Presumably all the women who were engaged in either of these allied trades in London were free of the Stationers’ Company, and in most cases they were widows. Many apprentices were made free on the testimony of a woman,[[328]] and though these in some cases may have almost completed their servitude before the death of their master, “Mistris Woolff” gives testimony for one apprentice in 1601, and for another in 1603, showing that she at least continued the management of her husband’s business for some years, and as she received a new apprentice during this time,[[329]] it is evident that she had no intention of relinquishing it.
When on her husband’s death the widow transferred an apprentice to some other master we may infer that she felt unable to take the charge of business upon her. This happened not infrequently, “Robert Jackson late apprentise with Raffe Jackson is putt ouer by consent of his mystres unto master Burby to serve out the Residue of his terms of apprentishood with him, the Last yere excepted.... Anthony Tomson ... hath putt him self an apprentice to master Gregorie Seton ... for 8 yeres.... Eliz. Hawes shall haue the services and benefit of this Apprentise during her wydohed or marrying one of the Company capable of him.”[[330]] “John leonard apprentise to Edmond Bolifant deceased is putt ouer by the consent of the said mary Bolyfant unto Richard Bradocke ... to serue out the residue of his apprentiship.”[[331]] But whether the widow wished to continue the business as a “going concern” or not, she, and she only, was in possession of the privileges connected therewith, for she was virtually her husband’s partner, and his death did not disturb her possession. The old rule of copyright recognised her position, providing “that copies peculiar for life to any person should not be granted to any other but the Widow of the deceased”, she certifying the title of the book to the Master and Wardens, and entering the book in the “bookes of thys Company.”[[332]]
The history of the Carpenters’ Company resembles that of the Stationers’ in some respects, though the character of a carpenter’s employment, which was so often concerned with building operations, carried on away from his shop, did not favour the continuance of his wife in the business after his death. The “Boke” of the ordinances of the Brotherhood of the Carpenters of London, dated 1333, shows the Society to have been at that time a Brotherhood formed “of good men carpenters of men and women” for common religious observances and mutual help in poverty and sickness, partaking of the nature of a Benefit Society rather than a Trade Union. The Brotherhood was at the same time a Sisterhood, and Brethren and Sisters are mentioned together in all but two of its articles. In the later code of ordinances, of which a copy has been preserved dated 1487, sisters are but twice mentioned, when tapers are prescribed at the burying of their bodies and prayers for the resting of their souls.[[333]] Women’s names seldom occur in the Records, apart from entries connected with those who were tenants, or charitable grants to widows fallen into poverty, or with payments to the Bedell’s wife for washing tablecloths and napkins.[[334]] In one instance considerable trouble was experienced because the Bedell’s wife would not turn out of their house after the Bedell’s death. In September, 1567, “it is agreed and fullie determyned by the Mʳ wardeins & assystaunce of this company that Syslie burdon wydowe late wife of Richard burdon dwelling wᵗʰin this house at the will & pleasure of the foresaid Mʳ & wardeins shall quyetlye & peaceablye dept out of & from her now dwellinge at Xpistmas next or before & at her departure to have the some of Twentie six shillinges & eight pence of Lawfull money of England in reward.”[[335]] Syslie Burdon however did not wish to move, and in the following February another entry occurs “at this courte it is agreed further that Cysley burdon wydowe at the feast daye of thannunciacon of oʳ Ladie Sᵗ marye the virgin next ensueng the date abovesayd shall dept. & goe from her nowe dwellinge house wherein she now dwelleth wᵗʰ in this hall & at the same tyme shall have at her deptur if she doethe of her owne voyd wᵗʰout anye further troublynge of the Mʳ and wardeins of this house at that p’sent tyme the some of Twentie six shillinges eightpense in reward.”[[336]] Cyslie Burdon may have believed that as a widow she had a just claim to the house, for leases granted by the Company at this time were usually for the life of the tenant and his wife.[[337]]
Women accompanied their husbands to the Company dinners as a matter of course. In 1556 “the clothyng” are ordered to pay for “ther dynner at the Dynner day ijs. vjid. a man whether ther wyffes or they themselves come or no.”[[338]] But the entries do not suggest that the position of equal sisters which they held in the days of the old “Boke” was maintained. Women made presents to the Company. “Mistrys ellis,” the wife of one of the masters of the Company, presented “a sylv̄ pott ꝑsell gylt the q̄ter daye at candylmas wayeing viij ozes & a qter.”[[339]] This apparently was in memory of her deceased husband, for in the same year she “turned over” an apprentice, and in 1564 a fine was paid by Richard Smarte “for not comyng at yᵉ owre appoynted to mistris Ellis beriall—xijid.”[[340]] Neither the existence of these two instances, which show a lively interest in the Company, nor the absence of other references can be taken as conclusive evidence one way or another concerning the social position of the sisters in the Company. Among the many judgments passed on brothers for reviling each other, using “ondecent words,” etc., etc., only once is a woman fined for this offence, when in 1556 the warden enters in his account book “Resd of frances stelecrag a fyne for yll wordes that his wyffe gave to John Dorrant ijˢ—Resd of John Dorrant for yll wordes that he gave to Mystris frances xvjᵈ—Resd of Wyllam Mortym̃ a fyne for callyng of Mystris frances best ijˢ.”[[341]]
It is certain that the wives of carpenters, like the wives of other tradesmen, shared the business anxieties of their husbands, the help they rendered being most often in buying and selling. This activity is reflected in some rules drawn up to regulate the purchase of timber. In 1554 “yᵗ was agreyd be the Master & wardyns and the moste parte of the assestens that no woman shall come to the waters to by tymber bourde lath q̄ters ponchons gystes & Raffters ther husbandes beyng in the town uppon payne to forfyt at ëvry tyme so fownd.”[[342]] The Company’s decision was not readily obeyed, for on March 8th, 1547, “the Master and the Wardyns wᵗ partt of the Assestens went to the gyldehall to have had a Redresse for the women that came to the watersyde to by stuffe,”[[343]] and on March 10th “was called in John Armestrong, Wyllyam boner, Wyllyam Watson, John Gryffyn and Henry Wrest there having amonyssion to warne ther wyffes that they schulde not by no stuffe at the waters syd upone payne of a fyne.”[[344]]
On her husband’s death the carpenter’s wife generally retired from business, transferring her apprentices for a consideration to another master. That this practice was not universal is shown in the case of a boy who had been apprenticed to Joseph Hutchinson and was “turned over to Anne Hayward, widow, relict of Richard Hayward Carpentar.”[[345]] Mrs. Hayward must clearly have been actively prosecuting her late husband’s business. The women who “make free” apprentices seem generally to have done so within a few months of their husband’s deaths. That the Company recognised the right of women to retain apprentices if they chose is shown by the following provision in Statutes dated November 10th, 1607. “If any Apprentice or Apprentices Marry or Absent themselves from their Master or Mistress During their Apprenticehood, then within one month the Master or Mistress is to Bring their Indentures to the hall to be Registered and Entered, etc.” “None to Receive or take into their service or house any Man or Woman’s Apprentice Covenant Servant or Journeyman within the limits aforesaid, etc.”[[346]]
When a carpenter’s widow could keep her husband’s business together, no one disputed her right to receive apprentices. Several instances of their doing so are recorded towards the end of the century.[[347]] The right to succeed her husband in his position as carpenter and member of the worshipful company was immediately allowed when claimed by a widow; thus the court “agreed ... that Johan burton wydowe late wife of [ ] burton citezein and Carpenter of London for that warninge hathe not ben goven unto her from tyme to tyme at the Quarterdaies heretofore From henseforthe shall have due warninge goven unto her everye Quarterdaye and at the next Quarterdaie she shall paye in discharge of tharrerages behind Twelve pence & so shall paye her Quateridge (pᵈ xijid.)”[[348]]; a year later “burtons widow” makes free an apprentice Mighell Pattinson.[[349]]
Curiously enough, during the period 1654 to 1670, twenty-one girls were bound apprentice at Carpenters’ Hall. Probably none of these expected to learn the trade of a carpenter.[[350]] Nine were apprenticed to Richard Hill and his wife, who lived first near St. Michael’s, Cornehill,[[351]] and afterwards against Trinity Minories.[[352]] They were apprenticed for seven years to learn the trade of a sempstress, and probably in each case a heavy premium was paid, a note being made against the name of Prudentia Cooper, who was bound in 1664 “(obligatur Pater in 50ˡ pro ventute apprenticij).”[[353]]
Richard Hill’s wife’s name is included in the Indentures three times, and in 1672 a boy was apprenticed to “Ric. Hill Civi et Carpenter London necnon de little Minories Silk Winder.”[[354]] We may infer that Mrs. Hill had founded the business before or after her marriage with the carpenter, and that hers proving profitable the husband had been satisfied with working for wages, while retaining the freedom of the Company, or had transferred his services to his wife’s business, adding that of a Silk winder to it. One girl originally apprenticed to Henry Joyse was “turned over to Anne Joyse sempstress & sole merchant without Thomas Joyse her husband,”[[355]] five were apprenticed to Henry Joyce to learn the trade of a milliner. No mention is made of his wife, but as he received boy apprentices also,[[356]] it may be supposed that in fact the two trades of a carpenter and a milliner were carried on in this case simultaneously by him and his wife. The blending of these two trades is noted again in the case of Samuel Joyce;[[357]] the trade the other girls were to learn is not generally specified, but Rebecca Perry was definitely apprenticed to William Addington “to learne the Art of a Sempstress of his wife.”[[358]] Two girls were apprenticed to “Thome Clarke ... London Civi et Carpenter ad discend artem de Child’s Coate seller existen. art. uxoris sue pro septem annis.”[[359]]
Elizabeth Lambert, the daughter of Thomas Lambert, formerly of London, silkeman, was apprenticed in 1678 to Rebecca Cooper, widow of Thomas Cooper, “Civis Carpenter London,” for seven years.[[360]] Another girl who had been apprenticed to this same woman in 1668 applied for her freedom in 1679, which was granted, though apparently her request was an unusual one, the records stating that “Certaine Indentures of Apprentiship were made whereby Rebecca Gyles, daughter of James Gyles of Staines, ... was bound Apprentice to Rebecca Cooper of the parish of St. Buttolph without Aldgate widdow for seaven yeares ... this day att a Court of assistants then holden for this Company came Rebecca Gylles Spinster sometime servant to Rebecca Cooper a free servant of this Company, and complained that haveing served her said Mistres faithfully a Terme of seaven years whᶜʰ expired the twenty-fourth day of June, 1675, and often desired of her said Mistris Testimony of her service to the end shee might bee made free, her said Mistres had hitherto denyed the same; & then presented credible persons within this Citty to testifie the truth of her said service, desireing to bee admitted to the freedome of this Company, which this Table thought reasonable, vnlesse the said Rebecca Cooper, her said Mistres on notice hereof to bee given, shall shew reasonable cause to the contrary, etc.”[[361]] Encouraged by the success of this application, two other girls followed Rebecca Gyles’ example, one being presented for her freedom at Carpenters’ Hall by Thomas Clarke in 1683 and another by Henry Curtis in 1684.[[362]]