It therefore follows that, if Britain means to avail herself of her naval force, which is the principal defence of her dominion and commerce in India, she must establish a proper naval port, on the east side of the peninsula; because, on that side lay all her truly valuable possessions, and commerce. And that port, which I mean to propose, is in every respect completely qualified for this purpose: though I cannot, in this publication, specify the place; lest the enemy should anticipate, and take the advantage of our shameful neglect.
I am sensible it will be immediately exclaimed that we have already too many possessions in India; and that this is no time to increase our settlements there; and thereby to increase the drain of our native strength, as well as the expence of treasure.
But, to this, I answer, that this new establishment would not encrease the number of our capital settlements in India: on the contrary, it would diminish it, from four to three: for it would suppress, in the first place, Bombay; which is in every respect a truly useless settlement; and would therefore be exchanged for this new settlement; which would serve to connect the whole strength of this dominion; as well as to promote a variety of other very important purposes. In the second place, Bencolen would be reduced to the degree of a subordinate, immediately under the direction of the resident at this new settlement; and completely secure under its protection.
As to the drain of native strength, this establishment would, instead of adding, considerably decrease it: for the garrison, together with the artillery, &c. of Bombay, would be transported thither; as likewise would the better part of the garrison at Bencolen: and these two garrisons, being placed there, would form an army of observation, for all our valuable possessions, as hath been described; consequently the territorial governments would not demand that degree of force, which is requisite at present, when each stands on its own bottom.
And with regard to the expence of treasure, I shall only observe that, it is most unaccountably absurd in Britain to send out to India, a squadron of 17 ships of the line, besides frigates, (as she did in last war,) for the protection of her dominion and commerce in that country; which squadrons become evidently unprofitable to that purpose, through the circumstance of wanting a properly situated naval port; when less than a single year’s charge, of such squadron, would suffice to completely fit up a naval port, so situated as that, from thence, her naval force would completely effect its intended purpose. For I affirm, that the port which I propose would be completely fitted up, in every respect, as a naval port, for less expence than one year’s charge of such squadron; seeing that I do not propose docks, but platforms for careening, as at Batavia; and these are prepared, in infinitely less time, and at much less charge than docks; whilst they are far more convenient and expeditious for repairing large ships, than these docks at Bombay. And, as to the fortification immediately requisite, it would be but little expensive, and would demand but little time to rear it: because it would be perfectly accessible to the ships; and so, whilst it protected them, would be protected by them.
Moreover no part of the treasure, expended on originally fitting this naval port, would come immediately out of Britain’s proper treasury; for the whole would be defrayed by the dependent dominion in India. And this new establishment would, in a very little time, not only support its own charge, but would richly reimburse Britain for her original cost. Seeing it would, in the first place, as a colony or settlement, yield her immediate treasure, together with sundry commodities peculiar to itself; and, in a little time, it would, under proper conduct, produce rich manufactures. In the second place, it would, as an Emporium, (for which purpose it is perfectly adapted by its situation,) greatly improve the commerce of Britain in India: and as a centrical magazine or warehouse, for the commodities of China as well as India, it would reduce the term of the Company’s voyages to one year; and, thereby, reducing the expence of her carriage nearly one third, it would enable her to sell cheaper; and consequently advance her commerce in Europe. Likewise the Company’s ships rendezvousing and departing from this port for Europe, under proper convoy, this would secure her trade from that imminent danger to which it is exposed, from her ships rendezvousing singly, at that button of an island, St. Helena: a circumstance that may, in the very first year of a French war, completely ruin this Company; as that enemy is now perfectly acquainted with her route. Now Bombay is perfectly useless to all these, and indeed to every other purpose; as can be readily demonstrated: and the whole benefit derived from it, as a colony or settlement, in the year, doth not suffice to defray one month’s expence.
But this new establishment, being once fitted up as a naval port, from whence the squadrons of Britain can, in either monsoon, command all her valuable possessions; this same establishment would, at same time, completely suit for the residence of that supreme intermediately superintending power. For this port is situated, at such a distance from all the territorial governments, as would suffice to effectually prevent the controuling power, from interfering in the immediate execution of government. And, having said that it is perfectly well situated for a naval port, it follows that the communication, betwixt it and all the parts of the British dominion in India, must be speedy and easy, in either monsoon: and consequently that, from this residence, this supreme power can effectually superintend, enforce, and controul the measures of political, as well as of military, government, in this whole dominion. And, being the center of naval defence, it must be the only proper center of land defence: seeing the squadron will be ever at hand, to transport its land force, to any part of this dominion, that may be in danger.
And thus have I accomplished that which I proposed: having planned the design of an intermediate power which, in such a situation as hath been described, would establish a completely regular system of government, civil as well as military, in the whole present or future dominion of Britain in India: nay which would, in the hands of national government, render the task of governing this Indian dominion, as facil and easy, as it is to govern the small Isle of Man. And, the seat of its residence being at same time the center of naval and land defence, it would completely connect the, otherwise, divided strength of the several governments: and would establish the general defence, upon a footing so secure, that no enemy, either European or native, would dare to attack British dominion in India. It likewise appears that the drain of native strength, requisite to maintain this whole dominion, would but little exceed that which Britain expends on maintaining the two barren fortresses, of Gibraltar and St. Philips’s. Whilst no part of the pecuniary charge, of either establishing or afterwards supporting this system of government, nor yet of the land and even naval defence, would come out of the treasury of Britain; but would all be defrayed by the dependent dominion.
I have farther demonstrated the moral impossibility of governing and maintaining this Indian dominion, by means of the Company; upon any other terms, than these, of constituting her sovereign at home as well as abroad; and of conferring, upon her Directors, the sovereign execution of government in Britain, as well as in that dependent dominion.
And I have endeavoured to rouze and awake the nation, to some sense of, and regard to, the interest she holds in this Indian dominion; by a slight descriptive sketch of the nature, and degree, of benefit received by her from it, for some years past. And, as the sensation received from fact and experience makes ever a stronger impression on the mind, than that which is conveyed by speculative argument, I shall here again apply to the experience of the public, on this topic; which cannot be too much inculcated, nor presented in too many different points of view; at this truly critical juncture, when nothing less than the most speedy application, of the most vigorous measures, can prevent the total loss, of this most important object to Britain; either through the final ruin of the countries themselves; or, otherwise, by the assault of enemies.