The objection, that these were not the objects of the care of Congress, can only serve to mislead the vulgar. The peace and safety of the place which was the immediate residence of Congress, endangered, too, by the troops of the United States, demanded their interposition. The President of the State of Pennsylvania was himself of this opinion; having declared to a member of that body, that as their troops were the offenders, it was proper for them to declare the necessity of calling out the militia, as a previous step to its being done.
Nor is there more weight in the supposition that the danger was inconsiderable; and that, from the pacific appearances of the troops, it was to be expected, the disorder would subside of itself. The facts were, that the troops still continued in a state of mutiny; had made no submissions, nor offered any; and that they affected to negotiate with their arms in their hands.
A band of mutinous soldiers, in such a situation, uncontrolled, and elated with their own power, was not to be trusted.
The most sudden vicissitudes and contradictory changes were to be expected; and a fit of intoxication was sufficient, at any moment, with men who had already gone such length, to make the city a scene of plunder and massacre. It was the height of rashness to leave the city exposed to the bare possibility of such mischiefs.
The only question, in this view, is, Whether there was greater danger to the city, in attempting their reduction by force, than in endeavoring, by palliatives, to bring them to a sense of duty? It has been urged, and appeared to have operated strongly upon the minds of the Council,[24] that the soldiers being already embodied, accustomed to arms, and ready to act at a moment’s warning, it would be extremely hazardous to attempt to collect the citizens to subdue them, as the mutineers might have taken advantage of the first confusion incident to the measure, to do a great deal of mischief, before this militia could have assembled in equal or superior force.
It is not to be denied, but that a small body of disciplined troops, headed and led by their officers, with a plan of conduct, could have effected a great deal in similar circumstances; but it is equally certain, that nothing can be more contemptible, than a body of men, used to be commanded and to obey, when deprived of the example and direction of their officers. They are infinitely less to be dreaded than an equal number of men who have never been broken to command, nor exchanged their natural courage for that artificial kind which is the effect of discipline and habit. Soldiers transfer their confidence from themselves to their officers, face danger by the force of example, the dread of punishment, and the sense of necessity. Take away these inducements and leave them to themselves, they are no longer resolute than till they are opposed.
In the present case, it was to be relied upon, that the appearance of opposition would instantly bring the mutineers to a sense of their insignificance, and to submission. Conscious of their weakness, from the smallness of their numbers; in a populous city, and in the midst of a populous country; awed by the consequences of resisting government by arms, and confounded by the want of proper leaders and proper direction; the common soldiers would have thought of nothing but making their peace by the sacrifice of those who had been the authors of their misconduct.
The idea, therefore, of coercion, was the safest and most prudent: for more was to be apprehended from leaving them to their own passions, than from attempting to control them by force. It will be seen, by and by, how far the events, justly appreciated, corresponded with this reasoning.
Congress were not only right in adopting measures of coercion; but they were also right in resolving to change their situation, if proper exertions were not made by the particular government and citizens of the place where they resided. The want of such exertions would evince some defect, no matter where, that would prove they ought to have no confidence in their situation. They were, to all intents and purposes, in the power of a lawless, armed banditti, enraged, whether justly, or not, against them. However they might have had a right to expose their own persons to insult and outrage, they had no right to expose the character of representatives, or the dignity of the States they represented, or of the Union. It was plain, they could not, with propriety, in such a state of things, proceed in their deliberations where they were; and it was right they should repair to a place where they could do it. It was far from impossible, that the mutineers might have been induced to seize their persons, as hostages for their own security, as well as with a hope of extorting concessions. Had such an event taken place, the whole country would have exclaimed, Why did not Congress withdraw from a place where they found they could not be assured of support; where the government was so feeble, or the citizens so indisposed, as to suffer three or four hundred mutinous soldiers to violate, with impunity, the authority of the United States, and of their own State?
When they resolved to depart, on the want of adequate exertions, they had reason to doubt their being made, from the disinclination shown by the Council to call out the militia in the first instance: and when they did actually depart, they were informed by the Council, that the efforts of the citizens were not to be looked for, even from a repetition of the outrage which had already happened; and it was to be doubted what measure of outrage would produce them. They had also convincing proof, that the mutiny was more serious than it had even at first appeared, by the participation of some of the officers.