The works of Alexander Hamilton (vol. 1 of 7)

by Alexander Hamilton

But however it might become the delicacy of government not to depart from the promise it had given, it was its duty to provide effectually against a repetition of such outrages; and to put itself in a situation to give, instead of receiving, the law; and to manifest that its compliance was not the effect of necessity, but of choice.

This was not to be considered as the disorderly riot of an unarmed mob, but as the deliberate mutiny of an incensed soldiery, carried to the utmost point of outrage short of assassination. The licentiousness of an army is to be dreaded in every government; but, in a republic, it is more particularly to be restrained; and when directed against the civil authority, to be checked with energy, and punished with severity. The merits and sufferings of the troops might be a proper motive for mitigating punishment, when it was in the power of the government to inflict it; but it was no reason for relaxing in the measures necessary to put itself in that situation. Its authority was first to be vindicated, and then its clemency to be displayed.

The rights of government are as essential to be defended, as the rights of individuals. The security of the one is inseparable from that of the other. And, indeed, in every new government, especially of the popular kind, the great danger is, that public authority will not be sufficiently respected.

But upon this occasion, there were more particular reasons for decision.

Congress knew there were, within two or three days’ march of the city, a more considerable body of the same corps, part of which had mutinied and come to town, and had been the chief actors in the late disorder; that those men had, with difficulty, been kept, by the exertions of their officers, from joining the insurgents in the first instance; that there was another corps in their neighborhood which, a little time before, had also discovered symptoms of mutiny; that a considerable part of the same line which were in mutiny in town, was every moment expected to arrive from the southward, and, there was the greatest reason to conclude, would be infected with the same spirit, on their arrival, as had presently happened in the case of a small detachment which had joined a few days before; that there were, besides, large numbers of disbanded soldiers, scattered through the country, in want, and who had not yet had time to settle down to any occupation, and exchange their military for private habits; that some of these were really coming in, and adding themselves to the revolters; that an extensive accession of strength might be gained from these different quarters; and that there were all the sympathies of like common wrongs, distresses, and resentments, to bring them together, and to unite them in one cause. The partial success of those who had already made an experiment, would be a strong encouragement to others; the rather, as the whole line had formerly mutinied, not only with impunity, but with advantage to themselves.

In this state of things, decision was most compatible with the safety of the community, as well as the dignity of government. Though no general convulsion might be to be apprehended, serious mischiefs might attend the progress of the disorder. Indeed, it would have been meanness, to have negotiated and temporized with an armed banditti of four or five hundred men; who, in any other situation than surrounding a defenceless senate, could only become formidable by being feared. This was not an insurrection of a whole people: it was not an army with their officers at their head, demanding the justice of their country; either of which might have made caution and concession respectable: it was a handful of mutinous soldiers, who had equally violated the laws of discipline, as the rights of public authority.

Congress, therefore, wisely resolve, that “it is necessary that effectual measures be immediately taken for supporting the public authority;” and call upon the State in which they reside, for the assistance of its militia, at the same time that they send orders for the march of a body of regular forces as an eventual resource.

There was a propriety in calling for the aid of the militia in the first place, for different reasons. Civil government may always, with more peculiar propriety, resort to the aid of the citizens, to repel military insults or encroachments.

’Tis there, it ought to be supposed, where it may seek its surest dependence, especially in a democracy, which is the creature of the people. The citizens of each State are, in an aggregate light, the citizens of the United States, and bound, as much to support the representatives of the whole, as their own immediate representatives. The insult was not to Congress personally; it was to the government, to public authority in general; and was very properly put upon that footing. The regular forces, which Congress could command, were at a great distance, and could not, but in a length of time, be brought to effectuate their purpose. The disorder continued to exist on the spot where they were; was likely to increase by delay; and might be productive of sudden and mischievous effects by being neglected.

The city and the Bank were in immediate danger of being rifled; and, perhaps, of suffering other calamities. The citizens, therefore, were the proper persons to make the first exertion.