The Present State of the British Interest in India / With a Plan for Establishing a Regular System of Government in That Country

by Anonymous

And that it is possible, to constitute an intermediate power in India, that shall effectually and faithfully direct, enforce, and controul the measures of the deputed executive government in those Indian dominions, I doubt not to evince: though, at same time, I am fully sensible of the many real difficulties, arising from nature and circumstance, to obstruct it; as likewise of the many artificial difficulties proceeding from the endeavours of those who have an interest to obstruct such a measure; and who have influence to enforce their objections, however futile, on the understanding of others.

But before we proceed to describe the plan upon which we mean to construct this controuling deputation, it will be necessary to explain the extent of its charge, or number of the government’s composing that dominion which it is meant to controul. For tho’, in our description of the Company’s government in India, we confined our account to that of Bengal alone, as being the most important and best known part of her dominion; yet doth the Company possess, besides Bengal, certain other territorial governments, of no small value and importance, in respect of either revenue or commerce. All which governments being formed upon the same system as that of Bengal, do not less demand reform, supervision, and controul.

For, in the first place, the government of Madrass possesses a very considerable and valuable territorial dominion, avowedly in the name and right of the Company. This same government doth likewise, in every thing beside the name, possess the absolute sovereignty of that rich commercial province of Arcot, or the Carnatic, in which it is situated: for, notwithstanding it tolerates a nominal Nabob, whose name it uses in most acts of government; and who, consequently, for the Company’s convenience, possesses the shadow of sovereignty; yet, as the government of Madrass holds the charge of defending the country, and maintains the military force requisite thereto, it is the actual sovereign: seeing that, in all Indian or Asiatic governments, he who holds the sword must be the absolute lord and master. And, notwithstanding all the Company’s parade of appearances, this Nabob of Arcot is, in respect of sovereign power, as much a pageant as he of Bengal: a mere screen or blind, placed before the Company’s sovereignty.

Bombay is likewise embarked in dominion, since it seized on the rich commercial city of Surat, with its district, &c. Though sound policy must direct Britain to reprobate all territorial dominion on that side of the peninsula; as causing a dangerous division and weakening of her force and defence.

But the same policy will instruct Britain to regard dominion on the east side of that peninsula in an opposite light; because, on that side lay all the truly valuable dominions which she already possesses.

To fully explain what is the true interest of Britain, respecting territorial dominion in India, would be, here, foreign and tedious; and, to slightly touch on that subject, might afford ground for censure and criticism: we shall only observe, in the general, that Britain ought to value only such dominion in India as is maritime: because, in the first place, these are ever trading and manufacturing countries; and, as such, are highly useful to her proper commerce; they are likewise capacitated, by their own active foreign trade, to richly reimburse her for her expence of native strength in defending them, as well as for her trouble in governing them: and, in the second place, being accessible to her naval force, they are easily maintained and defended by her. Therefore, so much of this maritime dominion as she can maintain and defend, without creating any additional expence of native strength; and, upon a footing so connected with that truly valuable dominion which she already possesses, as not to cause any dangerous division of that original strength, so much of this maritime dominion in India may be truly useful and advantageous to her; on any other terms it may be detrimental.

Such is the present state of British dominion in India: and such is the interest of Britain, with respect to future augmentation of dominion in that country. And we have undertaken to plan the construction of an intermediate power or deputation, which, under the national government of Britain, shall effectually and faithfully superintend, enforce, and controul the measures of these several governments that, at present are, or in future may be, subjected to Britain: and which deputation shall of course, in the first place, enable the national government of Britain to establish a regular system of political government over this whole present or future dominion: and, in the second place, shall constitute a complete system of military government, and secure defence, for all the several branches of this dominion. At present we are on the subject of political government.

The properties requisite to qualify this intermediate power, or deputation, for effectually superintending, enforcing, and controuling the political government of dominion in India, are, first, virtue and integrity, to faithfully and honestly discharge the duties of its office: and, second, power or ability, to effectually fulfil the purpose of its institution. The latter is more easily conferred; but the former is rendered difficult, by sundry obstructions, arising from the nature or disposition of the persons who must necessarily be employed to compose this deputation. For it is needless to observe, that this controuling power cannot be lodged in the subjects native of the dependent dominion; the nature of the government, as well as the nature of their disposition, rendering that impracticable; (as hath been shewn): otherwise this difficulty might be more easily surmounted. But, the Indian subjects being set aside, there remains no choice; this controuling deputation must, per force, be composed of British born subjects: whilst the several governments, which it is meant to controul, are at same time executed by British born subjects. And, from this circumstance, it follows, that the personal interest of the party controuling must naturally be the very same, with that of the party controuled: and, of course, the views of both must likewise be the same.

This similarity or sameness of personal interest and views it is that creates the difficulty of conferring virtue, integrity, honour, and fidelity, on the controuling deputation. For it is morally certain, that the similarity of interest and views will, naturally and invariably, draw the party controuling, to concur and join, instead of controuling or opposing, the measures of the party executing, (seeing such measures tend to promote that which is their common interest) provided that this party controuling shall possess the power, and opportunity of so joining interest, with the party executing. And it is no less certain, that this controuling deputation must, unavoidably, possess the opportunity of thus joining interests, unless it can, by some means, be prevented and restrained from joining and uniting the action of its own proper powers, with the action of these powers that are proper to the executive office. Whereas, if it shall be found possible to divide and separate the action of these two different powers, the one from the other, in a manner so distinct, that each shall act, in the sphere assigned to it, with freedom and liberty; and neither shall have the opportunity of transgressing the limits prescribed, to its own proper department, by the sovereign; then, and in such case, it is not only possible, but certain, that this controuling deputation may, and will be, prevented from joining interests, with the executive deputation; and, consequently, from promoting the very measures which it was meant to restrain. And, from thence I conclude, that the only possible and certain means of conferring, on this controuling deputation, virtue and integrity to faithfully and honestly discharge the duties of its office, is to cut it off from all opportunity of joining the powers of its office, with those of the executive; or of assuming any share in the executive government: in other words, it must be restrained from interfering, either directly or indirectly, personally or by proxy, in the immediate execution of measures, in any one of these governments which it is meant to controul.

But it is evident that, if this controuling deputation shall exist or reside within any one of those dominions whose government it is meant to controul, it will be morally impossible to prevent it from joining its powers, and, consequently, its interests, views, and measures, with the deputed executive power of that government where it resides. For, by virtue of its authority, which from the nature of its office must needs be supreme over the executive deputation, it will usurp at least a part if not the whole power of execution: or otherwise it will, by consent, join and unite its powers with those of the executive, in order to promote their mutual interest, by measures diametrically repugnant to the purpose of its institution. Nor is it possible, in this case, by any art, device or separation into parts, to prevent this usurpation or union: let the controuling power be termed judges, supervisors, officers of the revenue, or what else; and let the office of controuling be divided, into as many parts as can be conceived; still, the difference of term, will not alter the nature of the men employed; nor will the division of parts separate their interest. All the various persons, composing this office, will still be Europeans; the same as these who compose the executive office; and so, all the persons in both offices will be foreign to the country governed, acting by an authority which is deputed mutable and temporary; consequently they will all hold the same view; which is, to amass all the money they can during the short term of their office, in order to transport it to their own country: and as all of them would, by virtue of their residing within the same government, possess the same powers, and the same opportunities of exerting them, they would all be irresistably attracted, by the omnipotent sympathy of self-interest, to join their several powers, in promoting that which is the common view of one and all of them. In fine, if these controuling and executive deputations, which thus, from the community of the natale solum, hold one and the same interest, shall both reside together in one and the same government, and thereby possess the same opportunities, it will be equally impossible to prevent these two deputations, however artfully separated into parts, from joining and uniting their different powers, &c. as it is to preserve separate the guttæ of quicksilver; which, however gently and carefully they are dropt upon the same confined and smooth surface, will meet, join, and conglobate into one united mass. But if the controuling deputation shall be thus permitted to join its powers with these of the executive, and consequently forfeit its virtue and integrity, with respect to that one territorial government where it resides, it thereby becomes disqualified and unfit to controul the measures of any one other government: for the judge who is himself corrupt, is but little qualified to judge or punish corruption in others. I therefore conclude that, in order to preserve the virtue and integrity of this controuling deputation, it is indispensably necessary that it should not reside within the limits of any one of these territorial governments; these being the governments which it is meant to controul.