When I make these observations, I cannot forbear adding, that if no excesses take place, I shall not be sorry that ill-humors have appeared. I shall not regret importunity, if temperate, from the army.
There are good intentions in the majority of Congress, but there is not sufficient wisdom or decision. There are dangerous prejudices, in the particular States, opposed to those measures which alone can give stability and prosperity to the Union. There is a fatal opposition to Continental views. Necessity alone can work a reform. But how produce that necessity, how apply it, and how keep it within salutary bounds? I fear we have been contending for a shadow.
The affair of accounts I considered as having been put on a satisfactory footing. The particular States have been required to settle till the first of August, ’80; and the Superintendent of Finance has been directed to take measures for settling since that period. I shall immediately see him on the subject.
We have had eight States and a half in favor of a commutation of the half pay for an average of ten years’ purchase; that is, five years’ full pay instead of half pay for life, which, on a calculation of annuities, is nearly an equivalent. I hope this will now shortly take place.
We have made considerable progress in a plan to be recommended to the several States for funding all the public debts, including those of the army; which is certainly the only way to restore public credit, and enable us to continue the war by borrowing abroad, if it should be necessary, to continue it.
I omitted mentioning to your Excellency, that, from European intelligence, there is great reason to believe, at all events, peace or war, New-York will be evacuated in the spring. It will be a pity if any domestic disturbances should change the plans of the British Court.
I have the honor to be,
With the greatest respect,
Your Excellency’s most ob’t serv’t,
A. Hamilton.
P. S. Your Excellency mentions, that it has been surmised, the plan in agitation was formed in Philadelphia; that combinations have been talked of between the public creditors and the army; and that members of Congress had encouraged the idea. This is partly true. I have myself urged, in Congress, the propriety of uniting the influence of the public creditors, and the army, as a part of them, to prevail upon the States to enter into their views. I have expressed the same sentiments out of doors. Several other members of Congress have done the same. The meaning, however, of all this, was simply, that Congress should adopt such a plan as would embrace the relief of all the public creditors, including the army; in order that the personal influence of some, the connections of others, and a sense of justice to the army, as well as the apprehension of ill consequences, might form a mass of influence, in each State, in favor of the measures of Congress. In this view, as I mentioned to your Excellency in a former letter, I thought the discontents of the army might be turned to a good account. I am still of opinion, that their earnest but respectful applications for redress will have a good effect. As to any combination of force, it would only be productive of the horrors of a civil war, might end in the ruin of the country, and would certainly end in the ruin of the army.
A. H.
To His Excellency General Washington.