Paris, Nov. 23, 1886.
Freycinet's aim seems to be to improve his own position in the Chambers and in the country by obtaining our withdrawal from Egypt, and of course the object cannot be attained unless he can make it appear that the withdrawal is his doing. Hence his strong desire that we should negotiate with him and his dislike to our negotiating with Turkey or any other Power.
The crushing defeat of the Right in the elections in the Department of the Nord is another proof of their blindness in misusing the chance they had after the general election. They might possibly have led gradually up to a restoration by giving strength to Conservative principles and measures. They could only discredit themselves by joining the extreme Radicals and attempting to produce mischief and confusion.
The Germans are either very dilatory, or they have some arrière pensée about the Zanzibar affair. Yesterday afternoon Münster was still without any instructions to make the joint invitation to the French.
Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.
Paris, Dec. 3, 1886.
You will see by my despatch that Freycinet has again attacked me about Egypt. He wants the negotiation to go through him, and if possible to be made with him, independently of the Turks, or at least virtually in conjunction with us. I have not yet seen any symptoms of his being anxious really to help us in Egyptian matters; and I am not generally favourable to carrying on parallel negotiations, or the same negotiation in different places. The danger of informal conversations between Freycinet and me is that, however cautious I may be, he may somehow or other find occasion to quote me, as being more coulant than you. At any rate, if I had to talk to him it would be very necessary for you to tell me very exactly how far I could go: and above all, that I should be guarded from holding any language which might by any possibility be embarrassing to the line circumstances might make it advisable for Her Majesty's Government to take in Parliament afterwards.
I was long enough at Constantinople to see that no dependence whatever was to be placed upon what the Porte told an Ambassador about his colleagues. Still I cannot say that the Turkish revelation about the communications the Porte affects to receive from the French and Russian Ambassadors about Egypt and about us, are, in the face of them, improbable. At any rate, our views must be much nearer than those we now have to the French ideas, before we shall get any real help from France at the Porte.
I write, as you know, in ignorance of Wolff's opinion, as he did not stop here on his way home.
Freycinet's defeat in the Chamber this afternoon is serious because it followed a strong speech from himself against the Sous-Préfet abolition, but he has wonderful skill in patching things up.
Freycinet in December was defeated by one of those combinations of Royalist and Radicals which were not uncommon in French politics, and although the absurdity of the situation was obvious to every one, insisted on placing his resignation and that of the Cabinet in President Grévy's hands. A change of Government was so useless that even those who had combined to overthrow Freycinet endeavoured to persuade him to reconsider his determination. He remained obdurate, however, and the President, casting about for a successor, pitched at first upon M. Floquet, a strong Radical who was particularly obnoxious to the Russian Government.
Lord Lyons to Lord Iddesleigh.
Paris, Dec. 7, 1886.