[42] Eymeric, Directorium, part ii, question xiv, p. 196. ‘Quod melius est satisfieri libidini, quocunque actu turpi, quam carnis stimulis fatigari: sed est (ut dicunt, & ipsi faciunt) in tenebris licitum, quemlibet cum qualibet indistincte carnaliter commisceri, quandocunque & quotiescunque carnalibus desideriis stimulentur.’ Cf. Schmidt, p. 151 n., on the Cathari of Orleans in 1012.
[43] Vacandard, p. 80.
[44] Lea, vol. iii, p. 10.
[45] Paradiso, xii, 139-41.
[46] On Joachim’s writings, the problem of The Everlasting Gospel and Joachitism generally, see J. J. Döllinger, Prophecy and the Prophetic Spirit in the Christian Era (tr. A. Plummer, 1873), ch. vii; E. Renan, Nouvelles Études d’histoire religieuse (Paris, 1884; English ed., 1886); the Essay on Joachim in Franciscan Essays (1912), by E. G. Gardner, pp. 50-70; also E. Gebhart, L’Italie mystique; la renaissance religieuse au moyen âge (1908), esp. pp. 49-84, 183-253. The whole story of the Spiritual Franciscans, so far as it affected Italy, is told in this admirable work.
[47] J. à Royas, De Haereticis, eorum que impia intentione et credulitate, cum quinquaginta analyticis assertionibus, quibus universae fidei causae facile definiri valeant, in F. Zilettus, Tractatus Universi Juris (Venice, 1633), vol. xi, pt. ii, p. 211. The fact of the submission of his works in 1200 is disputed, Franciscan Essays, p. 56.
[48] See Renan, op. cit., p. 248; Lea, vol. iii, pp. 22-3 and notes; F. H. Reusch, Index der verbotenen Bücher (Bonn, 1883). Bücherverbote im Mittelalter, pp. 18-21; Chronicle of Salimbene in Monumenta Historica ad provincias Parmensem et Placentiam pertinentia (Parma, 1857), pp. 235-6. See Directorium, part ii, question ix, pp. 269-72, on the heresies of John of Parma. ‘It is ... the substitution of the idea of the Everlasting Gospel as a written book to supersede the Gospel of Christ, for the original one of the Everlasting Gospel as an unwritten spiritual interpretation based upon that Gospel—that separates Gherardo of Borgo San Donnino and the Joachists from the authentic creed of Joachim himself.’—Franciscan Essays, p. 63. The prophecies of Joachim himself were esteemed by the Church; it was the subsequent gloss upon them that was suspect. See Döllinger, Prophecy and the Prophetic Spirit (London, 1873), pp. 121 et seq.
[49] Rev. xiv, 6.
[50] See Lea, vol. iii, pp. 18-19. ‘Unless the universe were a failure, and the promises of God were lies, there must be a term to human wickedness; and as the Gospel of Christ and the Rule of Francis had not accomplished the salvation of mankind, a new gospel was indispensable. Besides, Joachim had predicted that there would arise a new religious Order which would rule the world and the Church in the halcyon age of the Holy Ghost. They could not doubt that this referred to the Franciscans as represented by the Spiritual group, which was striving to uphold in all its strictness the Rule of the venerated founder.’ Salimbene was not a very spiritually-minded Franciscan. That most entertaining chronicler took a not entirely holy delight in the bright and frivolous things of life, and even the gross. But he was very much impressed by the prophecies of the Abbot Joachim. All prophecies appealed to his curious and inquisitive mind, those of Merlin as well as Joachim; but he was genuinely interested in their spiritual significance also, and for a time a professed Joachite. See his Chronicle, especially relating to the testimony of one, Brother Hugo of Montpellier, concerning Joachim, op. cit., pp. 97 et seq. There is a summary in Taylor, op. cit., vol. i, pp. 494-517. The place of poverty in the Franciscan Rule is discussed in St. Francis and Poverty—Franciscan Essays, pp. 18-30.
[51] For the persecution of the Spirituals generally see Lea, vol. iii, pp. 23-89, 129-80; also Döllinger, Beiträge, vol. ii, pp. 417-526, a Chronicle of the Persecution of the Brothers Minor, also p. 606. See also Directorium, on Arnaldo da Villanova, p. 282, Fraticelli, pp. 313-22.