[22] In the year 1828, this assertion is expressed quite positively, “Sempronius came from Africa to Genoa,” in which of course the soldiers taking their oath that they would be at Rimini by an appointed time, is left out.—Germ. Edit.
[23] There seems to be a mistake here; but the MSS. agree in giving “Apennines.” What is to be placed instead, seems to me difficult to say for certain; perhaps “Ariminum.”—Germ. Edit.
[24] This name also seems incorrect; yet all the MSS. have either this, or another of a similar sound.
[25] The following account is borrowed from the lectures of 1826-7, which I think I ought not to suppress. “Whether Hannibal now marched along the Arno into the upper valley of that river, or whether he turned towards the district of Siena, is not to be decided. I believe that he did the latter, although Livy talks of a devastation of the upper valley of the Arno (very likely a figment of Cœlius Antipater); but in that case, Flaminius could not have executed his hapless march. Hannibal’s object must have been, not the laying waste of some Etrurian districts, but to gain the road to Rome; and that he also did. I believe therefore that on getting out of the swamps, he threw himself into the mountains of Chiusi. Flaminius heard of this movement, and tried by forced marches to reach the road to Rome. If my opinion be correct, even the description of Polybius is wrong; for according to his account, as well as that of Livy, Hannibal had passed by Cortona, and thrown himself between the mountains and the lake Trasimenus, and Flaminius had followed him: here Hannibal stopped, occupied the hills, and placed an ambush for Flaminius. In my opinion, both the generals went round the lake, but from different sides; otherwise it would be impossible that Flaminius had allowed himself to be surprised. If Hannibal had marched by that road, he would have passed within only a few leagues of Arezzo, and then Flaminius must have long known of his march; if, on the contrary, he went through the district of Siena by San Gemignano and Colle, all may be accounted for. We understand then, that Flaminius, who started in pursuit, was not able to catch him; that Hannibal came to the south side of the Trasimenus, whilst Flaminius imagined that he was already much further advanced on the road to Rome, and that he only intended to cut him off. Then it could happen that Hannibal took up his position on the south side of the lake, and placed his light troops around on the hills, between which and the lake the road lay. This could be done unknown to Flaminius, only when he was not aware, that Hannibal had taken this road.” Whilst elsewhere there is reason to presume, that wherever the later lectures differ from the earlier ones, Niebuhr had changed his views, and therefore, generally speaking, his last opinions only are given, the present case seems to have been different; and on this ground, the detailed discussion on the march of Hannibal has been inserted in this note.—Germ. Edit.
[26] V, 17. from Q. Claudius (Quadrigarius, Annalium l. V.) and Macrob. Saturn. I, 16.—Germ. Edit.
[27] In the same manner there exist three different accounts of the death of Marcellus.
[28] According to Appian, they were 48,000 foot, 8,000 horse, and 15 elephants.
[29] Liv. XXXVIII, 56. Valer. Max. IV, I. 6. According to both passages, he was, however, to be appointed consul and dictator for life.—Germ. Edit.
[30] Here follows in the lectures of 1829 a very brief review of the state of things in Italy after the war of Hannibal, which, however, to avoid repetitions, I have made into one with the more explicit account, which follows after the war of Antiochus.—Germ. Edit.
[31] The second war of Philip against the Romans is generally reckoned as the first Macedonian War; we more correctly so call the one which coincides with the war with Hannibal.