We have shown that the nation and her supreme government are perfectly equal to the charge: to them there is not the smallest difficulty in supporting it. Neither is there the smallest difficulty to her executive government or ministry, provided it shall possess an ordinary share of spirit, activity, or enterprize; and shall proceed with sincere and upright intention. For, a regular form of government being once established abroad, and a properly digested office or department formed at home, the business would go on with great smoothness and facility to ministry.
Nevertheless, as I have assumed the liberty of prescribing in this important and almost desperate case, I am sorry, that a sincere regard to the welfare of the patient should compel me to add, (by way of concluding on this head,) that, unless ministry shall act upon a principle, and with a spirit, extremely different from that which it hath hitherto discovered in this business, it would be much more adviseable to continue the charge in the hands of the Company: for it can be but ruined under her. However, in strong hopes of a melioration in these respects, which depends altogether on the will of government, I shall proceed to disclose that plan, which, in the hands of a properly qualified sovereign, would, I doubt not, serve to establish a regular system of government in India.
A PLAN, FOR ESTABLISHING A REGULAR SYSTEM OF POLITICAL GOVERNMENT IN INDIA.
We have before observed, that the second cause why these restraining and impelling powers, which alone can prevent tyranny and anarchy, have been altogether wanting in the Company’s system of government, appears to be the distance of situation, betwixt the sovereign residence and the country governed. And we shall here add that, if national government should adopt the same system, this distance would operate, under it, effects the same in nature as these under the Company; and nothing but the difference in other circumstances, betwixt the national government and Company, could prevent these effects from being likewise equal in degree. For it is evident that, if the executive government of the nation should, as the Directors have done, preserve to itself the charge and power of immediately superintending and controuling the execution of government in that Indian dominion, the distance of situation would create to that government an equal impossibility of advising and directing measures, of enforcing the execution or observance of orders, and of preventing or restraining abuse: consequently, in the immediate execution of all measures, the national governors would possess the same unlimited power, as the Company’s governors have done. And the only advantage to that Indian government, from national governments assuming from the Company the charge of administering it, would arise from the following circumstances. First, the superior retrospective or ex post facto authority of national government, enabling it to judge and punish the maladministration, or disobedience of its ministers. Second, The superior inclination or disposition of national government (arising from its perpetual interest in the property) to exert itself in promoting proper measures. Third, The suppression of commercial despotism. And fourth, The existence of the Company as a middle state betwixt the natives and their foreign government. All which innovations, arising from national government’s taking upon itself the administration of this Indian government, though they are indispensably necessary and highly conducive to the establishment of a regular political system, yet do we perceive that they, singly and unsupported, cannot suffice to create that due proportion of restraint on the power, or of impulse on the will of the deputed executive government, which is absolutely necessary to the perfect suppression of tyranny, anarchy, and abuse. Nor is it possible to complete this restraint and impulse, to that sufficing degree, unless by a proper exertion of the sovereign’s own supreme influence.
But we find that, upon the Company’s system, the distance of situation renders the influence of the sovereign altogether impotent to this effect: and if we should take it for granted that her system hath been just or complete, then must we conclude, that this sovereign impotence is a consequence naturally and unavoidably arising from the distance; and, therefore, above the remedy of art. But, if we consult our own reason, we shall perceive that the Company’s impotence, in that particular respect, proceeded from a radical defect or error in her system; which might have been remedied by art. For, it is evident, that the distance of situation was in every circumstance similarly and equally obstructive to the Company’s immediately or personally executing the government of that Indian dominion, as it was to her immediately restraining or enforcing the manner of execution: and yet we find that the Directors could discover a remedy for the first of these obstructions, by the succedaneum of appointing a deputed executive government. And, as the second sprung from the same cause, and was exactly similar in its nature, common sense must surely have instructed her, that it was to be removed by a similar remedy; it being certain that, if the Directors had thought proper to institute in India a deputation properly qualified to controul their executive deputation, the measures of those Indian governments might have been enforced or retrained by the sovereign rending in Europe, as effectually as they have been executed by the same sovereign: that is to say, as effectually, as the defective constitution of the Company, (which equally disqualified her for controuling as for executing,) could admit.
But it could not be ignorance, or want of common sense, that prevented the Directors from instituting a controuling deputation of this nature: seeing they had before them the precedent of these other European nations, who hold any possessions in India: all of whom have provided something of this kind: for instance, the Dutch government at Batavia. Sound policy quickly pointed out to the Dutch, the absurdity of committing the charge of their dispersed concerns in India, to a multiplicity of distinct heads, all acting under no other constraint, or restraint, than that of the Company’s Directors residing in Europe. Therefore, so soon as the Dutch Company began to extend her possessions in India, she instituted one supreme government at Batavia, with full powers, and authority, to direct and controul the executive government of all her other settlements. And this government acts in India as an intermediate power, betwixt the Company residing in Europe, and her various possessions in that distant country; and as the perpetual residentiary supervisor of all her interests there. The Directors communicate all their purposes immediately to it; and it disperses orders and instructions to all the subordinate governments; which again transmit to it a regular account of their situation, wants, or transactions. All governors, chiefs, &c. are immediately responsible to it: all appointments to, and removals from, office in the subordinates, are made immediately by it: and all complaints or appeals, against the misconduct or injustice of these governors, are immediately addressed to it. In fine, it may be termed the center of the Dutch government in India. And though this government can in no shape be termed the complete model of a deputation, fit to controul or enforce the execution of sovereign government, in various territorial dominions; yet, to this institution, defective as it is, the Dutch owe it, that the government of their numerous subordinate possessions in India hath been conducted, for about two hundred years, clear of any enormous abuse.
But if the Dutch and other European nations, which hold little other concern in India than a few settlements established there for the purpose of commerce, found it necessary, for the regular management of these commercial concerns, to institute a sort of intermediate supreme power, as a local check on the rest of their settlements: how much more incumbent was it on the English Company, to constitute an immediate directing and controuling power, over the conduct of her deputies, who were entrusted with the charge of executing the sovereign government, of sundry mighty states; a charge of such superior intricacy, weight, importance, and delicacy; and so very liable to be abused.
What may have been the motive of the Directors for thus wilfully omitting an institution so evidently useful and necessary, I shall not pretend to determine. Possibly they might apprehend that if, upon their acquiring this mighty sovereign dominion, they should alter that which had been all along their commercial system, such alteration might induce the nation to enquire into the cause of it, and so discover the nature of their dominion, which they have ever carefully hid from the public. Though, it is more probable, they might perceive, that the institution of such an intermediate power would greatly interfere with their own personal influence, power, and emoluments; seeing it must have possessed the immediate disposal of places and posts, as well as a considerable share in the direction of affairs: and, in order to prevent this, they preserved to themselves the power, of immediately superintending, and directing, the execution of government in those Indian dominions.
But whatever the motive of the Directors may have been, it is certain, that the want of a deputed controuling power in India, hath been a radical and grievous defect in their system: which hath produced a number of those evils that have been falsely ascribed to the distance of situation. And though we are far from alledging, that it was possible for the Company to establish in those countries a government in any degree regular, seeing that the numerous natural defects in her constitution, unavoidably producing many destructive abuses, must have ever proved an insuperable obstacle to that; yet do we affirm that, the institution of a duly qualified intermediate controuling power, would have totally prevented some, and would have greatly diminished most, of these enormous abuses which, upon the system of the Directors, have served to ruin those countries.
Now we have seen that the national government would, by taking upon itself the charge of administring that Indian government, remedy or suppress all the abuses that have sprung from the defective constitution of the Company, (besides creating other circumstances of high utility, that could not exist under the Company’s government.) And as the distance of situation, preventing the sovereign from immediately exerting his supreme influence over the deputed executive government, is the only remaining cause of evil or abuse; it is plain that, if it is possible to construct in India, a deputed power, upon such principles, as that it shall effectually and completely supply the place of the sovereign, in immediately directing, enforcing, and controuling the measures of the deputed executive government, then must the only obstruction to the establishment of a regular political system, be remedied and removed. Consequently the grand desideratum, the only thing that is wanting, to enable the national government of Britain to regularly administer the government of those Indian dominions, is the institution of a deputed controuling power in India, properly qualified to fulfil the purposes that have been here specified.