[115] Decameron, Day I, Novel 3.
[116] Renan traced Averrhoïst influence in the Pantheism of the Spiritual Franciscans and the Illuminism of such German mystics as Ortlieb and Eckhart, op. cit., pp. 259 et seq.; whereas the truth is that there was never the slightest sympathy between the Franciscans and Averrhoïsm, and German Illuminism had quite other origins.
[117] J. Bryce, The Holy Roman Empire (1903), p. 109.
[118] See H. B. Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation (1901, 1902), vol. i; The Age of Wyclif, p. 71: ‘Some seventy thousand documents in the papal archives bear witness to his world-wide labours. Few subjects escaped his notice—from the habit of the French King of talking in church, the misrule of Edward II of England, or the devices of sorcerers, to the weightier matters of theology and law.’
[119] R. L. Poole, Illustrations of the History of Mediæval Thought (1884), p. 247.
[120] Ibid., pp. 256 et seq.
[121] M. Creighton, History of the Papacy (1903), vol. i, p. 32.
[122] For Avignon, see E. Baluze, Vitae Paparum Avenionensium (1693). See works cited in Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. i, Append. A., p. 291; also Pierre D’Ailly, De Necessitate Reformationis Ecclesiae, in Joannis Gersonii Opera Omnia (Antwerp. 1706), vol. ii, pp. 885-902, esp. p. 889. Poole, op. cit., p. 248, ‘The universal authority of Rome became confined within the narrow territory of Avignon: the means by which it was exerted became more and more secular, diplomatic, mercantile....’
[123] The extent of the feeling aroused by the schism in Christendom can be illustrated by the fact that contemporary miracle-plays represented Pope and anti-Pope burning in hell (see Workman, The Dawn of the Reformation, vol. ii, The Age of Hus, p. 41), and by the life-work of a simple uneducated girl, St. Catherine of Siena.
[124] Melchior Goldast, Monarchia S. Romani Imp. (Hanover and Frankfort, 1611-14), vol. iii, p. 1360.