Though not within the scope of my original intention, I will indulge a few additional reflections on this subject. I am sensible that the Council, in some respects, stand upon advantageous ground in this discussion. Congress left the city, because they had no forces at hand, no jurisdiction over the militia, and no assurances of effectual support from those who had. The Council, as the Executive of the State, were necessitated to remain on the spot. Soon after Congress removed, the mutineers were deserted by their leaders, and surrendered at discretion.
The multitude will be very apt to conclude, that the affair was of trifling consequence; that it vanished under its own insignificance; that Congress took up the matter in too high a tone of authority; that they discovered a prudish nicety and irritability about their own dignity: that Council were more temperate, more humane, and possessed of greater foresight.
The bias in favor of an injured army; the propensity of the human mind to lean to the speciousness of professed humanity, rather than to the necessary harshness of authority; the vague and imperfect notions of what is due to public authority, in an infant popular government; and the insinuating plausibility of a well-constructed message; will all contribute to that conclusion.
But let us suppose an impartial man of sense, well acquainted with facts, to form an argument upon the subject. It appears to me, he might naturally fall into this train of combination.
It is a well known fact, that, from the necessities of the war, or the delinquencies of the several States, Congress were not enabled to comply with their engagements to the army, which, after a glorious and successful struggle for their country, much suffering, exemplary patience, and signal desert, they were compelled, by the irresistible dictates of an empty treasury and a ruined credit, to disband, after having given strong indications of their discontent, and resentment of the public neglect. A large part of the army suffer themselves to be patiently dismissed; a particular corps of four or five hundred men, stationed in the place where Congress reside, refuse to accept their discharges but on certain specified conditions.
They even go further, and, stimulated by their injuries, or encouraged and misled by designing persons, are emboldened to send a threatening message to Congress, declaring to them, that unless they would do them justice immediately, they would find means of redress for themselves. Measures are indirectly taken to appease this disorder, and give the discontented soldiers as much satisfaction as the situation of things will permit. Shortly after, accounts are received, that another corps, at miles distance, have also mutinied; and that a part of them, to the number of about eighty men, are on their march to join those who had already discovered so refractory a disposition. A committee of Congress is immediately appointed to confer with the Executive of the State, on the measures proper to be pursued in this exigency. That committee, in the first instance, suggest to the Council, the expedience of calling out a body of militia, to intercept the detachment of mutineers on its march, and represent the danger of the progress of the spirit of mutiny, and of future outrages, should those on their march be suffered, without molestation, to join a more numerous corps in the same temper with themselves.
The Council urge a variety of difficulties: the shortness of the time to collect the militia before the mutineers would arrive; the reluctance with which the citizens would obey a call against men whom they consider as meritorious, and injured, and the like. The committee, perceiving the unwillingness of the Council to employ the militia, desist from pressing, and recur to expedients. The day after, the mutineers march in triumph into the city, and unite themselves with those who are already there; and the following day, the whole body assemble in arms, throw off all obedience to their officers, and, in open defiance of government, march to the place which is the usual seat of Congress and the Council of the State, while both are actually sitting; surround it with guards, and send a message to the Council, demanding authority to appoint, themselves, officers to command them, with absolute discretion to take such measures as those officers should think proper, to redress their grievances; accompanied with a threat, that if there was not a compliance in twenty minutes, they would let in an injured soldiery upon them, and abide the consequence.
The members of Congress who were at the time assembled, request General St. Clair, who happened to be present, to take such measures as he should judge expedient, without committing the honor of government, to divert the storm, and induce the troops to return to their quarters without perpetrating acts of violence. General St. Clair, in concert with the Council, grants the mutineers permission to elect, out of officers then, or formerly, in commission, such as they should confide in, to represent their grievances to the Council, with a promise, that the Council would confer with the persons elected for that purpose. Having obtained this promise, the mutineers return to their quarters, in military parade, and continue in open defiance of government.
The concession made was a happy compromise between an attention to dignity, and a prudent regard to safety.
Men who had dared to carry their insolence to such an extreme, and who saw no opposition to their outrages, were not to be expected to retreat without an appearance, at least, of gratifying their demands. The slightest accident was sufficient to prompt men, in such a temper and situation, to tragical excesses.