Pigafetta relates that on November 13, a Portuguese named Pedro Affonso de Lorosa, who had gone to Terrenate after the death of Serrão, comes to the ships. From him they learn the efforts made by the Portuguese to prevent their expedition, and various news of the region; and they ply him so well that on departing he promises to return to the ships and go to Spain with them. On November 16 and 17, the Moro king of Gilolo visits the ship, and is delighted with the artillery and fighting qualities of the ships and men, for he had been a great warrior in his youth, and is feared throughout that region. On the eighteenth also, Pigafetta goes ashore to see how the clove grows; and the result of his visit is given in a tolerably correct description of the clove and nutmeg trees. The women of that region, he says, are ugly, and the men are jealous of them and fearful of the Europeans.
Meanwhile, the Ternatans bring daily boatloads of cloves and other things to the boat, but only food is bought from them, as the clove trade is kept for the king of Tidore. The latter returns to the islands on November 24, with news that many cloves will soon be brought. On the following day the first cloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing of the artillery. The king, in accordance with the custom of that district, invites the sailors to a banquet in honor of the first cloves laden. But they, mindful of the fatal May-day banquet, suspect treachery and make preparations for departure. The king, learning of their intended departure, is beside himself and entreats them to stay with him, or if they will go, to take back all their presents, as he would otherwise be considered a traitor by all his neighbors. After his entreaties have availed, it is learned that some chiefs had endeavored in vain to turn the king against the Spaniards, in hopes of currying favor with the Portuguese. On November 27 and 28, many cloves are traded. The governor of the island of Machian comes to the ships on November 29, but refuses to land, as his father and brother are living in exile at Tidore (a curious evidence of Oriental government customs). The king proves his friendliness once more by returning them some of their presents, as their stock had given out, in order that they might give them to the governor. Again on December 2, the king leaves his island to hasten their departure, and on the fifth and sixth the last trading is done, the men in their eagerness bartering articles of clothing for cloves. Then after many visits from the kings and chiefs of the various Moluccas and other islands; after Lorosa, the Portuguese, has come aboard, notwithstanding the efforts of one of the Ternatan princes to seize him; and after the witnessing of various ceremonies between the kings of Batchian and Tidore: the new sails are bent to the yards, and the ships prepare to depart. Leaving the king of Tidore certain of the artillery and powder captured with the junks, and their Bornean captives (having previously given him all their other prisoners); and having made peace with various potentates of the region roundabout: the “Victoria” lifts anchor and stands out to await the “Trinidad.” The latter vessel, however, is unable to lift anchor, and suddenly springs a leak. The “Victoria” puts back to port; the “Trinidad” is lightened; but all endeavors to locate the leak are unavailing. The king, solicitous lest his plans of future greatness go astray, if the ships cannot return to Spain, is tireless in his efforts, but his best divers are unable to accomplish anything. Finally it is decided that the “Victoria” will take advantage of the winds and return to Spain by way of the Cape of Good Hope, while the “Trinidad,” after being overhauled will return by way of the Isthmus of Panama. Having lightened the former vessel of sixty quintales of cloves, as it is overladen, the ships separate, forty-seven Europeans and thirteen natives sailing in the “Victoria” and fifty-three men remaining with João Carvalho. Amid tears from each side, the “Victoria” departs, and passing by the island of Mare, where wood has been cut for them, soon stows the wood aboard, and then takes its path among the numerous islands of the East Indian archipelagoes. To Pigafetta, the world is indebted for the first Malayan vocabulary, and for many descriptions of islands, peoples, and products. Stopping occasionally at various islands, for fresh supplies and wood, the “Victoria” picks its way toward the open Indian Ocean, Pigafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan pilot with questions regarding all the region, and learning much, partly true and partly legendary, of various islands, China, Malacca, and the Indian coast. Their longest stay is at Timur, where two men desert and which they leave on Wednesday, February 11, 1522, passing to the south of Sumatra for fear of the Portuguese. On the way to the cape, some, constrained by hunger, wish to stop at the Portuguese settlement at Mozambique, but the majority, loving honor more than life, decide that they must return to Spain at all hazards. For nine weeks they are buffeted about the cape, which is finally doubled in May, but only after the loss of a mast. They sail for two months longer without fresh supplies, and finally on Wednesday, July 9, reach Santiago, one of the Cape Verde Islands. Sending a boat ashore, with a story invented to throw the Portuguese off the scent, they are given two boatloads of rice for their merchandise. They are surprised to find themselves out one day in their reckoning, a fact that puzzles Pigafetta, until he finds out the reason later, for he has been most sedulous in setting down the record of each day. The boat with thirteen men returns once more, but the secret leaks out in part, and the ship with only eighteen Europeans (for twenty-one men, counting Europeans and Malays, have died since leaving Timur, part of whom have been executed for their crimes), hastily departs to avoid capture. On Saturday, September 6, the ship enters San Lucar, with most of its crew sick, and on Monday, September 8, they are anchored once more at Seville. Next day, the men visit two famous shrines in procession to give thanks for their return. Pigafetta, still restless, goes to Valladolid, where he presents a book to Cárlos I; to Portugal and France, where he tells his wonderful experiences; and finally to Venice in Italy, where he proposes to pass the remainder of his days.
Especially valuable to the student in Philippiniana is the short description of the Philippines by Chao Ju-kua, who probably wrote in the thirteenth century, more than a century before the first European discovery. Chao Ju-kua’s information seems to have been obtained personally from Chinese traders to the Philippines, and although very imperfect and all too short, one can identify almost certainly the islands of Luzón, Mindoro, Mindanao, Paragua, and the Visayas. The people are slightly described; and various products of the islands are given and trading methods described. The existence in the first-named island of small statues of Buddha is interesting and probably points to a long-continued intercourse between Chinese and Filipinos.
Guido de Lavezaris writes to Felipe II (May 30, 1565), referring briefly to his participation in the Villalobos expedition, and his subsequent journey to Spain to give information thereof; also his participation in a Florida exploration expedition under Tristan de Arellano. After aiding in the preparation of Legazpi’s fleet, he sails with it as treasurer. He asks royal reward in behalf of his services in introducing the ginger plant, which has thriven so abundantly, into Nueva España; of which he has been cheated by Francisco de Mendoca who had promised to negotiate it for him. Legazpi’s expedition has reached the Philippines in sixty-four days, and the Spaniards are now settled at Cebú, the best center of all that region, first reaching that island April 27, 1565. Samples of gold, wax, and cinnamon are sent to Spain; and supplies are urgently requested for entrance must be effected by force of arms.
By the same vessel, Andrés de Mirandaola, the factor, writes to Felipe II. The expedition reaches the Filipinas February 16, 1565. There is much land thereabout included in the Spanish demarcation, but it may be necessary to conquer it by force of arms in order to introduce the Catholic religion, for the natives are a treacherous and warlike race. The products yet ascertained are gold, wax, and cinnamon, and the trade therein will increase if fostered by the Spaniards. Natives of the Moluccas, in alliance with the Portuguese, have made a disastrous raid in Bohol, where Legazpi remains for a few days, and have caused great loss and consternation among the natives. Lavezaris and Mirandaola explore a portion of Mindanao, where they ascertain the products and trade relations, and make peace and trade relations with the chief of Butuan; at which place they hear accounts of Borneo. The fleet goes to Cebú, where they settle after a slight skirmish with the natives, with whom after vexatious delays, peace and friendship are in a fair way to be made. The Spaniards find there the Santo Niño and two culverins, probably of the time of Magalhães. Cebú is densely populated with a warlike and treacherous race. Urdaneta is returning in the ship which is about to leave to find the return route, under command of Felipe de Salcedo and Juan de Aguirre. Men and supplies are needed by the colonists. Mirandaola asks royal confirmation of his office and an increase in salary.
This is followed by a letter from Guido de Lavezaris (July 25, 1567), in which reference is made to his letter of 1565 and his services. The “San Geronimo” despatched from Nueva España in 1566, has arrived, with news of the discovery of the return route, after a voyage flavored with hardship and mutiny; Legazpi and the royal officials sending a detailed relation. Mountains full of cinnamon have been found at Cauit in Mindanao, but in order to be benefitted thereby, a settlement in that region is necessary, and also as a menace to the Portuguese who pass by there en route from Malacca to the Moluccas. Two Portuguese ships anchor at Cebú July 10, 1567, with letters from Pereira, in which the Spaniards are ordered to forsake their settlement and go to India. Pereira has received orders to drive them from the land and is even now on his way thither with nine ships and eight hundred soldiers. The Portuguese together with the Ternatans have committed many depredations among the Philippines. The natives of the rest of the Moluccas are generally well disposed toward the Spanish; and the Tidorans are compelled to pay an annual tribute to the Portuguese. The Portuguese ships leave Cebú in thirteen days, but in that time, Lavezaris has managed to borrow a map and navigation chart from them, of which he copies the portion of the land in the Spanish demarcation. This he encloses with his letter.
The following day, July 26, the royal officials write to the king, giving somewhat more detailed information on some points than Lavezaris has done. The Cebuans and other natives make peace with Legazpi after the departure of the “San Pedro” in 1565, but they are a faithless race, who easily abandon their homes on the show of force. Legazpi wisely refrains from war with them, and consequently the colonists are still alive. The cinnamon obtained in barter is about to be sent to Nueva España. Mindanao, which has gold, has been taken possession of for Spain. Cebú has been visited by Moros from Luzón and Mindoro, who trade gold and rice for silver and pearls; and they report active trade with the Chinese. A mutiny in Cebú, November 28, 1565, is quelled and Legazpi mercifully pardons most of the offenders. The troubles and mutinies of the “San Geronimo” are graphically related. Relations with the Portuguese are discussed, in which it is seen that Legazpi attempts to gain time. Goiti succeeds Mateo del Saz in the office of master-of-camp because of the latter’s death. The royal officials ask for an increase in salary, and state the need of men and supplies, which are ill supplied from Nueva España. A beginning has been made in the conversion; but for greater stability married colonists are needed.
Under date of July 8, 1569, Martin de Rada, O.S.A., writes to the viceroy of Nueva España, the marquis of Falces, congratulating him on his appointment. He gives various data in regard to the islands of Luzón, Borneo, Panay, and Mindanao. The wealthy village of Manila is only seventy leguas from Cebú. Gold is very abundant throughout the islands and is possessed by all the natives, but they never mine more than will suffice for their immediate wants. Merchants from Luzón, Borneo, and Joló go through the islands constantly seeking gold and slaves. The natives are arrogant and the rule is one of might, for they have no real rulers. Soldiers are not needed to conquer the land; they have done much damage, and the natives are afraid of them, so much so that they abandon villages at their approach. The natives are mostly heathens, although there are some Moros; and they could be easily converted. Legazpi is to blame for his inaction. More harmony is needed. Notwithstanding the abundance of supplies in the islands, famine prevails. There are no boats with which to get out the valuable and abundant timber. A settlement in the Philippines is necessary if the Spanish king desires to conquer China. The religious have not yet begun to baptize in earnest because they are uncertain whether the colony is to be permanent.
Diego de Herrera, O.S.A., also writes (July 25, 1570) to Felipe II, in somewhat the same vein, stating the need for governmental reform; for men who understand warfare; and the bad treatment of natives by Spaniards. He inveighs against the removal from Cebu, the strongest site of the islands seen hitherto, to Panay, which is swampy and unhealthful. He advises against the concession of the petition of the Spaniards to allow them to plunder and enslave the Moros. The Moros of Luzón are scarcely so more than in name and in abstinence from pork, and are of very recent date. Those of Borneo are only slightly more established and only live along the coast. Herrera petitions that regular supplies be given the religious from Nueva España until the Philippines furnish sufficient support. Although they have generally refrained from baptism, because of their uncertainty as to the permanence of their colony, they will, now that that uncertainty has ceased, give themselves to the work.
This is followed by a series of documents bound together (1568–70) consisting of royal communications to and concerning Legazpi. An official letter bearing the king’s rubric (November 16, 1568) replies to two letters of Legazpi written in 1567. He is ordered to continue his policy in the islands. The matter of galleys will receive consideration, as will the question of supplies, which will be sent from Nueva España. He must attend carefully to the conversion of the natives. Encomiendas may be assigned with certain reservations to the crown. Moros may be enslaved if they try to preach Mahometanism. A report on slavery among the Filipinos is to be sent to the royal Council of the Indies. All the Portuguese among the colonists must be sent to Spain as they are a menace to the new colony. By a document dated August 6, 1569, Legazpi is granted the lieutenancy of a fort in Cebú, and shall be received as such, and shall perform the duties incumbent upon that office. On the fourteenth of the same month and year, he is also granted by royal concession the title of governor of the Ladrones. Legazpi is to take possession of the islands for Spain, and he shall be received as governor and captain-general therein with the ordinary powers, and perquisites, and a salary of two thousand ducados. A document of the same date confers upon Legazpi the title of adelantado of the Ladrones. Royal instructions of August 28, 1569, consisting of twenty-two sections, outline the policy to be followed by Legazpi in the Ladrones. These instructions cover such points as colonization, treatment of the natives, fortification, religion and conversion, civil government and public officers, industry, and trade. The final document of the series concedes to Legazpi (August 29, 1570), a grant of two thousand ducados.