was most nearly a straight line, or the exact distance of the moon from the sun at that time, rendered his conclusion false and valueless. He collected that the sun is at 18 times the distance of the moon from us; we now know that he is at 400 times the moon’s distance.
It would be easy to dwell longer on subjects of this kind; but we have already perhaps entered too much in detail. We have been [138] tempted to do this by the interest which the mathematical spirit of the Greeks gave to the earliest astronomical discoveries, when these were the subjects of their reasonings; but we must now proceed to contemplate them engaged in a worthier employment, namely, in adding to these discoveries. ~Additional material in the [3rd edition].~
CHAPTER II.
Prelude to the Inductive Epoch of Hipparchus.
WITHOUT pretending that we have exhausted the consequences of the elementary discoveries which we have enumerated, we now proceed to consider the nature and circumstances of the next great discovery which makes an Epoch in the history of Astronomy; and this we shall find to be the Theory of Epicycles and Eccentrics. Before, however, we relate the establishment of this theory, we must, according to the general plan we have marked out, notice some of the conjectures and attempts by which it was preceded, and the growing acquaintance with facts, which made the want of such an explanation felt.
In the steps previously made in astronomical knowledge, no ingenuity had been required to devise the view which was adopted. The motions of the stars and sun were most naturally and almost irresistibly conceived as the results of motion in a revolving sphere; the indications of position which we obtain from different places on the earth’s surface, when clearly combined, obviously imply a globular shape. In these cases, the first conjectures, the supposition of the simplest form, of the most uniform motion, required no after-correction. But this manifest simplicity, this easy and obvious explanation, did not apply to the movement of all the heavenly bodies. The Planets, the “wandering stars,” could not be so easily understood; the motion of each, as Cicero says, “undergoing very remarkable changes in its course, going before and behind, quicker and slower, appearing in the evening, but gradually lost there, and emerging again in the morning.”[55] A continued attention to these stars would, however, [139] detect a kind of intricate regularity in their motions, which might naturally be described as “a dance.” The Chaldeans are stated by Diodorus[56] to have observed assiduously the risings and settings of the planets, from the top of the temple of Belus. By doing this, they would find the times in which the forward and backward movements of Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars recur; and also the time in which they come round to the same part of the heavens.[57] Venus and Mercury never recede far from the sun, and the intervals which elapse while either of them leaves its greatest distance from the sun and returns again to the greatest distance on the same side, would easily be observed.
[55] Cic. de Nat. D. lib. ii. p. 450. “Ea quæ Saturni stella dicitur, φαίνωνque a Græcis nominatur, quæ a terra abest plurimum, xxx fere annis cursum suum conficit; in quo cursu multa mirabiliter efficiens, tum antecedendo, tum retardando, tum vespertinis temporibus delitescendo, tum matutinis se rursum aperiendo, nihil immutat sempiternis sæculorum ætatibus, quin eadem iisdem temporibus efficiat.” And so of the other planets.
[56] A. A. i. p. 4.
[57] Plin. H. N. ii. p. 204.
Probably the manner in which the motions of the planets were originally reduced to rule was something like the following:—In about 30 of our years, Saturn goes 29 times through his Anomaly, that is, the succession of varied motions by which he sometimes goes forwards and sometimes backwards among the stars. During this time, he goes once round the heavens, and returns nearly to the same place. This is the cycle of his apparent motions.
Perhaps the eastern nations contented themselves with thus referring these motions to cycles of time, so as to determine their recurrence. Something of this kind was done at an early period, as we have seen.
But the Greeks soon attempted to frame to themselves a sensible image of the mechanism by which these complex motions were produced; nor did they find this difficult. Venus, for instance, who, upon the whole, moves from west to east among the stars, is seen, at certain intervals, to return or move retrograde a short way back from east to west, then to become for a short time stationary, then to turn again and resume her direct motion westward, and so on. Now this can be explained by supposing that she is placed in the rim of a wheel, which is turned edgeways to us, and of which the centre turns round in the heavens from west to east, while the wheel, carrying the planet in its motion, moves round its own centre. In this way the motion of the wheel about its centre, would, in some situations, counterbalance the general motion of the centre, and make the planet retrograde, while, on the whole, the westerly motion would prevail. Just as if we suppose that a person, holding a lamp in his hand in the dark, and at a [140] distance, so that the lamp alone is visible, should run on turning himself round; we should see the light sometimes stationary, sometimes retrograde, but on the whole progressive.
A mechanism of this kind was imagined for each of the planets, and the wheels of which we have spoken were in the end called Epicycles.
The application of such mechanism to the planets appears to have arisen in Greece about the time of Aristotle. In the works of Plato we find a strong taste for this kind of mechanical speculation. In the tenth book of the “Polity,” we have the apologue of Alcinus the Pamphylian, who, being supposed to be killed in battle, revived when he was placed on the funeral pyre, and related what he had seen during his trance. Among other revelations, he beheld the machinery by which all the celestial bodies revolve. The axis of these revolutions is the adamantine distaff which Destiny holds between her knees; on this are fixed, by means of different sockets, flat rings, by which the planets are carried. The order and magnitude of these spindles are minutely detailed. Also, in the “Epilogue to the Laws” (Epinomis), he again describes the various movements of the sky, so as to show a distinct acquaintance with the general character of the planetary motions; and, after speaking of the Egyptians and Syrians as the original cultivators of such knowledge, he adds some very remarkable exhortations to his countrymen to prosecute the subject. “Whatever we Greeks,” he says, “receive from the barbarians, we improve and perfect; there is good hope and promise, therefore, that Greeks will carry this knowledge far beyond that which was introduced from abroad.” To this task, however, he looks with a due appreciation of the qualities and preparation which it requires. “An astronomer must be,” he says, “the wisest of men; his mind must be duly disciplined in youth; especially is mathematical study necessary; both an acquaintance with the doctrine of number, and also with that other branch of mathematics, which, closely connected as it is with the science of the heavens, we very absurdly call geometry, the measurement of the earth.”[58]
[58] Epinomis, pp. 988, 990.
Those anticipations were very remarkably verified in the subsequent career of the Greek Astronomy.
The theory, once suggested, probably made rapid progress. Simplicius[59] relates, that Eudoxus of Cnidus introduced the hypothesis of revolving circles or spheres. Calippus of Cyzicus, having visited [141] Polemarchus, an intimate friend of Eudoxus, they went together to Athens, and communicated to Aristotle the invention of Eudoxus, and with his help improved and corrected it.
[59] Lib. ii. de Cœlo. Bullialdus, p. 18.
Probably at first this hypothesis was applied only to account for the general phenomena of the progressions, retrogradations, and stations of the planet; but it was soon found that the motions of the sun and moon, and the circular motions of the planets, which the hypothesis supposed, had other anomalies or irregularities, which made a further extension of the hypothesis necessary.
The defect of uniformity in these motions of the sun and moon, though less apparent than in the planets, is easily detected, as soon as men endeavor to obtain any accuracy in their observations. We have already stated ([Chap. I.]) that the Chaldeans were in possession of a period of about eighteen years, which they used in the calculation of eclipses, and which might have been discovered by close observation of the moon’s motions; although it was probably rather hit upon by noting the recurrence of eclipses. The moon moves in a manner which is not reducible to regularity without considerable care and time. If we trace her path among the stars, we find that, like the path of the sun, it is oblique to the equator, but it does not, like that of the sun, pass over the same stars in successive revolutions. Thus its latitude, or distance from the equator, has a cycle different from its revolution among the stars; and its Nodes, or the points where it cuts the equator, are perpetually changing their position. In addition to this, the moon’s motion in her own path is not uniform; in the course of each lunation, she moves alternately slower and quicker, passing gradually through the intermediate degrees of velocity; and goes through the cycle of these changes in something less than a month; this is called a revolution of Anomaly. When the moon has gone through a complete number of revolutions of Anomaly, and has, in the same time, returned to the same position with regard to the sun, and also with regard to her Nodes, her motions with respect to the sun will thenceforth be the same as at the first, and all the circumstances on which lunar eclipses depend being the same, the eclipses will occur in the same order. In 6585⅓ days there are 239 revolutions of anomaly, 241 revolutions with regard to one of the Nodes, and, as we have said, 223 lunations or revolutions with regard to the sun. Hence this Period will bring about a succession of the same lunar eclipses.
If the Chaldeans observed the moon’s motion among the stars with any considerable accuracy, so as to detect this period by that means, [142] they could hardly avoid discovering the anomaly or unequal motion of the moon; for in every revolution, her daily progression in the heavens varies from about twenty-two to twenty-six times her own diameter. But there is not, in their knowledge of this Period, any evidence that they had measured the amount of this variation; and Delambre[60] is probably right in attributing all such observations to the Greeks.
[60] Astronomie Ancienne, i. 212.
The sun’s motion would also be seen to be irregular as soon as men had any exact mode of determining the lengths of the four seasons, by means of the passage of the sun through the equinoctial and solstitial points. For spring, summer, autumn, and winter, which would each consist of an equal number of days if the motions were uniform, are, in fact, found to be unequal in length.
It was not very difficult to see that the mechanism of epicycles might be applied so as to explain irregularities of this kind. A wheel travelling round the earth, while it revolved upon its centre, might produce the effect of making the sun or moon fixed in its rim go sometimes faster and sometimes slower in appearance, just in the same way as the same suppositions would account for a planet going sometimes forwards and sometimes backwards: the epicycles of the sun and moon would, for this purpose, be less than those of the planets. Accordingly, it is probable that, at the time of Plato and Aristotle, philosophers were already endeavoring to apply the hypothesis to these cases, though it does not appear that any one fully succeeded before Hipparchus.
The problem which was thus present to the minds of astronomers, and which Plato is said to have proposed to them in a distinct form, was, “To reconcile the celestial phenomena by the combination of equable circular motions.” That the circular motions should be equable as well as circular, was a condition, which, if it had been merely tried at first, as the most simple and definite conjecture, would have deserved praise. But this condition, which is, in reality, inconsistent with nature, was, in the sequel, adhered to with a pertinacity which introduced endless complexity into the system. The history of this assumption is one of the most marked instances of that love of simplicity and symmetry which is the source of all general truths, though it so often produces and perpetuates error. At present we can easily see how fancifully the notion of simplicity and perfection was interpreted, in the arguments by which the opinion was defended, that the [143] real motions of the heavenly bodies must be circular and uniform. The Pythagoreans, as well as the Platonists, maintained this dogma. According to Geminus, “They supposed the motions of the sun, and the moon, and the five planets, to be circular and equable: for they would not allow of such disorder among divine and eternal things, as that they should sometimes move quicker, and sometimes slower, and sometimes stand still; for no one would tolerate such anomaly in the movements, even of a man, who was decent and orderly. The occasions of life, however, are often reasons for men going quicker or slower, but in the incorruptible nature of the stars, it is not possible that any cause can be alleged of quickness and slowness. Whereupon they propounded this question, how the phenomena might be represented by equable and circular motions.”
These conjectures and assumptions led naturally to the establishment of the various parts of the Theory of Epicycles. It is probable that this theory was adopted with respect to the Planets at or before the time of Plato. And Aristotle gives us an account of the system thus devised.[61] “Eudoxus,” he says, “attributed four spheres to each Planet: the first revolved with the fixed stars (and this produced the diurnal motion); the second gave the planet a motion along the ecliptic (the mean motion in longitude); the third had its axis perpendicular[62] to the ecliptic (and this gave the inequality of each planetary motion, really arising from its special motion about the sun); the fourth produced the oblique motion transverse to this (the motion in latitude).” He is also said to have attributed a motion in latitude and a corresponding sphere to the Sun as well as to the Moon, of which it is difficult to understand the meaning, if Aristotle has reported rightly of the theory; for it would be absurd to ascribe to Eudoxus a knowledge of the motions by which the sun deviates from the ecliptic. Calippus conceived that two additional spheres must be given to the sun and to the moon, in order to explain the phenomena: probably he was aware of the inequalities of the motions of these luminaries. He also proposed an additional sphere for each planet, to account, we may suppose, for the results of the eccentricity of the orbits.
[61] Metaph. xi. 8.
[62] Aristotle says “has its poles in the ecliptic,” but this must be a mistake of his. He professes merely to receive these opinions from the mathematical astronomers, “ἐκ τῆς οἰκειοτάτης φιλοσοφίας τῶν μαθηματικῶν.”
The hypothesis, in this form, does not appear to have been reduced to measure, and was, moreover, unnecessarily complex. The resolution [144] of the oblique motion of the moon into two separate motions, by Eudoxus, was not the simplest way of conceiving it; and Calippus imagined the connection of these spheres in some way which made it necessary nearly to double their number; in this manner his system had no less than 55 spheres.
Such was the progress which the Idea of the hypothesis of epicycles had made in men’s minds, previously to the establishment of the theory by Hipparchus. There had also been a preparation for this step, on the other side, by the collection of Facts. We know that observations of the Eclipses of the Moon were made by the Chaldeans 367 b. c. at Babylon, and were known to the Greeks; for Hipparchus and Ptolemy founded their Theory of the Moon on these observations. Perhaps we cannot consider, as equally certain, the story that, at the time of Alexander’s conquest, the Chaldeans possessed a series of observations, which went back 1903 years, and which Aristotle caused Callisthenes to bring to him in Greece. All the Greek observations which are of any value, begin with the school of Alexandria. Aristyllus and Timocharis appear, by the citations of Hipparchus, to have observed the Places of Stars and Planets, and the Times of the Solstices, at various periods from b. c. 295 to b. c. 269. Without their observations, indeed, it would not have been easy for Hipparchus to establish either the Theory of the Sun or the Precession of the Equinoxes.
In order that observations at distant intervals may be compared with each other, they must be referred to some common era. The Chaldeans dated by the era of Nabonassar, which commenced 749 b. c. The Greek observations were referred to the Calippic periods of 76 years, of which the first began 331 b. c. These are the dates used by Hipparchus and Ptolemy. [145]
CHAPTER III.
Inductive Epoch of Hipparchus.
Sect. 1.—Establishment of the Theory of Epicycles and Eccentrics.
ALTHOUGH, as we have already seen, at the time of Plato, the Idea of Epicycles had been suggested, and the problem of its general application proposed, and solutions of this problem offered by his followers; we still consider Hipparchus as the real discoverer and founder of that theory; inasmuch as he not only guessed that it might, but showed that it must, account for the phenomena, both as to their nature and as to their quantity. The assertion that “he only discovers who proves,” is just; not only because, until a theory is proved to be the true one, it has no pre-eminence over the numerous other guesses among which it circulates, and above which the proof alone elevates it; but also because he who takes hold of the theory so as to apply calculation to it, possesses it with a distinctness of conception which makes it peculiarly his.
In order to establish the Theory of Epicycles, it was necessary to assign the magnitudes, distances, and positions of the circles or spheres in which the heavenly bodies were moved, in such a manner as to account for their apparently irregular motions. We may best understand what was the problem to be solved, by calling to mind what we now know to be the real motions of the heavens. The true motion of the earth round the sun, and therefore the apparent annual motion of the sun, is performed, not in a circle of which the earth is the centre, but in an ellipse or oval, the earth being nearer to one end than to the other; and the motion is most rapid when the sun is at the nearer end of this oval. But instead of an oval, we may suppose the sun to move uniformly in a circle, the earth being now, not in the centre, but nearer to one side; for on this supposition, the sun will appear to move most quickly when he is nearest to the earth, or in his Perigee, as that point is called. Such an orbit is called an Eccentric, and the distance of the earth from the centre of the circle is called the Eccentricity. It may easily be shown by geometrical reasoning, that the inequality of apparent motion so produced, is exactly the same in [146] detail, as the inequality which follows from the hypothesis of a small Epicycle, turning uniformly on its axis, and carrying the sun in its circumference, while the centre of this epicycle moves uniformly in a circle of which the earth is the centre. This identity of the results of the hypothesis of the Eccentric and the Epicycle is proved by Ptolemy in the third book of the “Almagest.”
The Sun’s Eccentric.—When Hipparchus had clearly conceived these hypotheses, as possible ways of accounting for the sun’s motion, the task which he had to perform, in order to show that they deserved to be adopted, was to assign a place to the Perigee, a magnitude to the Eccentricity, and an Epoch at which the sun was at the perigee; and to show that, in this way, he had produced a true representation of the motions of the sun. This, accordingly, he did; and having thus determined, with considerable exactness, both the law of the solar irregularities, and the numbers on which their amount depends, he was able to assign the motions and places of the sun for any moment of future time with corresponding exactness; he was able, in short, to construct Solar Tables, by means of which the sun’s place with respect to the stars could be correctly found at any time. These tables (as they are given by Ptolemy)[63] give the Anomaly, or inequality of the sun’s motion; and this they exhibit by means of the Prosthapheresis, the quantity of which, at any distance of the sun from the Apogee, it is requisite to add to or subtract from the arc, which he would have described if his motion had been equable.
[63] Syntax. 1. iii.
The reader might perhaps expect that the calculations which thus exhibited the motions of the sun for an indefinite future period must depend upon a considerable number of observations made at all seasons of the year. That, however, was not the case; and the genius of the discoverer appeared, as such genius usually does appear, in his perceiving how small a number of facts, rightly considered, were sufficient to form a foundation for the theory. The number of days contained in two seasons of the year sufficed for this purpose to Hipparchus. “Having ascertained,” says Ptolemy, “that the time from the vernal equinox to the summer tropic is 94½ days, and the time from the summer tropic to the autumnal equinox 92½ days, from these phenomena alone he demonstrates that the straight line joining the centre of the sun’s eccentric path with the centre of the zodiac (the spectator’s eye) is nearly the 24th part of the radius of the eccentric path; and that [147] its apogee precedes the summer solstice by 24½ degrees nearly, the zodiac containing 360.”
The exactness of the Solar Tables, or Canon, which was founded on these data, was manifested, not only by the coincidence of the sun’s calculated place with such observations as the Greek astronomers of this period were able to make (which were indeed very rude), but by its enabling them to calculate solar and lunar eclipses; phenomena which are a very precise and severe trial of the accuracy of such tables, inasmuch as a very minute change in the apparent place of the sun or moon would completely alter the obvious features of the eclipse. Though the tables of this period were by no means perfect, they bore with tolerable credit this trying and perpetually recurring test; and thus proved the soundness of the theory on which the tables were calculated.
The Moon’s Eccentric.—The moon’s motions have many irregularities; but when the hypothesis of an Eccentric or an Epicycle had sufficed in the case of the sun, it was natural to try to explain, in the same way, the motions of the moon; and it was shown by Hipparchus that such hypotheses would account for the more obvious anomalies. It is not very easy to describe the several ways in which these hypotheses were applied, for it is, in truth, very difficult to explain in words even the mere facts of the moon’s motion. If she were to leave a visible bright line behind her in the heavens wherever she moved, the path thus exhibited would be of an extremely complex nature; the circle of each revolution slipping away from the preceding, and the traces of successive revolutions forming a sort of band of net-work running round the middle of the sky.[64] In each revolution, the motion in longitude is affected by an anomaly of the same nature as the sun’s anomaly already spoken of; but besides this, the path of the moon deviates from the ecliptic to the north and to the south of the ecliptic, and thus she has a motion in latitude. This motion in latitude would be sufficiently known if we knew the period of its restoration, that is, the time which the moon occupies in moving from any latitude till she is restored to the same latitude; as, for instance, from the ecliptic on one side of the heavens to the ecliptic on the same side of the heavens again. But it is found that the period of the restoration of the latitude is not the same as the period of the restoration of the longitude, that is, as the period of the moon’s revolution among the [148] stars; and thus the moon describes a different path among the stars in every successive revolution, and her path, as well as her velocity, is constantly variable.
[64] The reader will find an attempt to make the nature of this path generally intelligible in the Companion to the British Almanac for 1814.
Hipparchus, however, reduced the motions of the moon to rule and to Tables, as he did those of the sun, and in the same manner. He determined, with much greater accuracy than any preceding astronomer, the mean or average equable motions of the moon in longitude and in latitude; and he then represented the anomaly of the motion in longitude by means of an eccentric, in the same manner as he had done for the sun.
But here there occurred still an additional change, besides those of which we have spoken. The Apogee of the Sun was always in the same place in the heavens; or at least so nearly so, that Ptolemy could detect no error in the place assigned to it by Hipparchus 250 years before. But the Apogee of the Moon was found to have a motion among the stars. It had been observed before the time of Hipparchus, that in 6585⅓ days, there are 241 revolutions of the moon with regard to the stars, but only 239 revolutions with regard to the anomaly. This difference could be suitably represented by supposing the eccentric, in which the moon moves, to have itself an angular motion, perpetually carrying its apogee in the same direction in which the moon travels; but this supposition being made, it was necessary to determine, not only the eccentricity of the orbit, and place of the apogee at a certain time, but also the rate of motion of the apogee itself, in order to form tables of the moon.
This task, as we have said, Hipparchus executed; and in this instance, as in the problem of the reduction of the sun’s motion to tables, the data which he found it necessary to employ were very few. He deduced all his conclusions from six eclipses of the moon.[65] Three of these, the records of which were brought from Babylon, where a register of such occurrences was kept, happened in the 366th and 367th years from the era of Nabonassar, and enabled Hipparchus to determine the eccentricity and apogee of the moon’s orbit at that time. The three others were observed at Alexandria, in the 547th year of Nabonassar, which gave him another position of the orbit at an interval of 180 years; and he thus became acquainted with the motion of the orbit itself, as well as its form.[66]
[65] Ptol. Syn. iv. 10.
[66] Ptolemy uses the hypothesis of an epicycle for the moon’s first inequality; but Hipparchus employs an eccentric.
[149] The moon’s motions are really affected by several other inequalities, of very considerable amount, besides those which were thus considered by Hipparchus; but the lunar paths, constructed on the above data, possessed a considerable degree of correctness, and especially when applied, as they were principally, to the calculation of eclipses; for the greatest of the additional irregularities which we have mentioned disappear at new and full moon, which are the only times when eclipses take place.
The numerical explanation of the motions of the sun and moon, by means of the Hypothesis of Eccentrics, and the consequent construction of tables, was one of the great achievements of Hipparchus. The general explanation of the motions of the planets, by means of the hypothesis of epicycles, was in circulation previously, as we have seen. But the special motions of the planets, in their epicycles, are, in reality, affected by anomalies of the same kind as those which render it necessary to introduce eccentrics in the cases of the sun and moon.
Hipparchus determined, with great exactness, the Mean Motions of the Planets; but he was not able, from want of data, to explain the planetary Irregularities by means of Eccentrics. The whole mass of good observations of the planets which he received from preceding ages, did not contain so many, says Ptolemy, as those which he has transmitted to us of his own. “Hence[67] it was,” he adds, “that while he labored, in the most assiduous manner to represent the motions of the sun and moon by means of equable circular motions; with respect to the planets, so far as his works show, he did not even make the attempt, but merely put the extant observations in order, added to them himself more than the whole of what he received from preceding ages, and showed the insufficiency of the hypothesis current among astronomers to explain the phenomena.” It appears that preceding mathematicians had already pretended to construct “a Perpetual Canon,” that is, Tables which should give the places of the planets at any future time; but these being constructed without regard to the eccentricity of the orbits, must have been very erroneous.
[67] Synt. ix. 2.
Ptolemy declares, with great reason, that Hipparchus showed his usual love of truth, and his right sense of the responsibility of his task, in leaving this part of it to future ages. The Theories of the Sun and Moon, which we have already described, constitute him a great astronomical discoverer, and justify the reputation he has always [150] possessed. There is, indeed, no philosopher who is so uniformly spoken of in terms of admiration. Ptolemy, to whom we owe our principal knowledge of him, perpetually couples with his name epithets of praise: he is not only an excellent and careful observer, but “a[68] most truth-loving and labor-loving person,” one who had shown extraordinary sagacity and remarkable desire of truth in every part of science. Pliny, after mentioning him and Thales, breaks out into one of his passages of declamatory vehemence: “Great men! elevated above the common standard of human nature, by discovering the laws which celestial occurrences obey, and by freeing the wretched mind of man from the fears which eclipses inspired—Hail to you and to your genius, interpreters of heaven, worthy recipients of the laws of the universe, authors of principles which connect gods and men!” Modern writers have spoken of Hipparchus with the same admiration; and even the exact but severe historian of astronomy, Delambre, who bestows his praise so sparingly, and his sarcasm so generally;—who says[69] that it is unfortunate for the memory of Aristarchus that his work has come to us entire, and who cannot refer[70] to the statement of an eclipse rightly predicted by Halicon of Cyzicus without adding, that if the story be true, Halicon was more lucky than prudent;—loses all his bitterness when he comes to Hipparchus.[71] “In Hipparchus,” says he, “we find one of the most extraordinary men of antiquity; the very greatest, in the sciences which require a combination of observation with geometry.” Delambre adds, apparently in the wish to reconcile this eulogium with the depreciating manner in which he habitually speaks of all astronomers whose observations are inexact, “a long period and the continued efforts of many industrious men are requisite to produce good instruments, but energy and assiduity depend on the man himself.”
[68] Synt. ix. 2.
[69] Astronomie Ancienne, i. 75.
[70] Ib. i. 17.
[71] Ib. i. 186.
Hipparchus was the author of other great discoveries and improvements in astronomy, besides the establishment of the Doctrine of Eccentrics and Epicycles; but this, being the greatest advance in the theory of the celestial motions which was made by the ancients, must be the leading subject of our attention in the present work; our object being to discover in what the progress of real theoretical knowledge consists, and under what circumstances it has gone on. [151]
Sect. 2.—Estimate of the Value of the Theory of Eccentrics and Epicycles.
It may be useful here to explain the value of the theoretical step which Hipparchus thus made; and the more so, as there are, perhaps, opinions in popular circulation, which might lead men to think lightly of the merit of introducing or establishing the Doctrine of Epicycles. For, in the first place, this doctrine is now acknowledged to be false; and some of the greatest men in the more modern history of astronomy owe the brightest part of their fame to their having been instrumental in overturning this hypothesis. And, moreover, in the next place, the theory is not only false, but extremely perplexed and entangled, so that it is usually looked upon as a mass of arbitrary and absurd complication. Most persons are familiar with passages in which it is thus spoken of.[72]
. . . . . He his fabric of the heavens
Hath left to their disputes, perhaps to move
His laughter at their quaint opinions wide;
Hereafter, when they come to model heaven
And calculate the stars, how will they wield
The mighty frame! how build, unbuild, contrive,
To save appearances! how gird the sphere
With centric and eccentric scribbled o’er,
Cycle in epicycle, orb in orb!
And every one will recollect the celebrated saying of Alphonso X., king of Castile,[73] when this complex system was explained to him; that “if God had consulted him at the creation, the universe should have been on a better and simpler plan.” In addition to this, the system is represented as involving an extravagant conception of the nature of the orbs which it introduces; that they are crystalline spheres, and that the vast spaces which intervene between the celestial luminaries are a solid mass, formed by the fitting together of many masses perpetually in motion; an imagination which is presumed to be incredible and monstrous.
[72] Paradise Lost, viii.
[73]a. d. 1252.
We must endeavor to correct or remove these prejudices, not only in order that we may do justice to the Hipparchian, or, as it is usually called, Ptolemaic system of astronomy, and to its founder; but for another reason, much more important to the purpose of this work; [152] namely, that we may see how theories may be highly estimable, though they contain false representations of the real state of things, and may be extremely useful, though they involve unnecessary complexity. In the advance of knowledge, the value of the true part of a theory may much outweigh the accompanying error, and the use of a rule may be little impaired by its want of simplicity. The first steps of our progress do not lose their importance because they are not the last; and the outset of the journey may require no less vigor and activity than its close.
That which is true in the Hipparchian theory, and which no succeeding discoveries have deprived of its value, is the Resolution of the apparent motions of the heavenly bodies into an assemblage of circular motions. The test of the truth and reality of this Resolution is, that it leads to the construction of theoretical Tables of the motions of the luminaries, by which their places are given at any time, agreeing nearly with their places as actually observed. The assumption that these circular motions, thus introduced, are all exactly uniform, is the fundamental principle of the whole process. This assumption is, it may be said, false; and we have seen how fantastic some of the arguments were, which were originally urged in its favor. But some assumption is necessary, in order that the motions, at different points of a revolution, may be somehow connected, that is, in order that we may have any theory of the motions; and no assumption more simple than the one now mentioned can be selected. The merit of the theory is this;—that obtaining the amount of the eccentricity, the place of the apogee, and, it may be, other elements, from few observations, it deduces from these, results agreeing with all observations, however numerous and distant. To express an inequality by means of an epicycle, implies, not only that there is an inequality, but further,—that the inequality is at its greatest value at a certain known place,—diminishes in proceeding from that place by a known law,—continues its diminution for a known portion of the revolution of the luminary,—then increases again; and so on: that is, the introduction of the epicycle represents the inequality of motion, as completely as it can be represented with respect to its quantity.
We may further illustrate this, by remarking that such a Resolution of the unequal motions of the heavenly bodies into equable circular motions, is, in fact, equivalent to the most recent and improved processes by which modern astronomers deal with such motions. Their universal method is to resolve all unequal motions into a series of [153] terms, or expressions of partial motions; and these terms involve sines and cosines, that is, certain technical modes of measuring circular motion, the circular motion having some constant relation to the time. And thus the problem of the resolution of the celestial motions into equable circular ones, which was propounded above two thousand years ago in the school of Plato, is still the great object of the study of modern astronomers, whether observers or calculators.
That Hipparchus should have succeeded in the first great steps of this resolution for the sun and moon, and should have seen its applicability in other cases, is a circumstance which gives him one of the most distinguished places in the roll of great astronomers. As to the charges or the sneers against the complexity of his system, to which we have referred, it is easy to see that they are of no force. As a system of calculation, his is not only good, but, as we have just said, in many cases no better has yet been discovered. If, when the actual motions of the heavens are calculated in the best possible way, the process is complex and difficult, and if we are discontented at this, nature, and not the astronomer, must be the object of our displeasure. This plea of the astronomers must be allowed to be reasonable. “We must not be repelled,” says Ptolemy,[74] “by the complexity of the hypotheses, but explain the phenomena as well as we can. If the hypotheses satisfy each apparent inequality separately, the combination of them will represent the truth; and why should it appear wonderful to any that such a complexity should exist in the heavens, when we know nothing of their nature which entitles us to suppose that any inconsistency will result?”
[74] Synt. xiii. 2.
But it may be said, we now know that the motions are more simple than they were thus represented, and that the Theory of Epicycles was false, as a conception of the real construction of the heavens. And to this we may reply, that it does not appear that the best astronomers of antiquity conceived the cycles and epicycles to have a material existence. Though the dogmatic philosophers, as the Aristotelians, appear to have taught that the celestial spheres were real solid bodies, they are spoken of by Ptolemy as imaginary;[75] and it is clear, from his proof of the identity of the results of the hypothesis of an eccentric and an epicycle, that they are intended to pass for no more than geometrical conceptions, in which view they are true representations of the apparent motions.
[75] Ibid. iii. 3.
[154] It is true, that the real motions of the heavenly bodies are simpler than the apparent motions; and that we, who are in the habit of representing to our minds their real arrangement, become impatient of the seeming confusion and disorder of the ancient hypotheses. But this real arrangement never could have been detected by philosophers, if the apparent motions had not been strictly examined and successfully analyzed. How far the connection between the facts and the true theory is from being obvious or easily traced, any one may satisfy himself by endeavoring, from a general conception of the moon’s real motions, to discover the rules which regulate the occurrences of eclipses; or even to explain to a learner, of what nature the apparent motions of the moon among the stars will be.
The unquestionable evidence of the merit and value of the Theory of Epicycles is to be found in this circumstance;—that it served to embody all the most exact knowledge then extant, to direct astronomers to the proper methods of making it more exact and complete, to point out new objects of attention and research; and that, after doing this at first, it was also able to take in, and preserve, all the new results of the active and persevering labors of a long series of Greek, Latin, Arabian, and modern European astronomers, till a new theory arose which could discharge this office. It may, perhaps, surprise some readers to be told, that the author of this next great step in astronomical theory, Copernicus, adopted the theory of epicycles; that is, he employed that which we have spoken of as its really valuable characteristic. “We[76] must confess,” he says, “that the celestial motions are circular, or compounded of several circles, since their inequalities observe a fixed law and recur in value at certain intervals, which could not be, except that they were circular; for a circle alone can make that which has been, recur again.”
[76] Copernicus. De Rev. 1. i. c. 4.
In this sense, therefore, the Hipparchian theory was a real and indestructible truth, which was not rejected, and replaced by different truths, but was adopted and incorporated into every succeeding astronomical theory; and which can never cease to be one of the most important and fundamental parts of our astronomical knowledge.
A moment’s reflection will show that, in the events just spoken of, the introduction and establishment of the Theory of Epicycles, those characteristics were strictly exemplified, which we have asserted to be the conditions of every real advance in progressive science; namely, [155] the application of distinct and appropriate Ideas to a real series of Facts. The distinctness of the geometrical conceptions which enabled Hipparchus to assign the Orbits of the Sun and Moon, requires no illustration; and we have just explained how these ideas combined into a connected whole the various motions and places of those luminaries. To make this step in astronomy, required diligence and care, exerted in collecting observations, and mathematical clearness and steadiness of view, exercised in seeing and showing that the theory was a successful analysis of them.
Sect. 3.—Discovery of the Precession of the Equinoxes.
The same qualities which we trace in the researches of Hipparchus already examined,—diligence in collecting observations, and clearness of idea in representing them,—appear also in other discoveries of his, which we must not pass unnoticed. The Precession of the Equinoxes, in particular, is one of the most important of these discoveries.
The circumstance here brought into notice was a Change of Longitude of the Fixed Stars. The longitudes of the heavenly bodies, being measured from the point where the sun’s annual path cuts the equator, will change if that path changes. Whether this happens, however, is not very easy to decide; for the sun’s path among the stars is made out, not by merely looking at the heavens, but by a series of inferences from other observable facts. Hipparchus used for this purpose eclipses of the moon; for these, being exactly opposite to the sun, afford data in marking out his path. By comparing the eclipses of his own time with those observed at an earlier period by Timocharis, he found that the bright star, Spica Virginis, was six degrees behind the equinoctial point in his own time, and had been eight degrees behind the same point at an earlier epoch. The suspicion was thus suggested, that the longitudes of all the stars increase perpetually; but Hipparchus had too truly philosophical a spirit to take this for granted. He examined the places of Regulus, and those of other stars, as he had done those of Spica; and he found, in all these instances, a change of place which could be explained by a certain alteration of position in the circles to which the stars are referred, which alteration is described as the Precession of the Equinoxes.
The distinctness with which Hipparchus conceived this change of relation of the heavens, is manifested by the question which, as we are told by Ptolemy, he examined and decided;—that this motion of the [156] heavens takes place about the poles of the ecliptic, and not about those of the equator. The care with which he collected this motion from the stars themselves, may be judged of from this, that having made his first observations for this purpose on Spica and Regulus, zodiacal stars, his first suspicion was that the stars of the zodiac alone changed their longitude, which suspicion he disproved by the examination of other stars. By his processes, the idea of the nature of the motion, and the evidence of its existence, the two conditions of a discovery, were fully brought into view. The scale of the facts which Hipparchus was thus able to reduce to law, may be in some measure judged of by recollecting that the precession, from his time to ours, has only carried the stars through one sign of the zodiac; and that, to complete one revolution of the sky by the motion thus discovered, would require a period of 25,000 years. Thus this discovery connected the various aspects of the heavens at the most remote periods of human history; and, accordingly, the novel and ingenious views which Newton published in his chronology, are founded on this single astronomical fact, the Precession of the Equinoxes.
The two discoveries which have been described, the mode of constructing Solar and Lunar Tables, and the Precession, were advances of the greatest importance in astronomy, not only in themselves, but in the new objects and undertakings which they suggested to astronomers. The one discovery detected a constant law and order in the midst of perpetual change and apparent disorder; the other disclosed mutation and movement perpetually operating where every thing had been supposed fixed and stationary. Such discoveries were well adapted to call up many questionings in the minds of speculative men; for, after this, nothing could be supposed constant till it had been ascertained to be so by close examination; and no apparent complexity or confusion could justify the philosopher in turning away in despair from the task of simplification. To answer the inquiries thus suggested, new methods of observing the facts were requisite, more exact and uniform than those hitherto employed. Moreover, the discoveries which were made, and others which could not fail to follow in their train, led to many consequences, required to be reasoned upon, systematized, completed, enlarged. In short, the Epoch of Induction led, as we have stated that such epochs must always lead, to a Period of Development, of Verification, Application, and Extension. [157]
CHAPTER IV.
Sequel to the Inductive Epoch of Hipparchus.
Sect. 1.—Researches which verified the Theory.
THE discovery of the leading Laws of the Solar and Lunar Motions, and the detection of the Precession, may be considered as the great positive steps in the Hipparchian astronomy;—the parent discoveries, from which many minor improvements proceeded. The task of pursuing the collateral and consequent researches which now offered themselves,—of bringing the other parts of astronomy up to the level of its most improved portions,—was prosecuted by a succession of zealous observers and calculators, first, in the school of Alexandria, and afterwards in other parts of the world. We must notice the various labors of this series of astronomers; but we shall do so very briefly; for the ulterior development of doctrines once established is not so important an object of contemplation for our present purpose, as the first conception and proof of those fundamental truths on which systematic doctrines are founded. Yet Periods of Verification, as well as Epochs of Induction, deserve to be attended to; and they can nowhere be studied with so much advantage as in the history of astronomy.
In truth, however, Hipparchus did not leave to his successors the task of pursuing into detail those views of the heavens to which his discoveries led him. He examined with scrupulous care almost every part of the subject. We must briefly mention some of the principal points which were thus settled by him.
The verification of the laws of the changes which he assigned to the skies, implied that the condition of the heavens was constant, except so far as it was affected by those changes. Thus, the doctrine that the changes of position of the stars were rightly represented by the precession of the equinoxes, supposed that the stars were fixed with regard to each other; and the doctrine that the unequal number of days, in certain subdivisions of months and years, was adequately explained by the theory of epicycles, assumed that years and days were always of constant lengths. But Hipparchus was not content with assuming these bases of his theory, he endeavored to prove them. [158]
1. Fixity of the Stars.—The question necessarily arose after the discovery of the precession, even if such a question had never suggested itself before, whether the stars which were called fixed, and to which the motions of the other luminaries are referred, do really retain constantly the same relative position. In order to determine this fundamental question, Hipparchus undertook to construct a Map of the heavens; for though the result of his survey was expressed in words, we may give this name to his Catalogue of the positions of the most conspicuous stars. These positions are described by means of alineations; that is, three or more such stars are selected as can be touched by an apparent straight line drawn in the heavens. Thus Hipparchus observed that the southern claw of Cancer, the bright star in the same constellation which precedes the head of the Hydra, and the bright star Procyon, were nearly in the same line. Ptolemy quotes this and many other of the configurations which Hipparchus had noted, in order to show that the positions of the stars had not changed in the intermediate time; a truth which the catalogue of Hipparchus thus gave astronomers the means of ascertaining. It contained 1080 stars.
The construction of this catalogue of the stars by Hipparchus is an event of great celebrity in the history of astronomy. Pliny,[77] who speaks of it with admiration as a wonderful and superhuman task (“ausus rem etiam Deo improbam, annumerare posteris stellas”), asserts the undertaking to have been suggested by a remarkable astronomical event, the appearance of a new star; “novam stellam et alium in ævo suo genitam deprehendit; ejusque motu, qua die fulsit, ad dubitationem est adductus anne hoc sæpius fieret, moverenturque et eæ quas putamus affixas.” There is nothing inherently improbable in this tradition, but we may observe, with Delambre,[78] that we are not informed whether this new star remained in the sky, or soon disappeared again. Ptolemy makes no mention of the star or the story; and his catalogue contains no bright star which is not found in the “Catasterisms” of Eratosthenes. These Catasterisms were an enumeration of 475 of the principal stars, according to the constellations in which they are, and were published about sixty years before Hipparchus.
[77] Nat. Hist. lib. ii. (xxvi.)
[78] A. A. i. 290.
2. Constant Length of Years.—Hipparchus also attempted to ascertain whether successive years are all of the same length; and though, with his scrupulous love of accuracy,[79] he does not appear to have [159] thought himself justified in asserting that the years were always exactly equal, he showed, both by observations of the time when the sun passed the equinoxes, and by eclipses, that the difference of successive years, if there were any difference, must be extremely slight. The observations of succeeding astronomers, and especially of Ptolemy, confirmed this opinion, and proved, with certainty, that there is no progressive increase or diminution in the duration of the year.
[79] Ptolem. Synt. iii. 2.
3. Constant Length of Days. Equation of Time.—The equality of days was more difficult to ascertain than that of years; for the year is measured, as on a natural scale, by the number of days which it contains; but the day can be subdivided into hours only by artificial means; and the mechanical skill of the ancients did not enable them to attain any considerable accuracy in the measure of such portions of time; though clepsydras and similar instruments were used by astronomers. The equality of days could only be proved, therefore, by the consequences of such a supposition; and in this manner it appears to have been assumed, as the fact really is, that the apparent revolution of the stars is accurately uniform, never becoming either quicker or slower. It followed, as a consequence of this, that the solar days (or rather the nycthemers, compounded of a night and a day) would be unequal, in consequence of the sun’s unequal motion, thus giving rise to what we now call the Equation of Time,—the interval by which the time, as marked on a dial, is before or after the time, as indicated by the accurate timepieces which modern skill can produce. This inequality was fully taken account of by the ancient astronomers; and they thus in fact assumed the equality of the sidereal days.
Sect. 2.—Researches which did not verify the Theory.
Some of the researches of Hipparchus and his followers fell upon the weak parts of his theory; and if the observations had been sufficiently exact, must have led to its being corrected or rejected.
Among these we may notice the researches which were made concerning the Parallax of the heavenly bodies, that is, their apparent displacement by the alteration of position of the observer from one part of the earth’s surface to the other. This subject is treated of at length by Ptolemy; and there can be no doubt that it was well examined by Hipparchus, who invented a parallactic instrument for that purpose. The idea of parallax, as a geometrical possibility, was indeed too obvious to be overlooked by geometers at any time; and when the doctrine of the sphere was established, it must have appeared strange [160] to the student, that every place on the earth’s surface might alike be considered as the centre of the celestial motions. But if this was true with respect to the motions of the fixed stars, was it also true with regard to those of the sun and moon? The displacement of the sun by parallax is so small, that the best observers among the ancients could never be sure of its existence; but with respect to the moon, the case is different. She may be displaced by this cause to the amount of twice her own breadth, a quantity easily noticed by the rudest process of instrumental observation. The law of the displacement thus produced is easily obtained by theory, the globular form of the earth being supposed known; but the amount of the displacement depends upon the distance of the moon from the earth, and requires at least one good observation to determine it. Ptolemy has given a table of the effects of parallax, calculated according to the apparent altitude of the moon, assuming certain supposed distances; these distances, however, do not follow the real law of the moon’s distances, in consequence of their being founded upon the Hypothesis of the Eccentric and Epicycle.
In fact this Hypothesis, though a very close representation of the truth, so far as the positions of the luminaries are concerned, fails altogether when we apply it to their distances. The radius of the epicycle, or the eccentricity of the eccentric, are determined so as to satisfy the observations of the apparent motions of the bodies; but, inasmuch as the hypothetical motions are different altogether from the real motions, the Hypothesis does not, at the same time, satisfy the observations of the distances of the bodies, if we are able to make any such observations.
Parallax is one method by which the distances of the moon, at different times, may be compared; her Apparent Diameters afford another method. Neither of these modes, however, is easily capable of such accuracy as to overturn at once the Hypothesis of epicycles; and, accordingly, the Hypothesis continued to be entertained in spite of such measures; the measures being, indeed, in some degree falsified in consequence of the reigning opinion. In fact, however, the imperfection of the methods of measuring parallax and magnitude, which were in use at this period, was such, their results could not lead to any degree of conviction deserving to be set in opposition to a theory which was so satisfactory with regard to the more certain observations, namely, those of the motions.
The Eccentricity, or the Radius of the Epicycle, which would satisfy [161] the inequality of the motions of the moon, would, in fact, double the inequality of the distances. The Eccentricity of the moon’s orbit is determined by Ptolemy as 1⁄12 of the radius of the orbit; but its real amount is only half as great; this difference is a necessary consequence of the supposition of uniform circular motions, on which the Epicyclic Hypothesis proceeds.
We see, therefore, that this part of the Hipparchian theory carries in itself the germ of its own destruction. As soon as the art of celestial measurement was so far perfected, that astronomers could be sure of the apparent diameter of the moon within 1⁄30 or 1⁄40 of the whole, the inconsistency of the theory with itself would become manifest. We shall see, [hereafter], the way in which this inconsistency operated; in reality a very long period elapsed before the methods of observing were sufficiently good to bring it clearly into view.
Sect. 3.—Methods of Observation of the Greek Astronomers.
We must now say a word concerning the Methods above spoken of. Since one of the most important tasks of verification is to ascertain with accuracy the magnitude of the quantities which enter, as elements, into the theory which occupies men during the period; the improvement of instruments, and the methods of observing and experimenting, are principal features in such periods. We shall, therefore, mention some of the facts which bear upon this point.
The estimation of distances among the stars by the eye, is an extremely inexact process. In some of the ancient observations, however, this appears to have been the method employed; and stars are described as being a cubit or two cubits from other stars. We may form some notion of the scale of this kind of measurement, from what Cleomedes remarks,[80] that the sun appears to be about a foot broad; an opinion which he confutes at length.
[80] Del. A. A. i. 222.
A method of determining the positions of the stars, susceptible of a little more exactness than the former, is the use of alineations, [already] noticed in speaking of Hipparchus’s catalogue. Thus, a straight line passing through two stars of the Great Bear passes also through the pole-star; this is, indeed, even now a method usually employed to enable us readily to fix on the pole-star; and the two stars β and α of Ursa Major, are hence often called “the pointers.” [162]
But nothing like accurate measurements of any portions of the sky were obtained, till astronomers adopted the method of making visual coincidences of the objects with the instruments, either by means of shadows or of sights.
Probably the oldest and most obvious measurements of the positions of the heavenly bodies were those in which the elevation of the sun was determined by comparing the length of the shadow of an upright staff or gnomon, with the length of the staff itself. It appears,[81] from a memoir of Gautil, first printed in the Connaissance des Temps for 1809, that, at the lower town of Loyang, now called Hon-anfou, Tchon-kong found the length of the shadow of the gnomon, at the summer solstice, equal to one foot and a half, the gnomon itself being eight feet in length. This was about 1100 b. c. The Greeks, at an early period, used the same method. Strabo says[82] that “Byzantium and Marseilles are on the same parallel of latitude, because the shadows at those places have the same proportion to the gnomon, according to the statement of Hipparchus, who follows Pytheas.”
[81] Lib. U. K. Hist. Ast. p. 5.
[82] Del. A. A. i. 257.
But the relations of position which astronomy considers, are, for the most part, angular distances; and these are most simply expressed by the intercepted portion of a circumference described about the angular point. The use of the gnomon might lead to the determination of the angle by the graphical methods of geometry; but the numerical expression of the circumference required some progress in trigonometry; for instance, a table of the tangents of angles.
Instruments were soon invented for measuring angles, by means of circles, which had a border or limb, divided into equal parts. The whole circumference was divided into 360 degrees: perhaps because the circles, first so divided, were those which represented the sun’s annual path; one such degree would be the sun’s daily advance, more nearly than any other convenient aliquot part which could be taken. The position of the sun was determined by means of the shadow of one part of the instrument upon the other. The most ancient instrument of this kind appears to be the Hemisphere of Berosus. A hollow hemisphere was placed with its rim horizontal, and a style was erected in such a manner that the extremity of the style was exactly at the centre of the sphere. The shadow of this extremity, on the concave surface, had the same position with regard to the lowest point of the sphere which the sun had with regard to the highest point of the heavens. [163] But this instrument was in fact used rather for dividing the day into portions of time than for determining position.
Eratosthenes[83] observed the amount of the obliquity of the sun’s path to the equator: we are not informed what instruments he used for this purpose; but he is said to have obtained, from the munificence of Ptolemy Euergetes, two Armils, or instruments composed of circles, which were placed in the portico at Alexandria, and long used for observations. If a circular rim or hoop were placed so as to coincide with the plane of the equator, the inner concave edge would be enlightened by the sun’s rays which came under the front edge, when the sun was south of the equator, and by the rays which came over the front edge, when the sun was north of the equator: the moment of the transition would be the time of the equinox. Such an instrument appears to be referred to by Hipparchus, as quoted by Ptolemy.[84] “The circle of copper, which stands at Alexandria in what is called the Square Porch, appears to mark, as the day of the equinox, that on which the concave surface begins to be enlightened from the other side.” Such an instrument was called an equinoctial armil.
[83] Delambre, A. A. i. 86.
[84] Ptol. Synt. iii. 2.
A solstitial armil is described by Ptolemy, consisting of two circular rims, one sliding round within the other, and the inner one furnished with two pegs standing out from its surface at right angles, and diametrically opposite to each other. These circles being fixed in the plane of the meridian, and the inner one turned, till, at noon, the shadow of the peg in front falls upon the peg behind, the position of the sun at noon would be determined by the degrees on the outer circle.
In calculation, the degree was conceived to be divided into 60 minutes, the minute into 60 seconds, and so on. But in practice it was impossible to divide the limb of the instrument into parts so small. The armils of Alexandria were divided into no parts smaller than sixths of degrees, or divisions of 10 minutes.
The angles, observed by means of these divisions, were expressed as a fraction of the circumference. Thus Eratosthenes stated the interval between the tropics to be 11⁄83 of the circumference.[85]
[85] Delambre, A. A. i. 87. It is probable that his observation gave him 47⅔ degrees. The fraction 47⅔⁄360 = 143⁄1080 = 11∙13⁄1080 = 11⁄831⁄13, which is very nearly 11⁄83.
It was soon remarked that the whole circumference of the circle [164] was not wanted for such observations. Ptolemy[86] says that he found it more convenient to observe altitudes by means of a square flat piece of stone or wood, with a quadrant of a circle described on one of its flat faces, about a centre near one of the angles. A peg was placed at the centre, and one of the extreme radii of the quadrant being perpendicular to the horizon, the elevation of the sun above the horizon was determined by observing the point of the arc of the quadrant on which the shadow of the peg fell.
[86] Synt. i. 1.
As the necessity of accuracy in the observations was more and more felt, various adjustments of such instruments were practised. The instruments were placed in the meridian by means of a meridian line drawn by astronomical methods on the floor on which they stood. The plane of the instrument was made vertical by means of a plumb-line: the bounding radius, from which angles were measured, was also adjusted by the plumb-line.[87]
[87] The curvature of the plane of the circle, by warping, was noticed. Ptol. iii. 2. p. 155, observes that his equatorial circle was illuminated on the hollow side twice in the same day. (He did not know that this might arise from refraction.)
In this manner, the places of the sun and of the moon could be observed by means of the shadows which they cast. In order to observe the stars,[88] the observer looked along the face of the circle of the armil, so as to see its two edges apparently brought together, and the star apparently touching them.[89]
[88] Delamb. A. A. i. 185.
[89] Ptol. Synt. i. 1. Ὥσπερ κεκολλήμενος ἀμφοτέραις αὐτῶν ταῖς ἐπιφανείαις ὁ ἀστὴρ ἐν τῷ δι’ αὐτῶν ἐπιπέδῳ διοπτεύηται.
It was afterwards found important to ascertain the position of the sun with regard to the ecliptic: and, for this purpose, an instrument, called an astrolabe, was invented, of which we have a description in Ptolemy.[90] This also consisted of circular rims, movable within one another, or about poles; and contained circles which were to be brought into the position of the ecliptic, and of a plane passing through the sun and the poles of the ecliptic. The position of the moon with regard to the ecliptic, and its position in longitude with regard to the sun or a star, were thus determined.
[90] Synt. v. 1.
The astrolabe continued long in use, but not so long as the quadrant described by Ptolemy; this, in a larger form, is the mural quadrant, which has been used up to the most recent times.
It may be considered surprising,[91] that Hipparchus, after having [165] observed, for some time, right ascensions and declinations, quitted equatorial armils for the astrolabe, which immediately refers the stars to the ecliptic. He probably did this because, after the discovery of precession, he found the latitudes of the stars constant, and wanted to ascertain their motion in longitude.
[91] Del. A. A. 181.
To the above instruments, may be added the dioptra, and the parallactic instrument of Hipparchus and Ptolemy. In the latter, the distance of a star from the zenith was observed by looking through two sights fixed in a rule, this being annexed to another rule, which was kept in a vertical position by a plumb-line; and the angle between the two rules was measured.
The following example of an observation, taken from Ptolemy, may serve to show the form in which the results of the instruments, just described, were usually stated.[92]
[92] Del. A. A. ii. 248.
“In the 2d year of Antoninus, the 9th day of Pharmouthi, the sun being near setting, the last division of Taurus being on the meridian (that is, 5½ equinoctial hours after noon), the moon was in 3 degrees of Pisces, by her distance from the sun (which was 92 degrees, 8 minutes); and half an hour after, the sun being set, and the quarter of Gemini on the meridian, Regulus appeared, by the other circle of the astrolabe, 57½ degrees more forwards than the moon in longitude.” From these data the longitude of Regulus is calculated.
From what has been said respecting the observations of the Alexandrian astronomers, it will have been seen that their instrumental observations could not be depended on for any close accuracy. This defect, after the general reception of the Hipparchian theory, operated very unfavorably on the progress of the science. If they could have traced the moon’s place distinctly from day to day, they must soon have discovered all the inequalities which were known to Tycho Brahe; and if they could have measured her parallax or her diameter with any considerable accuracy, they must have obtained a confutation of the epicycloidal form of her orbit. By the badness of their observations, and the imperfect agreement of these with calculation, they not only were prevented making such steps, but were led to receive the theory with a servile assent and an indistinct apprehension, instead of that rational conviction and intuitive clearness which would have given a progressive impulse to their knowledge. [166]
Sect. 4.—Period from Hipparchus to Ptolemy.
We have now to speak of the cultivators of astronomy from the time of Hipparchus to that of Ptolemy, the next great name which occurs in the history of this science; though even he holds place only among those who verified, developed, and extended the theory of Hipparchus. The astronomers who lived in the intermediate time, indeed, did little, even in this way; though it might have been supposed that their studies were carried on under considerable advantages, inasmuch as they all enjoyed the liberal patronage of the kings of Egypt.[93] The “divine school of Alexandria,” as it is called by Synesius, in the fourth century, appears to have produced few persons capable of carrying forwards, or even of verifying, the labors of its great astronomical teacher. The mathematicians of the school wrote much, and apparently they observed sometimes; but their observations are of little value; and their books are expositions of the theory and its geometrical consequences, without any attempt to compare it with observation. For instance, it does not appear that any one verified the remarkable discovery of the precession, till the time of Ptolemy, 250 years after; nor does the statement of this motion of the heavens appear in the treatises of the intermediate writers; nor does Ptolemy quote a single observation of any person made in this long interval of time; while his references to those of Hipparchus are perpetual; and to those of Aristyllus and Timocharis, and of others, as Conon, who preceded Hipparchus, are not unfrequent.
[93] Delamb. A. A. ii. 240.
This Alexandrian period, so inactive and barren in the history of science, was prosperous, civilized, and literary; and many of the works which belong to it are come down to us, though those of Hipparchus are lost. We have the “Uranologion” of Geminus,[94] a systematic treatise on Astronomy, expounding correctly the Hipparchian Theories and their consequences, and containing a good account of the use of the various Cycles, which ended in the adoption of the Calippic Period. We have likewise “The Circular Theory of the Celestial Bodies” of Cleomedes,[95] of which the principal part is a development of the doctrine of the sphere, including the consequences of the globular form of the earth. We have also another work on “Spherics” by Theodosius of Bithynia,[96] which contains some of the most important propositions of the subject, and has been used as a book of [167] instruction even in modern times. Another writer on the same subject is Menelaus, who lived somewhat later, and whose Three Books on Spherics still remain.
[94] b. c. 70.
[95] b. c. 60.
[96] b. c. 50.
One of the most important kinds of deduction from a geometrical theory, such as that of the doctrine of the sphere, or that of epicycles, is the calculation of its numerical results in particular cases. With regard to the latter theory, this was done in the construction of Solar and Lunar Tables, as we have already seen; and this process required the formation of a Trigonometry, or system of rules for calculating the relations between the sides and angles of triangles. Such a science had been formed by Hipparchus, who appears to be the author of every great step in ancient astronomy.[97] He wrote a work in twelve books, “On the Construction of the Tables of Chords of Arcs;” such a table being the means by which the Greeks solved their triangles. The Doctrine of the Sphere required, in like manner, a Spherical Trigonometry, in order to enable mathematicians to calculate its results; and this branch of science also appears to have been formed by Hipparchus,[98] who gives results that imply the possession of such a method. Hypsicles, who was a contemporary of Ptolemy, also made some attempts at the solution of such problems: but it is extraordinary that the writers whom we have mentioned as coming after Hipparchus, namely, Theodosius, Cleomedes, and Menelaus, do not even mention the calculation of triangles,[99] either plain or spherical; though the latter writer[100] is said to have written on “the Table of Chords,” a work which is now lost.
[97] Delamb. A. A. ii. 37.
[98] A. A. i. 117.
[99] A. A. i. 249.
[100] A. A. ii. 37.
We shall see, hereafter, how prevalent a disposition in literary ages is that which induces authors to become commentators. This tendency showed itself at an early period in the school of Alexandria. Aratus,[101] who lived 270 b. c. at the court of Antigonus, king of Macedonia, described the celestial constellations in two poems, entitled “Phænomena,” and “Prognostics.” These poems were little more than a versification of the treatise of Eudoxus on the acronycal and heliacal risings and settings of the stars. The work was the subject of a comment by Hipparchus, who perhaps found this the easiest way of giving connection and circulation to his knowledge. Three Latin translations of this poem gave the Romans the means of becoming acquainted with it: the first is by Cicero, of which we have numerous fragments [168] extant;[102] Germanicus Cæsar, one of the sons-in-law of Augustus, also translated the poem, and this translation remains almost entire. Finally, we have a complete translation by Avienus.[103] The “Astronomica” of Manilius, the “Poeticon Astronomicon” of Hyginus, both belonging to the time of Augustus, are, like the work of Aratus, poems which combine mythological ornament with elementary astronomical exposition; but have no value in the history of science. We may pass nearly the same judgment upon the explanations and declamations of Cicero, Seneca, and Pliny, for they do not apprise us of any additions to astronomical knowledge; and they do not always indicate a very clear apprehension of the doctrines which the writers adopt.
[101] A. A. i. 74.
[102] Two copies of this translation, illustrated by drawings of different ages, one set Roman, and the other Saxon, according to Mr. Ottley, are described in the Archæologia, vol. xviii.
[103] Montucla, i. 221.
Perhaps the most remarkable feature in the two last-named writers, is the declamatory expression of their admiration for the discoverers of physical knowledge; and in one of them, Seneca, the persuasion of a boundless progress in science to which man was destined. Though this belief was no more than a vague and arbitrary conjecture, it suggested other conjectures in detail, some of which, having been verified, have attracted much notice. For instance, in speaking of comets,[104] Seneca says, “The time will come when those things which are now hidden shall be brought to light by time and persevering diligence. Our posterity will wonder that we should be ignorant of what is so obvious.” “The motions of the planets,” he adds, “complex and seemingly confused, have been reduced to rule; and some one will come hereafter, who will reveal to us the paths of comets.” Such convictions and conjectures are not to be admired for their wisdom; for Seneca was led rather by enthusiasm, than by any solid reasons, to entertain this opinion; nor, again, are they to be considered as merely lucky guesses, implying no merit; they are remarkable as showing how the persuasion of the universality of law, and the belief of the probability of its discovery by man, grow up in men’s minds, when speculative knowledge becomes a prominent object of attention.
[104] Seneca, Qu. N. vii. 25.
An important practical application of astronomical knowledge was made by Julius Cæsar, in his correction of the calendar, which we have [already] noticed; and this was strictly due to the Alexandrian School: Sosigenes, an astronomer belonging to that school, came from Egypt to Rome for the purpose. [169]
Sect. 5.—Measures of the Earth.
There were, as we have said, few attempts made, at the period of which we are speaking, to improve the accuracy of any of the determinations of the early Alexandrian astronomers. One question naturally excited much attention at all times, the magnitude of the earth, its figure being universally acknowledged to be a globe. The Chaldeans, at an earlier period, had asserted that a man, walking without stopping, might go round the circuit of the earth in a year; but this might be a mere fancy, or a mere guess. The attempt of Eratosthenes to decide this question went upon principles entirely correct. Syene was situated on the tropic; for there, on the day of the solstice, at noon, objects cast no shadow; and a well was enlightened to the bottom by the sun’s rays. At Alexandria, on the same day, the sun was, at noon, distant from the zenith by a fiftieth part of the circumference. Those two cities were north and south from each other: and the distance had been determined, by the royal overseers of the roads, to be 5000 stadia. This gave a circumference of 250,000 stadia to the earth, and a radius of about 40,000. Aristotle[105] says that the mathematicians make the circumference 400,000 stadia. Hipparchus conceived that the measure of Eratosthenes ought to be increased by about one-tenth.[106] Posidonius, the friend of Cicero, made another attempt of the same kind. At Rhodes, the star Canopus but just appeared above the horizon; at Alexandria, the same star rose to an altitude of 1⁄48th of the circumference; the direct distance on the meridian was 5000 stadia, which gave 240,000 for the whole circuit. We cannot look upon these measures as very precise; the stadium employed is not certainly known; and no peculiar care appears to have been bestowed on the measure of the direct distance.
[105] De Cœlo, ii. ad fin.
[106] Plin. ii. (cviii.)
When the Arabians, in the ninth century, came to be the principal cultivators of astronomy, they repeated this observation in a manner more suited to its real importance and capacity of exactness. Under the Caliph Almamon,[107] the vast plain of Singiar, in Mesopotamia, was the scene of this undertaking. The Arabian astronomers there divided themselves into two bands, one under the direction of Chalid ben Abdolmalic, and the other having at its head Alis ben Isa. These two parties proceeded, the one north, the other south, determining the distance by the actual application of their measuring-rods to the ground, [170] till each was found, by astronomical observation, to be a degree from the place at which they started. It then appeared that these terrestrial degrees were respectively 56 miles, and 56 miles and two-thirds, the mile being 4000 cubits. In order to remove all doubt concerning the scale of this measure, we are informed that the cubit is that called the black cubit, which consists of 27 inches, each inch being the thickness of six grains of barley.
[107] Montu. 357.
Sect. 6.—Ptolemy’s Discovery of Evection.
By referring, in this place, to the last-mentioned measure of the earth, we include the labors of the Arabian as well as the Alexandrian astronomers, in the period of mere detail, which forms the sequel to the great astronomical revolution of the Hipparchian epoch. And this period of verification is rightly extended to those later times; not merely because astronomers were then still employed in determining the magnitude of the earth, and the amount of other elements of the theory,—for these are some of their employments to the present day,—but because no great intervening discovery marks a new epoch, and begins a new period;—because no great revolution in the theory added to the objects of investigation, or presented them in a new point of view. This being the case, it will be more instructive for our purpose to consider the general character and broad intellectual features of this period, than to offer a useless catalogue of obscure and worthless writers, and of opinions either borrowed or unsound. But before we do this, there is one writer whom we cannot leave undistinguished in the crowd; since his name is more celebrated even than that of Hipparchus; his works contain ninety-nine hundredths of what we know of the Greek astronomy; and though he was not the author of a new theory, he made some very remarkable steps in the verification, correction, and extension of the theory which he received. I speak of Ptolemy, whose work, “The Mathematical Construction” (of the heavens), contains a complete exposition of the state of astronomy in his time, the reigns of Adrian and Antonine. This book is familiarly known to us by a term which contains the record of our having received our first knowledge of it from the Arabic writers. The “Megiste Syntaxis,” or Great Construction, gave rise, among them, to the title Al Magisti, or Almagest, by which the work is commonly described. As a mathematical exposition of the Theory of Epicycles and Eccentrics, of the observations and calculations which were employed in [171] order to apply this theory to the sun, moon, and planets, and of the other calculations which are requisite, in order to deduce the consequences of this theory, the work is a splendid and lasting monument of diligence, skill, and judgment. Indeed, all the other astronomical works of the ancients hardly add any thing whatever to the information we obtain from the Almagest; and the knowledge which the student possesses of the ancient astronomy must depend mainly upon his acquaintance with Ptolemy. Among other merits, Ptolemy has that of giving us a very copious account of the manner in which Hipparchus established the main points of his theories; an account the more agreeable, in consequence of the admiration and enthusiasm with which this author everywhere speaks of the great master of the astronomical school.
In our present survey of the writings of Ptolemy, we are concerned less with his exposition of what had been done before him, than with his own original labors. In most of the branches of the subject, he gave additional exactness to what Hipparchus had done; but our main business, at present, is with those parts of the Almagest which contain new steps in the application of the Hipparchian hypothesis. There are two such cases, both very remarkable,—that of the moon’s Evection, and that of the Planetary Motions.
The law of the moon’s anomaly, that is, of the leading and obvious inequality of her motion, could be represented, as we have seen, either by an eccentric or an epicycle; and the amount of this inequality had been collected by observations of eclipses. But though the hypothesis of an epicycle, for instance, would bring the moon to her proper place, so far as eclipses could show it, that is, at new and full moon, this hypothesis did not rightly represent her motions at other points of her course. This appeared, when Ptolemy set about measuring her distances from the sun at different times. “These,” he[108] says, “sometimes agreed, and sometimes disagreed.” But by further attention to the facts, a rule was detected in these differences. “As my knowledge became more complete and more connected, so as to show the order of this new inequality, I perceived that this difference was small, or nothing, at new and full moon; and that at both the dichotomies (when the moon is half illuminated) it was small, or nothing, if the moon was at the apogee or perigee of the epicycle, and was greatest when she was in the middle of the interval, and therefore when the first [172] inequality was greatest also.” He then adds some further remarks on the circumstances according to which the moon’s place, as affected by this new inequality, is before or behind the place, as given by the epicyclical hypothesis.
[108] Synth. v. 2.
Such is the announcement of the celebrated discovery of the moon’s second inequality, afterwards called (by Bullialdus) the Evection. Ptolemy soon proceeded to represent this inequality by a combination of circular motions, uniting, for this purpose, the hypothesis of an epicycle, already employed to explain the first inequality, with the hypothesis of an eccentric, in the circumference of which the centre of the epicycle was supposed to move. The mode of combining these was somewhat complex; more complex we may, perhaps, say, than was absolutely requisite;[109] the apogee of the eccentric moved backwards, or contrary to the order of the signs, and the centre of the epicycle moved forwards nearly twice as fast upon the circumference of the eccentric, so as to reach a place nearly, but not exactly, the same, as if it had moved in a concentric instead of an eccentric path. Thus the centre of the epicycle went twice round the eccentric in the course of one month: and in this manner it satisfied the condition that it should vanish at new and full moon, and be greatest when the moon was in the quarters of her monthly course.[110]
[109] If Ptolemy had used the hypothesis of an eccentric instead of an epicycle for the first inequality of the moon, an epicycle would have represented the second inequality more simply than his method did.
[110] I will insert here the explanation which my German translator, the late distinguished astronomer Littrow, has given of this point. The Rule of this Inequality, the Evection, may be most simply expressed thus. If a denote the excess of the Moon’s Longitude over the Sun’s, and b the Anomaly of the Moon reckoned from her Perigee, the Evection is equal to 1°. 3.sin (2a − b). At New and Full Moon, a is 0 or 180°, and thus the Evection is − 1°.3.sin b. At both quarters, or dichotomies, a is 90° or 270°, and consequently the Evection is + 1°.3.sin b. The Moon’s Elliptical Equation of the centre is at all points of her orbit equal to 6°.3.sin b. The Greek Astronomers before Ptolemy observed the moon only at the time of eclipses; and hence they necessarily found for the sum of these two greatest inequalities of the moon’s motion the quantity 6°.3.sin b − 1°.3.sin b, or 5°.sin b: and as they took this for the moon’s equation of the centre, which depends upon the eccentricity of the moon’s orbit, we obtain from this too small equation of the centre, an eccentricity also smaller than the truth. Ptolemy, who first observed the moon in her quarters, found for the sum of those Inequalities at those points the quantity 6°.3.sin b + 1°.3.sin b, or 7°.6.sin b; and thus made the eccentricity of the moon as much too great at the quarters as the observers of eclipses had made it too small. He hence concluded that the eccentricity of the Moon’s orbit is variable, which is not the case.
The discovery of the Evection, and the reduction of it to the [173] epicyclical theory, was, for several reasons, an important step in astronomy; some of these reasons may be stated.
1. It obviously suggested, or confirmed, the suspicion that the motions of the heavenly bodies might be subject to many inequalities:—that when one set of anomalies had been discovered and reduced to rule, another set might come into view;—that the discovery of a rule was a step to the discovery of deviations from the rule, which would require to be expressed in other rules;—that in the application of theory to observation, we find, not only the stated phenomena, for which the theory does account, but also residual phenomena, which remain unaccounted for, and stand out beyond the calculation;—that thus nature is not simple and regular, by conforming to the simplicity and regularity of our hypotheses, but leads us forwards to apparent complexity, and to an accumulation of rules and relations. A fact like the Evection, explained by an Hypothesis like Ptolemy’s, tended altogether to discourage any disposition to guess at the laws of nature from mere ideal views, or from a few phenomena.
2. The discovery of Evection had an importance which did not come into view till long afterwards, in being the first of a numerous series of inequalities of the moon, which results from the Disturbing Force of the sun. These inequalities were successfully discovered; and led finally to the establishment of the law of universal gravitation. The moon’s first inequality arises from a different cause;—from the same cause as the inequality of the sun’s motion;—from the motion in an ellipse, so far as the central attraction is undisturbed by any other. This first inequality is called the Elliptic Inequality, or, more usually, the Equation of the Centre.[111] All the planets have such inequalities, but the Evection is peculiar to the moon. The discovery of other inequalities of the moon’s motion, the Variation and Annual Equation, made an immediate sequel in the order of the subject to [174] the discoveries of Ptolemy, although separated by a long interval of time; for these discoveries were only made by Tycho Brahe in the sixteenth century. The imperfection of astronomical instruments was the great cause of this long delay.
[111] The Equation of the Centre is the difference between the place of the Planet in its elliptical orbit, and that place which a Planet would have, which revolved uniformly round the Sun as a centre in a circular orbit in the same time. An imaginary Planet moving in the manner last described, is called the mean Planet, while the actual Planet which moves in the ellipse is called the true Planet. The Longitude of the mean Planet at a given time is easily found, because its motion is uniform. By adding to it the Equation of the Centre, we find the Longitude of the true Planet, and thus, its place in its orbit.—Littrow’s Note.
I may add that the word Equation, used in such cases, denotes in general a quantity which must be added to or subtracted from a mean quantity, to make it equal to the true quantity; or rather, a quantity which must be added to or subtracted from a variably increasing quantity to make it increase equably.
3. The Epicyclical Hypothesis was found capable of accommodating itself to such new discoveries. These new inequalities could be represented by new combinations of eccentrics and epicycles: all the real and imaginary discoveries by astronomers, up to Copernicus, were actually embodied in these hypotheses; Copernicus, as we have said, did not reject such hypotheses; the lunar inequalities which Tycho detected might have been similarly exhibited; and even Newton[112] represents the motion of the moon’s apogee by means of an epicycle. As a mode of expressing the law of the irregularity, and of calculating its results in particular cases, the epicyclical theory was capable of continuing to render great service to astronomy, however extensive the progress of the science might be. It was, in fact, as we have already said, the modern process of representing the motion by means of a series of circular functions.
[112] Principia, lib. iii. prop. xxxv.
4. But though the doctrine of eccentrics and epicycles was thus admissible as an Hypothesis, and convenient as a means of expressing the laws of the heavenly motions, the successive occasions on which it was called into use, gave no countenance to it as a Theory; that is, as a true view of the nature of these motions, and their causes. By the steps of the progress of this Hypothesis, it became more and more complex, instead of becoming more simple, which, as we shall see, was the course of the true Theory. The notions concerning the position and connection of the heavenly bodies, which were suggested by one set of phenomena, were not confirmed by the indications of another set of phenomena; for instance, those relations of the epicycles which were adopted to account for the Motions of the heavenly bodies, were not found to fall in with the consequences of their apparent Diameters and Parallaxes. In reality, as we have [said], if the relative distances of the sun and moon at different times could have been accurately determined, the Theory of Epicycles must have been forthwith overturned. The insecurity of such measurements alone maintained the theory to later times.[113]
[113] The alteration of the apparent diameter of the moon is so great that it cannot escape us, even with very moderate instruments. This apparent diameter contains, when the moon is nearest the earth, 2010 seconds; when she is furthest off 1762 seconds; that is, 248 seconds, or 4 minutes 8 seconds, less than in the former case. [The two quantities are in the proportion of 8 to 7, nearly.]—Littrow’s Note. [175]
Sect. 7.—Conclusion of the History of Greek Astronomy.
I might now proceed to give an account of Ptolemy’s other great step, the determination of the Planetary Orbits; but as this, though in itself very curious, would not illustrate any point beyond those already noticed, I shall refer to it very briefly. The planets all move in ellipses about the sun, as the moon moves about the earth; and as the sun apparently moves about the earth. They will therefore each have an Elliptic Inequality or Equation of the centre, for the same reason that the sun and moon have such inequalities. And this inequality may be represented, in the cases of the planets, just as in the other two, by means of an eccentric; the epicycle, it will be recollected, had already been used in order to represent the more obvious changes of the planetary motions. To determine the amount of the Eccentricities and the places of the Apogees of the planetary orbits, was the task which Ptolemy undertook; Hipparchus, as we have seen, having been destitute of the observations which such a process required. The determination of the Eccentricities in these cases involved some peculiarities which might not at first sight occur to the reader. The elliptical motion of the planets takes place about the sun; but Ptolemy considered their movements as altogether independent of the sun, and referred them to the earth alone; and thus the apparent eccentricities which he had to account for, were the compound result of the Eccentricity of the earth’s orbit, and of the proper eccentricity of the orbit of the Planet. He explained this result by the received mechanism of an eccentric Deferent, carrying an Epicycle; but the motion in the Deferent is uniform, not about the centre of the circle, but about another point, the Equant. Without going further into detail, it may be sufficient to state that, by a combination of Eccentrics and Epicycles, he did account for the leading features of these motions; and by using his own observations, compared with more ancient ones (for instance, those of Timocharis for Venus), he was able to determine the Dimensions and Positions of the orbits.[114]
[114] Ptolemy determined the Radius and the Periodic Time of his two circles for each Planet in the following manner: For the inferior Planets, that is, Mercury and Venus, he took the Radius of the Deferent equal to the Radius of the Earth’s orbit, and the Radius of the Epicycle equal to that of the Planet’s orbit. For these Planets, according to his assumption, the Periodic Time of the Planet in its Epicycle was to the Periodic Time of the Epicyclical Centre on the Deferent, as the synodical Revolution of the Planet to the tropical Revolution of the Earth above the Sun. For the three superior Planets, Mars, Jupiter, and Saturn, the Radius of the Deferent was equal to the Radius of the Planet’s orbit, and the Radius of the Epicycle was equal to the Radius of the Earth’s orbit; the Periodic Time on the Planet in its Epicycle was to the Periodic Time of the Epicyclical Centre on the Deferent, as the synodical Revolution of the Planet to the tropical Revolution of the same Planet.
Ptolemy might obviously have made the geometrical motions of all the Planets correspond with the observations by one of these two modes of construction; but he appears to have adopted this double form of the theory, in order that in the inferior, as well as in the superior Planets, he might give the smaller of the two Radii to the Epicycle: that is, in order that he might make the smaller circle move round the larger, not vice versâ.—Littrow’s Notes.
[176] I shall here close my account of the astronomical progress of the Greek School. My purpose is only to illustrate the principles on which the progress of science depends, and therefore I have not at all pretended to touch upon every part of the subject. Some portion of the ancient theories, as, for instance, the mode of accounting for the motions of the moon and planets in latitude, are sufficiently analogous to what has been explained, not to require any more especial notice. Other parts of Greek astronomical knowledge, as, for instance, their acquaintance with refraction, did not assume any clear or definite form, and can only be considered as the prelude to modern discoveries on the same subject. And before we can with propriety pass on to these, there is a long and remarkable, though unproductive interval, of which some account must be given.
Sect. 8.—Arabian Astronomy.
The interval to which I have just alluded may be considered as extending from Ptolemy to Copernicus; we have no advance in Greek astronomy after the former; no signs of a revival of the power of discovery till the latter. During this interval of 1350 years,[115] the principal cultivators of astronomy were the Arabians, who adopted this science from the Greeks whom they conquered, and from whom the conquerors of western Europe again received back their treasure, when the love of science and the capacity for it had been awakened in their minds. In the intervening time, the precious deposit had undergone little change. The Arab astronomer had been the scrupulous but unprofitable servant, who kept his talent without apparent danger of loss, but also without prospect of increase. There is little in [177] Arabic literature which bears upon the progress of astronomy; but as the little that there is must be considered as a sequel to the Greek science, I shall notice one or two points before I treat of the stationary period in general.
[115] Ptolemy died about a. d. 150. Copernicus was living a. d. 1500.
When the sceptre of western Asia had passed into the hands of the Abasside caliphs,[116] Bagdad, “the city of peace,” rose to splendor and refinement, and became the metropolis of science under the successors of Almansor the Victorious, as Alexandria had been under the successors of Alexander the Great. Astronomy attracted peculiarly the favor of the powerful as well as the learned; and almost all the culture which was bestowed upon the science, appears to have had its source in the patronage, often also in the personal studies, of Saracen princes. Under such encouragement, much was done, in those scientific labors which money and rank can command. Translations of Greek works were made, large instruments were erected, observers were maintained; and accordingly as observation showed the defects and imperfection of the extant tables of the celestial motions, new ones were constructed. Thus under Almansor, the Grecian works of science were collected from all quarters, and many of them translated into Arabic.[117] The translation of the “Megiste Syntaxis” of Ptolemy, which thus became the Almagest, is ascribed to Isaac ben Homain in this reign.
[116] Gibbon, x. 31.
[117] Id. x. 36.
The greatest of the Arabian Astronomers comes half a century later. This is Albategnius, as he is commonly called; or more exactly, Mohammed ben Geber Albatani, the last appellation indicating that he was born at Batan, a city of Mesopotamia.[118] He was a Syrian prince, whose residence was at Aracte or Racha in Mesopotamia: a part of his observations were made at Antioch. His work still remains to us in Latin. “After having read,” he says, “the Syntaxis of Ptolemy, and learnt the methods of calculation employed by the Greeks, his observations led him to conceive that some improvements might be made in their results. He found it necessary to add to Ptolemy’s observations as Ptolemy had added to those of Abrachis” (Hipparchus). He then published Tables of the motions of the sun, moon, and planets, which long maintained a high reputation.
[118] Del. Astronomie du Moyen Age, 4.
These, however, did not prevent the publication of others. Under the Caliph Hakem (about a. d. 1000) Ebon Iounis published Tables of the Sun, Moon, and Planets, which were hence called the Hakemite Tables. Not long after, Arzachel of Toledo published the Toletan [178] Tables. In the 13th century, Nasir Eddin published Tables of the Stars, dedicated to Ilchan, a Tartar prince, and hence termed the Ilchanic Tables. Two centuries later, Ulugh Beigh, the grandson of Tamerlane, and prince of the countries beyond the Oxus, was a zealous practical astronomer; and his Tables, which were published in Europe by Hyde in 1665, are referred to as important authority by modern astronomers. The series of Astronomical Tables which we have thus noticed, in which, however, many are omitted, leads us to the Alphonsine Tables, which were put forth in 1488, and in succeeding years, under the auspices of Alphonso, king of Castile; and thus brings us to the verge of modern astronomy.
For all these Tables, the Ptolemaic hypotheses were employed; and, for the most part, without alteration. The Arabs sometimes felt the extreme complexity and difficulty of the doctrine which they studied; but their minds did not possess that kind of invention and energy by which the philosophers of Europe, at a later period, won their way into a simpler and better system.
Thus Alpetragius states, in the outset of his “Planetarum Theorica,” that he was at first astonished and stupefied with this complexity, but that afterwards “God was pleased to open to him the occult secret in the theory of his orbs, and to make known to him the truth of their essence and the rectitude of the quality of their motion.” His system consists, according to Delambre,[119] in attributing to the planets a spiral motion from east to west, an idea already refuted by Ptolemy. Geber of Seville criticises Ptolemy very severely,[120] but without introducing any essential alteration into his system. The Arabian observations are in many cases valuable; both because they were made with more skill and with better instruments than those of the Greeks; and also because they illustrate the permanence or variability of important elements, such as the obliquity of the ecliptic and the inclination of the moon’s orbit.
[119] Delambre, M. A. p. 7.
[120] M. A. p. 180, &c.
We must, however, notice one or two peculiar Arabian doctrines. The most important of these is the discovery of the Motion of the Son’s Apogee by Albategnius. He found the Apogee to be in longitude 82 degrees; Ptolemy had placed it in longitude 65 degrees. The difference of 17 degrees was beyond all limit of probable error of calculation, though the process is not capable of great precision; and the inference of the Motion of the Apogee was so obvious, that we cannot [179] agree with Delambre, in doubting or extenuating the claim of Albategnius to this discovery, on the ground of his not having expressly stated it.
In detecting this motion, the Arabian astronomers reasoned rightly from facts well observed: they were not always so fortunate. Arzachel, in the 11th century, found the apogee of the sun to be less advanced than Albategnius had found it, by some degrees; he inferred that it had receded in the intermediate time; but we now know, from an acquaintance with its real rate of moving, that the true inference would have been, that Albategnius, whose method was less trustworthy than that of Arzachel, had made an error to the amount of the difference thus arising. A curious, but utterly false hypothesis was founded on observations thus erroneously appreciated; namely, the Trepidation of the fixed stars. Arzachel conceived that a uniform Precession of the equinoctial points would not account for the apparent changes of position of the stars, and that for this purpose, it was necessary to conceive two circles of about eight degrees radius described round the equinoctial points of the immovable sphere, and to suppose the first points of Aries and Libra to describe the circumference of these circles in about 800 years. This would produce, at one time a progression, and at another a regression, of the apparent equinoxes, and would moreover change the latitude of the stars. Such a motion is entirely visionary; but the doctrine made a sect among astronomers, and was adopted in the first edition of the Alphonsine Tables, though afterwards rejected.
An important exception to the general unprogressive character of Arabian science has been pointed out recently by M. Sedillot.[121] It appears that Mohammed-Aboul Wefa-al-Bouzdjani, an Arabian astronomer of the tenth century, who resided at Cairo, and observed at Bagdad in 975, discovered a third inequality of the moon, in addition to the two expounded by Ptolemy, the Equation of the Centre, and the Evection. This third inequality, the Variation, is usually supposed to have been discovered by Tycho Brahe, six centuries later. It is an inequality of the moon’s motion, in virtue of which she moves quickest when she is at new or full, and slowest at the first and third quarter; in consequence of this, from the first quarter to the full, she is behind her mean place; at the full, she does not differ from her mean place; from the full to the third quarter, she is before her true [180] place; and so on; and the greatest effect of the inequality is in the octants, or points half-way between the four quarters. In an Almagest of Aboul Wefa, a part of which exists in the Royal Library at Paris, after describing the two inequalities of the moon, he has a Section ix., “Of the Third Anomaly of the moon called Muhazal or Prosneusis.” He there says, that taking cases when the moon was in apogee or perigee, and when, consequently, the effect of the two first inequalities vanishes, he found, by observation of the moon, when she was nearly in trine and in sextile with the sun, that she was a degree and a quarter from her calculated place. “And hence,” he adds, “I perceived that this anomaly exists independently of the two first: and this can only take place by a declination of the diameter of the epicycle with respect to the centre of the zodiac.”
[121] Sedillot, Nouvelles Rech. sur l’Hist. de l’Astron. chez les Arabes. Nouveau Journal Asiatique. 1836.
We may remark that we have here this inequality of the moon made out in a really philosophical manner; a residual quantity in the moon’s longitude being detected by observation, and the cases in which it occurs selected and grouped by an inductive effort of the mind. The advance is not great; for Aboul Wefa appears only to have detected the existence, and not to have fixed the law or the exact quantity of the inequality; but still it places the scientific capacity of the Arabs in a more favorable point of view than any circumstance with which we were previously acquainted.
But this discovery of Aboul Wefa appears to have excited no notice among his contemporaries and followers: at least it had been long quite forgotten when Tycho Brahe rediscovered the same lunar inequality. We can hardly help looking upon this circumstance as an evidence of a servility of intellect belonging to the Arabian period. The learned Arabians were so little in the habit of considering science as progressive, and looking with pride and confidence at examples of its progress, that they had not the courage to believe in a discovery which they themselves had made, and were dragged back by the chain of authority, even when they had advanced beyond their Greek masters.
As the Arabians took the whole of their theory (with such slight exceptions as we have been noticing) from the Greeks, they took from them also the mathematical processes by which the consequences of the theory were obtained. Arithmetic and Trigonometry, two main branches of these processes, received considerable improvements at their hands. In the former, especially, they rendered a service to the world which it is difficult to estimate too highly, in abolishing the [181] cumbrous Sexagesimal Arithmetic of the Greeks, and introducing the notation by means of the digits 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 0, which we now employ.[122] These numerals appear to be of Indian origin, as is acknowledged by the Arabs themselves; and thus form no exception to the sterility of the Arabian genius as to great scientific inventions. Another improvement, of a subordinate kind, but of great utility, was Arabian, being made by Albategnius. He introduced into calculation the sine, or half-chord of the double arc, instead of the chord of the arc itself, which had been employed by the Greek astronomers. There have been various conjectures concerning the origin of the word sine; the most probable appears to be that sinus is the Latin translation of the Arabic word gib, which signifies a fold, the two halves of the chord being conceived to be folded together.
[122] Mont. i. 376.
The great obligation which Science owes to the Arabians, is to have preserved it during a period of darkness and desolation, so that Europe might receive it back again when the evil days were past. We shall see hereafter how differently the European intellect dealt with this hereditary treasure when once recovered.
Before quitting the subject, we may observe that Astronomy brought back, from her sojourn among the Arabs, a few terms which may still be perceived in her phraseology. Such are the zenith, and the opposite imaginary point, the nadir;—the circles of the sphere termed almacantars and azimuth circles. The alidad of an instrument is its index, which possesses an angular motion. Some of the stars still retain their Arabic names; Aldebran, Rigel, Fomalhaut; many others were known by such appellations a little while ago. Perhaps the word almanac is the most familiar vestige of the Arabian period of astronomy.
It is foreign to my purpose to note any efforts of the intellectual faculties among other nations, which may have taken place independently of the great system of progressive European culture, from which all our existing science is derived. Otherwise I might speak of the astronomy of some of the Orientals, for example, the Chinese, who are said, by Montucla (i. 465), to have discovered the first equation of the moon, and the proper motion of the fixed stars (the Precession), in the third century of our era. The Greeks had made these discoveries 500 years earlier.