After his death Vautrollier’s widow printed one book but immediately after, on March 4th, 1587-8, the Court of Assistants ordered that “Mrs. Vautrollier, late wife of Thomas Vautrollier deceased, shall not hereafter print any manner of book or books whatsoever, as well by reason that her husband was noe printer at the time of his decease, as alsoe by the decrees sette downe in the Starre Chamber she is debarred from the same.” This order is inexplicable, as other printers’ widows exercised their husbands’ business, and Thomas Vautrollier’s name is duly given in the order of succession from Master Printers. Possibly the business had been transferred to her daughter, who married Field, their apprentice. Field died in 1625, his widow continuing the business.[[312]]
Among thirty-nine printing patents issued by James I. and Charles II. is one to “Hester Ogden, als ffulke Henr. Sibbald et Tho. Kenithorpe for printing a book called The Sincire and True Translation of the Holy Scripture into the Englishe tounge.” It appears as though Hester Ogden was no mere figure head, for His Majesty’s Printers appealed against this licence on the grounds that it infringed their rights, protesting that “Mistris Ogden a maried woman one of Dr. Fulkes daughters did lately [sue] his Majestie to haue ye printing of her fathers workes, which his [Majestie] not knowing ye premises granted, and ye same being first referred [to the] Archbishop of Canterbury ... their lordships ... deliuered their opinion against her, since which she hath gotten a new reference to the Lord Chancellor and Master Secretary Nanton, who not examining yᵉ title vpon oath and the Stationers being not then able to produce those materiall proofes which now they can their honors certified for her, wherevpon her friends hath his Majestie’s grant for ye printing and selling of the sayed book for xxi. years to her vse.... Mistris Ogden hath gotten by begging from ye clergy and others diuers great somes of money towards ye printing of her fathers workes. Master Norton and myself haue for many £1000 bought ye office of his Majesties printer to which ye printing of ye translacons of the Bible or any parts thereof sett furth by the State belongs. Now the greatest parte of Dr. Fulkes worke is the new testament in English sett forth by authoritie.”[[313]]
Another patent was granted to Helen Mason for “printing and selling the abridgment of the book of martyres,”[[314]] while Jane, wife of Sir Thomas Bludder, petitions Archbishop Laud, showing that “She with John Bill an infant have by grant from the King the moiety of the office of King’s Printer and amongst other things the printing of Bibles. This is infringed by a printer in Scotland, who printed many Bibles there and imported them into England ... she prays the Archbishop to hear the case himself.”[[315]]
Many of the books printed at this time bear the names of women printers,[[316]] but though women might own and direct the printing houses, there is no indication that they were ever engaged in the manual processes of printing. The printers’ trade does in fact furnish rather a good example of the effect upon women’s economic position of the transition from family industry to capitalistic organisation. It is true that many links in the evolution must be supplied by the imagination. We can imagine the master printer with his press, working at home with the help of his apprentice, his wife and children; then as his trade prospered he employed journeymen printers who were the real craftsmen, and it became possible for the owner of the business to be a man or woman who had never been bred up to the trade.
Apprenticeship was still exacted for the journeymen. A Star Chamber decree in 1637 provides that no “master printer shall imploy either to worke at the Case, or the Presse, or otherwise about his printing, any other person or persons, then such only as are Freemen, or Apprentices to the Trade or mystery of Printing.”[[317]] While in 1676 the Stationers’ Company ordained that “no master-printer, or other printer or workman ... shall teach, direct or instruct any person or persons whatsoever, other than his or their own legitimate son or sons, in this Art or Mystery of Printing, who is not actually bound as an Apprentice to some lawful authorised Printer.”[[318]]
From the omission here of any mention of daughters it is clear that the Master Printers’ women-folk did not concern themselves with the technical side of his trade; but some attempt was evidently made to use other girls in the unskilled processes, for on a petition being presented in 1635 by the younger printers, concerning abuses which they wished removed, the Stationers’ Company adopted the following recommendation, “That no Master Printer shall hereafter permit or suffer by themselves or their journeyman any Girles, Boyes, or others to take off anie sheets from the tinpin of the presse, but hee that pulleth at the presse shall take off every sheete himself.”[[319]]
The young printers were successful in their efforts to preserve the monopoly value of their position, and formed an organisation amongst themselves to protect their interests against the masters; but in this association the wives of the young printers found no place. They could no longer help their husbands who were working, not at home, but on the master’s premises; and as girls were not usually apprenticed to the printing trade women were now virtually excluded from it.
Some imagination is needed to realise the social results of the change thus effected by capitalistic organisation on the economic position of married women, for no details have been discovered of the printers’ domestic circumstances; but as the wife was clearly unable to occupy herself with her husband’s trade, neither she nor her daughters could share the economic privileges which he won for himself and his fellows by his organising ability. If his wages were sufficiently high for her to devote herself to household affairs, she became his unpaid domestic servant, depending entirely on his goodwill for the living of herself and her children; otherwise she must have conducted a business on her own account, or obtained work as a wage-earner, in neither case receiving any protection from her husband in the competition of the labour market.
The wives and widows of the Masters were meanwhile actively engaged in other branches of the Stationers’ Company. In a list of Publishers covering the years 1553-1640, nearly ten per cent. of the names given are those of women, probably all of whom were widows.[[320]] One of these, the widow of Francis Coldock, married in 1603 Isaac Binge, the Master of the Company. “She had three husbands, all Bachelors and Stationers, and died 1616, and is buried in St. Andrew Undershaft in a vault with Symon Burton her father.”[[321]] The names of these women can be found also in the books they published. For example “The True Watch and Rule of Life” by John Brinsley the elder, printed by H. Lownes for Joyce Macham, 7th ed. 1615, the eighth edition being printed for her by T. Beale in 1619, and “an Epistle ... upon the present pestilence” by Henoch Clapham, was printed by T.C. for the Widow Newbery, London, 1603. A woman who was a Binder is referred to in an order made by the Bishop of London in 1685 “to damask ... counterfeit Primmirs’ seized at Mrs. Harris’s Binder,”[[322]] and Women are also met with as booksellers. Anne Bowler sold the book “Catoes Morall Distichs” ... printed by Annes Griffin. The Quakers at Horsley Down paid to Eliz. ffoulkes 3s. for their minute book,[[323]] while Pepys’ bookseller was a certain Mrs. Nicholls.[[324]] The death of Edward Croft, Bookseller, is recorded in Smyth’s Obituary, “his relict, remarried since to Mr. Blagrave, an honest bookseller, who live hapily in her house in Little Britain.”[[325]]
The trade of a bookseller was followed by women in the provinces as well as in London, the Howards paying “For books bought of Eliz. Sturton iijs.”[[326]] and Sir John Foulis enters in his account book “To Ard. Hissops relict and hir husband for 3 paper bookes at 10 gr. p. peice and binding other 4 bookes, 18. 14. 0 [Scots money], to them for a gramer and a salust to the bairns, 1.2.0. She owes me 6/8. of change.”[[327]]