The most marked result of the war was the absorption of the Federalist Party, which at once began, and in five or six years was complete. In the election of 1812 eighty-nine votes had been cast for the Federalist candidate (§ 109); in 1816 there were but thirty-four (§ 123); in 1820 there was not one. This did not mean that Federalist principles had decayed or been overborne; the real reason for the extinction of that party was that it lived in the ranks of the Republican party. When Jefferson in 1801 said, "We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists," he expressed what had come to be true in 1815. The great principles for which the Federalists had striven were the right of the federal government to exercise adequate powers, and its duty to maintain the national dignity: those principles had been adopted by the Republicans. John Randolph was almost the only leader who continued to stand by the Republican doctrine enunciated by Jefferson when he became President. Jefferson himself had not scrupled to annex Louisiana, to lay the embargo, and to enforce it with a severity such as Hamilton would hardly have ventured on. Madison had twice received and used the power to discriminate between the commerce of England and of France; and during the war the nation had reimposed federal taxes and adopted Federalist principles of coercion. James Monroe, Secretary of State at the end of Madison's administration, and candidate for the Presidency in 1816, was in his political beliefs not to be distinguished from moderate Federalists like James A. Bayard in 1800. The Union arose from the disasters of the War of 1812 stronger than ever before, because the people had a larger national tradition and greater experience of national government, and because they had accepted the conception of government which Washington and Hamilton had sought to create.
CHAPTER XI
SOCIAL AND ECONOMIC REORGANIZATION (1815-1824).
118. REFERENCES.
BIBLIOGRAPHIES.—W. E. Foster, References to Presidential
Administrations, 15-19; Justin Winsor, Narrative and Critical History_,
VII. 344, 345, 437-439; J.F. Jameson, Bibliography of Monroe (Appendix
to Oilman's Monroe); Channing and Hart, Guide, §§ 174-178.
HISTORICAL MAPS.—Nos. 1 and 5, this volume, and No. 1, Wilson, Division and Reunion (Epoch Maps Nos. 7, 8, and 10); Labberton, Atlas, lxvii.; T. MacCoun, Historical Geography, Scribner, Statistical Atlas, Plate 14.
GENERAL ACCOUNTS.—H. Von Holst, Constitutional History, I. 273-408; R.
Hildreth, United States. VI. 575-713 (to 1821); James Schouler, United
States, II. 444-463, III. 1-335; Bryant and Gay, Popular History. IV.
244-281; J. B. McMaster, People of the United States, IV. (to 1820);
Geo. Tucker, United States, III. 146-408; J. T. Morse, John Quincy
Adams, 102-164; Ormsby, Whig Party, 129-172.
SPECIAL HISTORIES.—Henry Adams, History of the United States, IX.; Carl Schurz, Henry Clay, I. 137-202; N. P. Gilman, James Monroe, 125- 174; F. W. Taussig, Tariff History, J. L. Bishop, American Manufactures, II. 146-298; G. F. Tucker, Monroe Doctrine, Payne, European Colonies, E. Stanwood, Presidential Elections, H. L. Carson, Supreme Court, I. chs. xii.-xiv.; A C. McLaughlin, Cass, chs. ii., iv.
CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS.—J. Q. Adams, Memoirs, IV.-VI.; Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past, Niles Register, T. H. Benton, Thirty Years' View, I. 1-44; Nathan Sargent, Public Men, and Events, I. 17-56; R. Rush, Residence at the Court of London, J. Flint, Recollections of the last Ten Years (1826); R. Walsh, Appeal from the Judgment of Great Britain (1819); D. Warden, Statistical, Political, and Historical Account of the United States (1819); S. G. Goodrich, Recollections, II. 393-436; The National Intelligencer; Featon, Sketches of America, Fifth Report; works of Clay, Calhoun, Webster, Madison, Woodbury.— Reprints in F. W. Taussig, State Papers and Speeches on the Tariff, American History told by Contemporaries, III.