From Brooklyn we could at our pleasure contemplate the aspect of New York, its harbour and immense bay. I believe it is difficult to find a more picturesque and at the same time more commanding view. The Hudson and East rivers, of which the latter is only an arm of the sea running between Long Island and the continent, wash two sides of the great triangle upon which the city stands, and meeting in front of the battery, mingle their waters in the bay formed by Long and Staten Islands. At the wharves which margin the two rivers, we behold forests of masts at all seasons, which present to the admiring beholder the flags of all nations. The town which in 1615 was nothing but a small fort built by the Dutch, is at present the most populous, the largest and richest city of the New World. Excepting the City Hall, there is not a single public edifice worthy of the attention of an artist; but to compensate for this, the breadth of the streets, the goodness of the pavements, and the neatness of the houses are all admirably calculated for the comfort and health of the inhabitants. Its extent and population annually increases in a remarkable manner. In 1820, it contained 120,916 inhabitants; at present the number is 170,000, in which is included the population of Brooklyn, which should be considered as a suburb of New York. Notwithstanding the great advantages of its situation, its commerce and its resources, the city of New York is not the seat of government for that State. In this happy country where every thing is more calculated for the good of the citizen than for the satisfaction of the authorities, it is necessary, before all other requisites, that a city should be as near the centre of a state as possible, in order to be selected as the seat of government. The city New York is at the extremity of the state. It has, however, a sufficient number of other advantages; the security of its harbour; the vastness of its bay, capable of containing all the fleets in the world; the facility of its internal communications by the navigation of the Hudson, and especially by the grand canal which unites the waters of Lake Erie with the ocean, must always make it one of the most important commercial situations. More than eighty steam-boats, always ready to brave contrary winds, convey in every direction, not only the products of New York, but of all the adjacent states.
In 1820, the exports from the port of New York amounted to 13,162,000 dollars, $7,899,080 of which were in the especial products of New York state. These details which were given me by a naval officer, while from the heights of Brooklyn, I gazed upon the imposing scene around, greatly excited my curiosity, and induced me to lay hold of the first favourable opportunity to gain a more extensive knowledge in relation to a city and state, so suddenly emerging to such a state of grandeur and prosperity. Nor was my gratification long delayed. The same evening, after a dinner which had been enlivened by the presence of a great number of the distinguished men of New York, I found myself near Mr. M., an old gentleman, whose conversation is always interesting and instructive; during dinner he had informed me that after having devoted his youth to the establishment of the independence of his country, he had not since ceased to employ himself in augmenting the means of happiness to his fellow-citizens. Notwithstanding the circumspection with which I asked my first questions, he soon discovered my wishes, and having seated ourselves in a corner of the room, he made the following observations. “I hope, although our country is still very new, and has not yet like Europe enjoyed the advantage of a long civilization, that you will not receive the less pleasure from your visit. You will not find the arts and sciences carried to the high degree of perfection here, in which they exist in France, but every where you will discover peace, abundance and liberty; you will see almost every where, a numerous and active population, procuring with facility the necessaries of life, by an industry which government has no power to interrupt; and this view is sufficiently rare in Europe, I believe, to be worthy of attention: but without entering into details, which you had better collect yourself during your excursions, I will by giving you a short historical and statistical view of this state, show you results, in which you will probably be obliged to recognize the influence of our institutions, which we have not the vanity to consider perfect, but which we believe, nevertheless, to be superior to those of all the nations that have preceded us in the vast career of civilization. Our origin is not lost like yours in the night of time, and the gods have never been at the trouble of showing by prodigies, the interest they took in our first establishments. The science of history is not, therefore, among us monopolized, by a few of the initiated. It is a national domain whose limits, still very close to us, may easily be examined and understood by everyone. It was in 1609, that the Hudson was discovered by the navigator whose name it bears. As early as 1610, some Hollanders had built their cabins by the side of the Indian lodges; but it was not until 1614, that permanent establishments were made. Soon after the English came to dispute with the Dutch, the possession of a country that belonged to neither, and the blood-stained soil was covered with fortresses. Finally a treaty was made in 1674, and in which the legitimate proprietors were certainly not consulted, assuring tranquil possession to the English. In 1683, the colonists for the first time assembled a representative body to regulate their affairs, but James II. of England alarmed at the representative system and publications from the press, proscribed both. The reign of Mary, who came to the throne in 1689, gave more liberty to the colonists, who in 1691 re-assembled their representatives. The population was then considerably augmented by emigrants from Germany, who came in great numbers to settle in the province. The first journal published in the colony was printed in 1733, but after the following year the press was altogether silenced, and the colonists again fell under arbitrary rule. In spite of the despotism, which during the next twenty years, weighed down the colony, the people remained strongly attached to England, and were very active in the war which that power carried on against France in 1754. Finally in 1765, their patience was tried to the utmost; they burned the law establishing the stamp-tax, refused English importations, and ardently engaged in the revolutionary war. The state of New York, during the entire duration of that struggle, was the theatre of operations, and the city was almost constantly in possession of the enemy; but the ardor of the people was undiminished. I need not enter into the details of that glorious campaign, which had our enfranchisement for its result. Placed as you have been near the man, who shared the labours of our immortal Washington, you doubtless have frequent opportunities of collecting from his lips more exact and interesting relations than I can give you. Let us now pass on to a view of our present situation.
“From the peace of 1783, our state has made surprising advances of every sort. Our territory has been ascertained, and our limits determined by compacts with the neighbouring states. At present we are bounded on the north by Lower Canada, on the east by the states of Vermont, Massachusetts and Connecticut; on the south by New Jersey and Pennsylvania, and on the west and north-west by Upper Canada, from which we are separated by Lake Erie, Lake Ontario, the Niagara and St. Lawrence. Within these bounds, the surface of our territory measures 46,200 miles. Eighty thousand souls, at most, were scattered over this immense extent at the beginning of our revolutionary war. Notwithstanding the continuance of this contest for eight years, the population increased, and amounted in 1788 to 200,000, a number but little exceeding the present actual population of the city alone. Since that period, the increase has taken place in a ratio, which of itself will suffice to demonstrate the superiority of our institutions over the colonial government, from which we had freed ourselves. In 1790, the general Census gave us a population of 349,120 souls; in 1800, 586,050; in 1810, 959,049, and in 1820 of 1,372,812; while at the present time we count a population of 1,616,000 souls.
“Our agriculture, manufactures and commerce have been developed in proportion to the increase of our population. Wheat is the principal product of the southern part of the state; in the west we raise hemp in great quantity. 280,000 persons at least are employed in agriculture, and cultivate 169,167 acres of good land. We can readily collect in the state 1,513,421 horned cattle; 3,496,539 sheep; 349,638 horses, and 1,467,573 hogs. Almost every county has an agricultural society formed of the most enlightened citizens, who devote themselves successfully to the advancement of agriculture, and even to the progress of the arts.
“A capital of 15,000,000 of dollars, and about 70,000 persons are employed in our various manufactories, which are principally situated in the vicinity of New York city; upon the banks of the Hudson; near to Utica, and in the fertile western regions. One of the last computations, informs us that we have 170 forges; 125 oil mills; seven pearl-ash factories; 250 cotton and woollen manufactories; 1,222 fulling mills; 1,129 distilleries; 2,005 potash factories; 1,584 carding machines; 2,264 flour-mills; 5,595 saw-mills,—but I perceive,” said my complaisant friend, interrupting himself, “how much you are astonished at these details, thinking perhaps that I exaggerate, or that my memory enfeebled by age, recounts imaginary numbers. You can readily convince yourself of the exactness of my calculations. Examine Melish’s excellent work, entitled Geographical description of the United States, a work carefully prepared, and from the most authentic documents, and you may there find numerous other views, which at this moment escape my memory, that will excite your surprise to a very different degree. If you were acquainted with our institutions,” said he, with growing animation, “you would better comprehend, how with us every thing turning to the benefit of the community, necessarily adds every day to its prosperity and happiness. Our simple and economical government has no need as with you, frequently to seize upon the necessaries of the citizen to cover expenses, which no one has power nor courage to control. Whatever each of us earns by his industry during one year, remains and augments his means of industry for the year following, whence flows the rapid augmentation of wealth at which you are so much surprised.
“I have now to speak of the form of our government. I shall be very brief, for it grows late, and I believe you will stand in need of some hours of repose, to enable you to endure the fatigues of the entertainments we know to have been long since prepared, on the route General Lafayette is to travel.
“The constitution of New York state was adopted in 1777; it was amended in 1801, and again in 1821. The authors of our first constitution, thought correctly, I believe, that the people should always have the right to modify the laws according as their situations and necessities were changed; we have twice, already, profited by this privilege, as above stated, and it may be presumed that our posterity, profiting by our experience and their own knowledge, will still farther perfect this work of their ancestors. This constitution thus revised, is very similar to that of other states of the union, and establishes three distinct powers. These powers, emanating from the people, are the legislative, executive and judiciary. The legislative power is vested in a senate and assembly of representatives. The senate is composed of thirty-two members, elected for four years, and one fourth of it is renewed every year. To be a senator, it is requisite to be thirty years of age and an owner of property. The house of representatives, or assembly, is composed of one hundred and twenty-eight members, elected annually by the different counties, according to their population. The executive power is confided to a governor and lieutenant governor elected by the people, bi-ennially. The governor has the right of nominating to all the public offices; but his nominations must be approved by the senate. The highest judiciary authority is vested in a court of appeal, composed of the senate, of the chancellor, and the judges of the supreme court. These, as well as the district judges are not removable, but cannot perform their function after their sixtieth year.” “How,” exclaimed I, “a judge declared incapable at sixty years of age? Do you think then that the human faculties are so very limited, or that this premature incapacity is owing to the influence of your climate?” “Neither the one nor the other,” replied he, “it is merely a great error committed by the authors of our political code; it is hoped that it will be corrected at the first revision of our constitution. It is truly absurd to dismiss a judge at the moment when age and experience have enlightened his mind and ripened his judgment. It is cruel also to discharge him at an age when neither time nor energy enough is left him to commence a new career, and consequently exposes him to the danger of ending miserably a life honorably commenced in the service of his country.
“Every white man, having attained the age of 21 years, resided six months in the state, and paid some tax during the electoral year, has the right of voting. Every man of colour, 21 years old, having been three years a citizen, a holder of property, and paying a tax of 250 dollars, has also the right of suffrage. This distinction of colours may surprise you, I shall not attempt to justify it, but shall content myself with requesting you, before you condemn it, to wait until you shall have passed through the different parts of our union, before you form your judgment of the relative conditions of the two races.[[3]]
“This government which is sufficient for all our wants, does not cost us very dear; its expenses together with the salaries of the principal officers, does not exceed 300,000 francs per annum. The revenue of our western salines alone, amounts to as great a sum; the money arising from the sale of public lands, of our funds placed in banks, of different investments in public and private institutions, is reserved for the expenses of the state, and when we have any extraordinary expenditures to meet, such as the purchase of arms, military equipage, the building of arsenals, furnishing of magazines, &c., we are not obliged to increase our taxes, which have not varied since the year 1800, and are so slight that they do not exceed the thousandth part of the value of the property taxed.
“Thanks to its economy and good administration, the government has still found means to apply a fund of 1,730,000 dollars to public instruction. This year the treasury has expended 730,000 dollars upon the schools, which moreover have received from private subscription more than 150,000 dollars; so that at this moment there are 7,642 public schools established in the different districts, employed in imparting instruction to 403,000 children and youth, that is to say, to one fourth of the population.”