It was at this time that the English government, who had previously made a settlement at the mouth of May River, under pretext of protecting some families who had escaped the tomahawk of the Indians in Virginia, took possession of all the country, situated between the 31st and 36th degrees of latitude, and granted it to eight gentlemen of the court, the king, as proprietary of the royal castle of Greenwich, reserving to himself supreme authority, together with the fourth part of all the gold and silver which might be found within the bounds of the territory. The celebrated Locke was appointed to prepare a charter for the new colony. By this constitution a species of royalty was transferred to the oldest of the colonists, supported by an aristocracy which exhibited the whimsical assemblage of lords, barons, landgraves and caciques, whose powers and pretensions incessantly coming into collision, were soon subjected to the tyranny of the palatine, for such was the title of the superior officer whose precedence was derived entirely from his age. This constitution, the abortive conception of a great genius, was destroyed in 1720. The population of the colony soon increased rapidly, in consequence of the political and religious persecutions, which at that period desolated Europe. It received, almost at the same time, English royalists, the parliamentists, and the non-conformists. France sent the choicest of her citizens, proscribed by the edict of Nantes. In 1730, the mountains of Scotland saw their vanquished inhabitants going thither in search of an asylum; and in 1745, it was further enriched by the arrival of Swiss and German emigrants. From this time Carolina began to be sensible of its strength, and to resist the abuse of power manifested by the English government. She refused to pay taxes imposed without her consent, and gave her sanction to the resolutions of the colonial congress, to which she sent deputies in 1765. Nevertheless, when, in 1775, it was resolved to break the chain which united Carolina to the mother country, a division of opinion occurred among the colonists, a considerable number of whom armed in favour of the British government. A civil war was near breaking out, when a very extraordinary occurrence led to the reconciliation of the parties. On the same day that hostilities commenced at Lexington in Massachusetts, despatches from England arrived at Charleston. The revolutionary committee seized the mail containing the letters addressed to the governors of Virginia, the two Carolinas, Georgia and East Florida, by which they were directed to employ the force of arms to reduce the colonies to subjection. About the same time, intelligence was received at Savannah, of an act of parliament, authorising these governors to deprive the colonists of the protection of the law and royal privilege, and confiscate their property.

These various accounts having been published by the committee, inspired all the citizens with the same sentiments of indignation, and the councils being immediately called together, the question was proposed, Shall we die slaves, or live free? The reply could not be doubtful. All swore to take up arms and defend their rights. Some indiscreet tories, who attempted to maintain possession of the country by the assistance of Indians, whom they had taken into pay, were soon annihilated by the patriotic militia, who, after a long and painful struggle against the English troops of Savannah, at length secured the independence of Carolina by the celebrated victory gained at Eutau Spring, in the year 1781.

It was in the midst of the troubles of war, in the year 1778, that Carolina formed her first constitution. This, though very much in conformity with the principles of the revolution, perhaps exhibited some indications of the haste with which it was prepared. It was revised, modified, and adopted in its present form, at Columbia, on the 30th of June, 1790. Such as it now is, it would be considered in Europe highly democratic; but, compared with the constitution of Pennsylvania, for example, and those of some other states in the Union, it appears altogether aristocratic. The conditions imposed upon the candidates for governor, senators, and members of the assembly, restrict the eligible to a very small number. The senators, chosen every four years, to the number of forty-three, must be at least thirty years of age, have resided in the state five years previous to the election, and possess an unincumbered property worth three hundred pounds sterling. Should the candidate not dwell in the district by which he is supported, his property must be worth a thousand pounds sterling.

The representatives, to the number of twenty-four, are elected for two years. They must be free white men, at least twenty-one years of age, and the owners of property worth one hundred and fifty pounds sterling, or instead, a plantation containing five hundred acres, and ten slaves. Should the candidate not reside in the district where he is supported, the value of his property is required to be five hundred pounds. He must be a citizen of the state, in which he shall have lived at least three years previous to the election.

It is obvious that both houses of the legislature are composed of a portion of the richest proprietors only. It is from this legislative power, blemished as it is with aristocracy, that the executive authority springs; for it is by the union of the two houses that the governor, in whom this power resides, is chosen. The conditions of eligibility for governor are very high, and restrict the choice to a very small circle. Every candidate for this office must be thirty years of age, a citizen of the state, in which he must have resided at least ten years previous to the election, and possess a clear estate worth fifteen hundred pounds sterling. The powers of the governor only continue for two years. The worst condition in the constitution is that imposing an obligation on the senators to own slaves. I am well aware that it must necessarily disappear before the abolition of slavery takes place, but does it not appear to be placed there as an obstacle to abolition? And might not the repeal of this article prove a salutary effort in favour of abolition?

As in all the other states of the Union, religious organization is in no way connected with government, which only guarantees to the various sects the free exercise of their religious rites, so long as such a privilege is unattended by licentiousness, or is compatible with the peace and security of the state. Ministers of religion are ineligible to the office of governor, lieutenant-governor, and member of assembly, so long as they continue in the exercise of their pastoral functions. The sects are numerous and variable, as one may easily perceive from the composition of the religious body that waited upon General Lafayette. It may, perhaps, have been observed, that it was only whilst speaking of the sects in South Carolina, that I mentioned the Jews. It is, in fact, in this state alone, that they appear sufficiently numerous to attract attention. Their number is computed at about twelve hundred, of whom the city of Charleston contains about five hundred, who, during the late war, distinguished themselves by their courage and patriotism, furnishing a company of sixty volunteers for the defence of the country. The rest of the United States contains little more than five thousand Israelites, the most of whom are of English and German origin. Those of South Carolina are more particularly of French and Portuguese descent. The synagogue in Charleston was built in the year 1794. Previous to this time the Jewish congregation of this city had only a small place for the exercise of their religious rites. According to Dr. Theact’s description of Charleston, the Israelites began to form into a society about the year 1750. As soon as ten of them had united, (for this is the number required by the Hebrew law for the public exercise of their religion,) they procured a place convenient for their purpose. The present edifice is spacious and elegant. The society that built it is called Kalh kadosh beth Eloem, that is to say, the religious society of the house of God. Kalh, or society, is the name common to the whole Hebrew congregation. The actual number of subscribing members is about seventy, which gives rather more than three hundred persons having the privilege of the synagogue, as well as the other advantages connected with this privilege. The society of Reformists amount to about fifty members, which, with their families, make above two hundred of this order.

South Carolina is situated between the 32d and 33d degrees of latitude. Its superficies contains about twenty-nine thousand square miles, the soil being very variable. From the coast of the Atlantic to about twenty-four miles within the interior, the country is a vast plain rising imperceptibly about two hundred feet above the level of the sea; its surface is divided into forests of pine, which grow in a sandy soil of little value; extensive morasses, which render the air insalubrious during the autumn; savannas, which produce only grass; and higher lands, which are adapted to the growth of cotton. Rice is cultivated with success near the rivers, whose inundations fertilize their borders. Beyond the plain the country is mountainous, productive, and more healthy than the lower districts, where the humidity of the rivers, and the changeableness of temperature during the whole season, render diseases very common.

This state contains 502,741 inhabitants, who may be divided into three classes; 237,460 free whites, 6,806 free blacks, and 258,465 slaves. It appears, that the number of slaves considerably surpasses that of the free whites, so that this state has begun to feel the inconveniences of slavery to such a degree, that fear has induced them to adopt measures of safety, which infringe both the laws of humanity and the rights of property. By a recent law, every traveller, who enters Carolina with a black servant, finds that he is immediately taken from him, imprisoned, and only returned to him when he is about to leave the state. What is the utility of this measure, is a question I find myself very much embarrassed to answer. It is, say they, to prevent dangerous communications, between the slaves of that state and the free black strangers, who never fail to talk to them of liberty.

This state of things in relation to slavery in South Carolina, is the more distressing from its singular contrast with the character of the inhabitants of that state. The Carolinians are particularly distinguished for the cultivation of their minds, the elegance of their manners, their politeness and hospitality towards strangers. This last virtue is so common in Carolina, that one finds very few taverns out of the large towns. Travellers may boldly present themselves at the houses of the planters which they find on their road, and are sure of being well received. The disposition to assist the indigent is so great at Charleston, that besides a great many private associations, they have five public charitable societies, whose revenues, already very considerable, are still daily increased by the liberality of the citizens.

The three days which General Lafayette passed at Charleston were marked by entertainments whose brilliancy and refinement delighted him; but of all the delicate attentions that were paid him, the most touching, perhaps, was the gift, made him by the city, of a beautiful portrait of his friend Colonel Huger. This beautiful miniature, of an appropriate size, unites the merit of perfect likeness with the most admirable execution. It strongly resembles the style of our celebrated Isabey, and would not have been disowned by him. It was executed by Mr. Frazer of Charleston, who already enjoys a great reputation in the United States, but has probably surpassed himself in this work. The frame of solid gold, is more valuable for the elegance and delicacy of the workmanship than the richness of its material. It came from the workshop of two artists of Philadelphia, and would have done honour to our most experienced French jewellers.