And so they returned home: and a year afterwards, when the old man reviled them and taunted them with cowardice and disregard of their oath, they openly made preparations for a second campaign against the Messenians. And they were led by both their kings, Theopompus the son of Nicander, and Polydorus the son of Alcamenes, for Alcamenes was now dead. And the Messenians made counter-preparations, and when the Spartans marched to battle moved out to meet them. And the Lacedæmonians were led by Polydorus on the left wing, and Theopompus on the right, and in the centre by Euryleon, a Lacedæmonian for the nonce but originally a Theban descended from Cadmus, the fifth descendant from Ægeus, the son of Œolycus, the son of Theras, the son of Autesion. And opposite the right wing of the Lacedæmonians were the Messenians under Antander and Euphaes, and on the wing opposite Polydorus under Pytharatus, and in the centre under Cleonnis. And as they were just going to engage, the kings came up and exhorted their men. To the Lacedæmonians Theopompus made a short harangue according to the custom of his country, reminding them of their oath against the Messenians, and how noble an ambition it was to shew themselves more capable of brilliant exploits than their fathers who subjugated their neighbours, and to acquire a richer territory. Euphaes spoke at greater length than the Lacedæmonian king, but not more so than the occasion warranted. For he shewed that the contest was not only for land or possessions, but they knew clearly he said what misery would come upon them if they were conquered: their wives and children would be led off into captivity, the lightest punishment for their young men would be death, perhaps not unaccompanied by outrage, their temples would be plundered, their country destroyed by fire. He was not he said merely making suppositions, what those who were taken at Amphea had suffered was proof positive of all that he said. Rather than bear such ills it would be preferable to die nobly, and it would be much easier (when they were yet unconquered and as bold as the enemy) to vanquish their adversaries by their courage, than to retrieve their ruined fortunes if they were faint-hearted now. Such was the speech of Euphaes.

CHAPTER VIII.

And directly the leaders on either side gave the signal for battle, the Messenians came on at the double, and exposed themselves freely as men dealing death in their rage at every blow, and everyone was anxious to begin the fight. And the Lacedæmonians rushed out to meet them with equal ardour, but took care not to break their line. And when they got to close quarters, they threatened one another, rattling their arms, and looking fiercely at one another, and proceeded to abuse, the Lacedæmonians saying that the Messenians were already their slaves, and that they were not a whit freer than the Helots, and the Messenians replying that they were impious in what they were attempting, viz. in attacking kinsmen for the sake of gain, and were profane to the national gods of the Dorians and especially to Hercules. And by this time they followed up words with blows, and rushed on one another pell mell (with greatest vigour the Lacedæmonians), man attacking man. From their long experience and practice in war the Lacedæmonians had the advantage, and also from their numbers, (for the neighbouring nations who were subject to them they had with them in their army, and the Asinæi and Dryopes, who a generation earlier had been driven by the Argives from their own land and had come to Lacedæmon as suppliants, were now compelled to swell their army), and against the light-armed troops of the Messenians they had Cretan archers, mercenaries. And the Messenians were animated equally by despair and contempt of death, and all their sufferings they looked on as necessary rather than dreadful to those who loved their country’s honour, and the more vigorously they fought the harder they thought would things go for the Lacedæmonians. And some of them advancing in front of their lines exhibited brilliant bravery, and others badly wounded and scarce alive were animated by desperation. And they cheered one another on, those who were alive and yet unwounded encouraging the wounded to receive with joy their fate, and sell their lives as dearly as possible: and the wounded, (when they perceived their strength failing, and that they would soon yield up their breath), urging on the unwounded to shew as much courage as themselves had shewn, and not to let their death be useless to their country. But the Lacedæmonians at first made no harangues to their men, and were not as ready as the Messenians to display heroic courage: but being accustomed to war from boys their formation in line was deeper, and they expected that the Messenians could not hold out as long as they could, nor stand the strain of their heavy armour, nor their wounds. Such were the peculiar features of each army in respect to both the behaviour and feelings of the combatants: what was common to both was that no quarter was asked for, perhaps this was despaired of from their fierce hatred, and they felt the greatest self-indignation that they had not sold their lives dearer: and those that killed their man abstained both from boasting and reproaches, being uncertain which party would win. And most unexpectedly fell those who were endeavouring to plunder some of the dead bodies, for either by disclosing some naked part of their body they got pierced with darts, not on their guard in their thirst for plunder, or they were killed by some of those whom they were attempting to rob who were still alive. The kings also fought right valiantly, and Theopompus rushed with ungovernable rage against Euphaes, intending to kill him. And Euphaes seeing him rushing on said to Antander that Theopompus was displaying as much bravery as his ancestor Polynices: for Polynices led an army from Argos against his own country, and he and his brother mutually slew one another: and Theopompus (he added) wished to load the family of the Heraclidæ with the same guilt as that of the family of Laius and Œdipus: he would not however go with joy from the battle. With these words he himself went forward to meet Theopompus. Hereupon the battle, which had rather flagged, took up fresh vigour again, and their bodies were renewed as it were, and the fearlessness of death on both sides was increased, so that one might have thought the battle had only just commenced. And eventually Euphaes’ division, nearly mad with desperate valour and stoutheartedness, for the King’s bodyguard were all picked men, broke the enemy’s line, routed Theopompus, and put the Lacedæmonians in that part of the field to flight. But the other wing of the Messenians was hard pressed, for Pytharatus their General was dead, and without a leader they became disordered and dejected. But neither did Polydorus pursue the fleeing Messenians, nor Euphaes the fleeing Lacedæmonians. For Euphaes and his staff thought it better to come to the aid of their vanquished friends: nor did they engage with Polydorus and his troops: for by this time it was already dark, and the Lacedæmonians were prevented from following the fugitives not least by their ignorance of the country. It was also their country’s custom not to pursue an enemy too hotly, being more anxious not to break their line than to annihilate the enemy. And in the centre on both sides, the Lacedæmonians under Euryleon, and the Messenians under Cleonnis, the fight was pretty equal, till the approach of night put an end to the contest.

This battle was fought on both sides mainly by the heavy armed infantry. Some cavalry there was indeed, but they had no great influence on the fortunes of the day, for the Peloponnesians of that day were not good horsemen. And the light armed troops of the Messenians and the Cretans on the Lacedæmonian side did not come to the encounter at all: for they were posted in ancient fashion among the infantry. And on the following day neither party were minded to renew the battle nor to erect a trophy of victory, but as the day wore on they sent out heralds to treat of the burying of their dead, and as this was agreed to on both sides, they began to bury their dead immediately.

CHAPTER IX.

But the Messenians after the battle began to find their affairs in a deplorable condition: for they were nearly ruined by their outlay in money expended in keeping garrisons in the towns, and their slaves deserted to the Lacedæmonians. Also a pestilence fell upon them, which troubled them greatly being like the plague, though it did not prevail universally throughout their country. And after deliberation about their present condition they determined to abandon their towns in the interior of the country, and dwell in the mountain district of Ithome. And there was a small town at Ithome which Homer has mentioned in his catalogue,

‘And rocky Ithome.’[56]

To this town they repaired, extending its ancient limits so as to make it a sufficient defence for all of them. And the place was in other respects a strong position: for Ithome is as high as any of the mountains within the Isthmus, and in this respect most difficult of access. They thought they would also send an envoy to Delphi, and they selected for this mission Tisis the son of Alcis, who in general merit and in divination was considered inferior to nobody. This Tisis on his return from Delphi was laid in wait for by the Lacedæmonians who were in garrison at Amphea: but he would not be taken alive, so valiantly did he defend himself against those that had lain in ambush, in spite of the wounds he received from them, till a voice was heard without any appearance of the speaker, “Let the bearer of the oracle go.” And Tisis, directly he got safe to Ithome, and had delivered his oracle to the king, fell down dead of his wounds. And Euphaes collected the Messenians together and recited the oracle. “Sacrifice a pure virgin (selected by lot out of the family of the Æpytidæ) by night to the gods below. But if you cannot find one of the Æpytidæ, then sacrifice anyone else who offers himself as a willing victim.” This being the utterance of the god, forthwith all the maidens of the family of the Æpytidæ drew lots. And when the lot fell upon the daughter of Lyciscus, Epebolus the seer said it would not do to sacrifice her; for she was not really the daughter of Lyciscus, but a girl that the wife of Lyciscus being barren had palmed off as hers. While he was making this revelation, Lyciscus took off the girl and fled to Sparta. And the Messenians being very dejected at finding out the flight of Lyciscus, Aristodemus, a man of the family of the Æpytidæ, and in other respects and in war more illustrious than Lyciscus, offered to sacrifice his own daughter. But the affairs of mankind, and not least their desires, are secretly directed by Fate, just as the bottom of a river has pebbles, so that Aristodemus on this occasion, endeavouring to save Messene, was prevented by the following circumstance. A Messenian, whose name is not known, happened to be deeply in love with the daughter of Aristodemus, and was on the eve of marrying her. He at first disputed the right of Aristodemus to the maiden as he had betrothed her to him, and argued that he being her betrothed alone had right to her. And afterwards, when he found this argument unavailing, he invented a shameful story, that he had had an amour with her and that she was pregnant by him. And at last he wrought up Aristodemus to such a pitch, that driven to madness in his anger he killed his daughter, and afterwards cut her up and found she was not pregnant. And Epebolus who was present bade somebody else give his daughter as a victim, for the daughter of Aristodemus (he said) could be no more use to them now she was dead: for her father had indeed killed her, but not sacrificed her to the gods as the Pythian oracle ordered. When the seer had said this the mass of the Messenians rushed forward to kill the girl’s lover, as he had caused Aristodemus to commit a useless crime, and had rendered doubtful the safety of the community. But this man was a very great friend of Euphaes. Euphaes accordingly persuaded the Messenians that the oracle was fulfilled by the death of the girl, and that what Aristodemus had done was sufficient. And when he had said this all the Æpytidæ agreed with him: for each was anxious to have his fears removed about having to sacrifice his own daughter. So they hearkened to the advice of the king and broke up the assembly, and afterwards turned their attention to the sacrifices and festival of the gods.

CHAPTER X.

But the Lacedæmonians on hearing the oracle of the Messenians were very dejected, both they and their kings, and henceforth shrank from resuming the war. But in the sixth year after the flight of Lyciscus from Ithome the Lacedæmonians (as their sacrifices were auspicious) led an army to Ithome. But the Cretans chanced to be absent, and the allies of the Messenians were also behindhand. For the Spartans were an object of suspicion to other Peloponnesians and especially to the Arcadians and Argives. The Argives indeed were going to come to help the Messenians secretly without the knowledge of the Lacedæmonians, privately rather than from public decree. But the Arcadian expedition was publicly announced, though they were behindhand too. But the Messenians were induced by confidence in the oracle to hazard war even without allies. In most respects the battle was no different from the former one, for daylight on this occasion too failed the combatants: it is not however mentioned that either wing or division were broken, for they say the troops did not remain in the order in which they were placed at first, but the bravest men came from the wings in both armies into the centre, and there was the strain of battle. For Euphaes was more ardent in fight than one would have expected from a king, and recklessly rushing upon Theopompus and his staff, received many mortal wounds. As he fainted away and fell to the ground, and could scarce breathe, the Lacedæmonians strove with might and main to drag him to their army. But their previous goodwill to Euphaes, and their future disgrace if they abandoned him, roused the Messenians, and it appeared better to them to give up their lives for their king rather than purchase safety by abandoning him. Accordingly the peril of Euphaes prolonged the battle, and added to the bravery exhibited on both sides, and afterwards he revived, and saw that his men were fighting as valiantly as the foe, and not many days afterwards he died, having been king of the Messenians for 13 years, and having been at war with the Lacedæmonians during all his reign. And as he had no children he left the choice of his successor to the people, and Cleonnis and Damis were rival competitors with Aristodemus, being considered superior to him both in other respects and in war. And Antander had been killed in the battle jeoparding his life for Euphaes. And the opinions of the seers, Epebolus and Ophioneus, were both similar, that the kingdom of Æpytus and his descendants should not be conferred upon a man polluted with the murder of a daughter. Nevertheless Aristodemus was elected and became king. And Ophioneus the Messenian seer was blind from his birth, and had the following mode of divination. By enquiring into a person’s private and public fortune in the past he informed them what it would be in the future. This was his divination, and Aristodemus having become king through the people was desirous to gratify them in all that was reasonable, and of those in authority he held Cleonnis and Damis in special honour. He also paid great attention to the allies, and sent gifts to the most influential Arcadians both at Argos and Sicyon. And in the war which was carried on in the reign of Aristodemus they pillaged from time to time, and in the summertime made incursions into one another’s country. There were counter-incursions into Laconia on the part of the Arcadians with the Messenians. But the Argives did not think it well openly to proclaim their hostility against the Lacedæmonians, but made their preparations so as to strike in when the fray begun.