The letter of Francisco de Ortega, O.S.A. (June 6, 1573), discusses general conditions in the islands. Ortega narrates the death of Legazpi on August 21, 1572, which is greatly deplored by all for his good qualities and government. Juan de Salcedo has returned from explorations in Luzon, during which he has circumnavigated the island—the first to accomplish that feat. An expedition sent out by Lavezaris fails to discover anything new, the soldiers only overrunning the district formerly explored, where they commit many depredations on the natives, many of whom are killed, while others flee before the Spaniard. The present of gold sent to the king is wrung from the poor natives and is only a trifle when compared to the vast expenses already incurred in Legazpi’s expedition. The only just sources of profit will be the cinnamon and the exploiting of the gold mines, and even this will mean the destruction of the natives. The viceroy should not trust only to what relation Juan Pacheco, who is going to Nueva España, may give, for he is biassed in favor of the governor for favors received. Authentic news and information may be had from Diego de Herrera, who is going to Nueva España and Spain to report concerning secular and ecclesiastical affairs. Ortega complains bitterly of Lavezaris who is a man of bias and passion, and unfair to the religious and the Indians and poor Spaniards. He should be retired as he is over seventy years of age. He has done wrong in regranting vacant encomiendas that had reverted to the crown, which is contrasted strongly with Legazpi’s steadfast refusal to do so. The population of the island has been greatly overestimated. If a new governor is not appointed, an efficient visitor should at least be sent. Ortega lauds Juan de Salcedo and Juan de Moron (the latter of whom has been sent under unjust arrest to Nueva España) and asks rewards for them. He bewails the fact that the Chinese exploration planned by Legazpi and so desired by the religious has not been carried out mainly because of the opposition of Lavezaris and his friend. He offers himself anew to accompany the expedition if it is reorganized, and suggests the exploration of the island of Cauchill, which belongs to China, and has a rich export trade in pepper and Moluccan cloves.
At about the same time as the above letter, must have been written the undated memoranda for Diego de Herrera who sails for Nueva España in 1573 to inform the king of various abuses, and to report on the islands, and make various requests. The memoranda paint the condition of the conquest in the darkest colors, dilating on the cruelty of the Spaniards, which has caused the name of Spaniard to be hated by the Filipino. Justice is almost an unknown quality, and sentences are adjudged in favor of him who pays most. Retaliation for injuries inflicted by the Filipinos is the order of the day, without any heed as to whether the guilty person is punished or not. Many raids are made; and the land is divided into encomiendas, although not yet pacified. The encomenderos only bleed, but do not protect their natives. Slavery is common among the natives and for various reasons, and the Spaniards are quick to make use of the institution unjustly. Various requests, some for reform, are to be made. Above all the wrong to the natives should be corrected, and an investigation made regarding the slaves held unjustly. Honest men should be sent to inspect conditions. Two hospitals are needed, and religious are extremely necessary. Two secular priests are requested to look after the Spaniards. If the Chinese expedition is despatched, the Augustinians wish to be preferred. Aid is needed for the support of the religious. If slavery is allowed various measures are needed regulating it, and the final word regarding slaves should be said by the religious. Natives should not be taken on raids against their will. The chief products of the islands are gold, pearls, spices, and drugs, and the nearby mainlands are rich.
Under date of June 30, 1574, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes the viceroy of Nueva España, discussing events and conditions among the Spaniards and Filipinos. He also draws a dark picture of the rapacity of the Spaniards, who molest the Filipinos by unjust raids and excessive demands for tribute. An expedition made to the Bicol River and Camarines by Salcedo and Chaves has met success only after considerable opposition from the natives who are the bravest of Luzón, and who meet heavy losses in consequence. Chaves is left in Ilocos with a small band to effect a colony. Rada encloses a copy of his “Opinion” regarding tributes. Notwithstanding contrary reports, the islands are but slightly pacified; the natives are restless and piracy is frequent. Unjust wars are waged upon the natives, notwithstanding that the Spaniards attempt to shield themselves behind Urdaneta and Rada. The entrance into Manila was a travesty on justice. The governor takes and solicits bribes, and pays but little attention to the natives. Rada retains those religious who wish to return to Nueva España because of the general conditions. An epidemic of smallpox has spared “neither childhood, youth, nor old age,” and many have died. The document closes with a recital of the classes and causes of slavery among the natives in which many characteristics of the Filipinos are mentioned.
In a letter to Felipe II from the royal officials (July 17, 1574), the king is congratulated on the birth of a son, to whom a present is sent, and also on the great battle of Lepanto won over the Turks by Don Juan of Austria. Ilocos has been divided into encomiendas, while Camarines has been explored and pacified and the land is to be assigned. An attack from Borneo was expected in 1573, but late reports are to the effect that that king desires friendship with the Spaniards. A chief of Mindanao has also signified his desire for peace. There is a steady trade with China, but the Chinese cargoes do not prove very valuable. The king is asked to reorganize commercial communication with Spain and allow private vessels. Cinnamon is abundant, although but little can be shipped for lack of space. Dire need prevails throughout the islands, which is not relieved by the royal officials of Mexico, as they claim to be without royal commission for it. Legazpi had failed to show certain royal decrees, and the king is asked to order the governor not to meddle with the affairs of the royal officials. The trouble with the Augustinians over the tribute is related from the standpoint of the royal officials, the Augustinians going so far as to assert that the king has no legal title in the islands. However, the tribute is being collected on the lines laid out by Legazpi. The officials (Cauchela and Aldave, for Mirandaola has been sent under arrest to Nueva España) petition an increase of salary; and Aldave the confirmation of his appointment as treasurer, given him because of Lavezaris’s appointment to the governorship.
Hernando Riquel, governmental notary, gives (June 2, 1576) a list of encomiendas assigned by Legazpi. These include the islands of Cebú, Panay, Mindanao, Leyte, Luzón, Mindoro, Lubán, Elin, Imarás, Masbat, Capul, Mazagua, Maripipi, Camiguinin, Tablas, Cubuyan, Bohol, Bantayán, Marenduque, Donblón (Romblón), Bantón, and Negros. Many of the names of the early conquistadors are given, and the document possesses value as it denotes early attempts at estimation of population, although those estimates are only vague and very inadequate.
Loarca’s letter of June 15, 1580, complaining of the enmity of Governor Sande, who hates him because he went on the Chinese expedition by order of Lavezaris, while he (Sande) was inside the islands, complains that false reports are sent regarding the conquests, and hence there is a waste of money. He fears to be too specific in his letter lest his letters go astray. He asks for aid, for he has received no salary for some years, and has even spent his own money for public purposes, and has become poor.
In the name of all his brethren, Pablo de Jesus, soon to be elected custodian of the Franciscans in Manila, writes (June 18, 1580) to Pope Gregory XIII a letter (partly doctrinal), giving account of the voyage of the first Franciscan missionaries to the Philippines. On the journey thither a short halt is made at one of the Ladrones, of whose inhabitants the father gives a brief description. At Manila the Augustinians, hitherto the sole religious order in the islands, give them a hearty welcome, but report discouraging progress among the aborigines. Undaunted however, the new missionaries set to work with a will and soon obtain marked results. The evil influence of Mahometanism, which has entered by way of Borneo has made itself felt among some of the natives, but yet with a sufficient supply of missionaries, the Filipinos, whose customs (social and religious) are briefly described, would soon be converted to the faith. The first Franciscan expedition to China, under the guidance of Pedro de Alfaro, which left Manila, May 20, 1579, is also described, and the Chinese characterized. Pablo de Jesus begs the pope to order the authorities in Manila to cease offering obstructions to those religious who desire to go to China to evangelize that great empire.
On October 17, 1581, a council of various religious assembled by Bishop Salazar to discuss the question of the liberation of native slaves held by Spaniards, which has been ordered by a royal decree decide: 1. That an old decree of 1530 prohibits the Spaniards to enslave the natives of the Indies; and that that decree was sufficient by itself to cause all slaves to be freed. Consequently, the new decree must be obeyed. 2. There is not any just reason for awaiting a new order because of petition, for such petition is only a subterfuge to gain time and postpone the liberation of the slaves. 3. The slaves must be freed immediately, although they may be ordered to remain with their masters for twenty or thirty days, in order to give the latter time to adapt themselves to the sudden change.
Of distinct ecclesiastical as well as historical interest is Bishop Salazar’s document of December 21, 1581, creating and establishing the cathedral church of Manila. He provides for the appointment of the various ecclesiastical offices, such as dean, archdeacon, chanter, schoolmaster, treasurer, canons, prebendaries, racioneros, half-racioneros, acolytes, chaplains, sacristan, organist, beadle, econome, notary of the chapter, and the peculiar office of dog-catcher, and outlines the duties of all and names the salary each is to receive. Much of interest is said on the subject of tithes and revenues, benefices, the various parish churches that exist or may be established, and their priests, the failure of duty of any official, chapter meetings (which must occur twice each week), church services, etc. A question to assume vast proportions later, namely, the royal patronage, presentation for benefices, and the episcopal jurisdiction also receives mention. This document presents in germ the ecclesiastical government of Manila.
Antonio Sedeño, S. J., one of the first of his order to come to the Philippines (he having accompanied Bishop Salazar, in company with one other priest—Alonso Sanchez—and two lay-brothers), writes to Felipe II, June 17, 1583, requesting that the governor be appointed from a resident of the islands, instead of sending a new man from Spain to fill that post. Thereby will great occasion for graft be avoided, and the royal expenses be greatly reduced, while the whole land will benefit. He suggests the appointment of Juan Baptista Roman, the factor, a prudent man, who has always opposed wrong. He also requests permission to found a seminary in order that the Jesuits may remain in the country and fulfil their obligations; and royal aid for such foundation.