Many things in our buffer state of course required to be improved as much for the enhancement of its own interests as for the advantage of India. There was the Amir’s perpetuation of Abdur Rahman’s objection to Afghan subjects using the northern extremity of the Quetta-Chaman railway to be discussed, as well as the projection of railways from Chaman to Kandahar and from Peshawar to Kabul. Besides these important subjects there were the prolongation of the Indian system of telegraphs to Kabul and Kandahar; the provision of telegraphic communication between Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif and Herat; Kabul and Kandahar; Kandahar and Herat. The re-organisation of the Afghan army had also to be considered, while the demarcation of the Mohmand boundary and the Seistan border, the definition of the Amir’s control over border tribes, the question of the subsidy and Habib Ullah’s powers in respect of the importation of munitions of war were topics, the examination of which would be, it was expected, to the mutual benefit of the contracting parties in an Anglo-Afghan alliance. In India it was understood that there might be a difficulty in the arrangement of the terms which were to be secured from the Amir; but that ultimately, and after protracted negotiations, our demands would be conceded. To this end the chief of the Mission was provided with a treaty, drawn up under the personal supervision of Lord Curzon during his brief residence in London in 1904, which was designed to bring about a discussion of every aspect of the old agreements with a view to removing previous difficulties and arriving at a clear understanding for the future.
SCENE OF THE AUDIENCES BETWEEN HABIB ULLAH AND SIR LOUIS DANE
This treaty comprised three clauses, but Habib Ullah, simulating annoyance at the terms of the clause which attempted to restrict the importation of arms, would not enter into any discussion over it. After the Mission had passed four months in the Afghan capital, the limit, to which the Amir of Afghanistan would permit himself to go, reproduced simply the formal renewal on both sides of the engagements entered into between Abdur Rahman, the late Amir of Afghanistan, and the Government of India.
The Dane Treaty therefore was as follows:
He is God, Extolled be His perfection,
His Majesty Siraj-ul-millat-wa-ud-din, Amir Habib Ullah Khan, Independent King of the State of Afghanistan and its Dependencies, on the one part, and the Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane, C.S.I., Foreign Secretary of the Mighty Government of India and the Representative of the Exalted British Government on the other part.
His said Majesty doth hereby agree to this, that in the principles and in the matters of subsidiary importance of the Treaty regarding internal and external affairs, and of the engagements which his Highness my late father, that is, Zia-ul-millatwaud-Din, who has found mercy, may God enlighten his tomb! Concluded and acted upon with the Exalted British Government, I also have acted, am acting, and will act upon the same agreement and compact, and I will not contravene them in any dealings or in any promise.
The said Honourable Mr. Louis William Dane does hereby agree to this, that as to the very agreement and engagement which the Exalted British Government concluded and acted upon with the noble father of his Majesty Siraj-ul-millatwaud-Din, that is, his Highness Zia-ul-millatwaud-Din, who has found mercy, regarding internal and external affairs of principle or subsidiary importance, I confirm them and write that they (the British Government) will not act contrary to those agreements and engagements in any way or at any time.