I am this instant informed, that a second address to the officers, distinguished No. 2, is thrown into circulation. The contents evidently prove, that the author is in, or near, camp; and that the following words, erased in the second page of this letter, ought not to have met with this treatment, viz.—“By others, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the army.”
[19] The words, “By others, that it is the illegitimate offspring of a person in the army,” which came in here, are obliterated in the original, but were restored by Washington in the postscript.
HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.
Philadelphia, March 17, 1783.
Sir:
I am duly honored with your Excellency’s letters of the fourth and twelfth instant. It is much to be regretted, though not to be wondered at, that steps of so inflammatory a tendency have been taken in the army. Your Excellency has, in my opinion, acted wisely. The best way is, ever, not to attempt to stem a torrent, but to divert it.
I am happy to find you coincide in opinion with me on the conduct proper to be observed by yourself. I am persuaded, more and more, it is that which is most consistent with your own reputation and the public safety.
Our affairs wear a most serious aspect, as well foreign as domestic. Before this gets to hand, your Excellency will probably have seen the provisional articles between Great Britain and these States. It might, at first appearance, be concluded, that these will be the prelude to a general peace; but there are strong reasons to doubt the truth of such a conclusion. Obstacles may arise from different quarters; from the demands of Spain and Holland; from the hope, in France, of greater acquisitions in the East; and, perhaps, still more probably, from the insincerity and duplicity of Lord Shelburne, whose politics, founded in the peculiarity of his situation, as well as in the character of the man, may well be suspected of insidiousness. I am really apprehensive, if peace does not take place, that the negotiations will tend to sow distrust among the allies, and weaken the force of the common league. We have, I fear, men among us, and men in trust, who have a hankering after British connection. We have others whose confidence in France savors of credulity. The intrigues of the former, and the incautiousness of the latter, may be both, though in different degrees, injurious to the American interests, and make it difficult for prudent men to steer a proper course.
There are delicate circumstances, with respect to the late foreign transactions, which I am not at liberty to reveal; but which, joined to our internal weaknesses, disorders, follies, and prejudices, make this country stand upon precarious ground.
Some use, perhaps, may be made of these ideas, to induce moderation in the army. An opinion that their country does not stand upon a secure footing, will operate upon the patriotism of the officers against hazarding any domestic commotions.