It is not necessary to suppose, that perfectionism in the community should have pervaded the entire mass before it can do mischief; or that it cannot have a surreptitious influence on individuals, in regard to particular subjects and in particular applications, while they disclaim the doctrine, and that very sincerely. In this way a man may be an Abolitionist, yet not a perfectionist in general.
The doctrine of perfectionism may be much safer as a theological than as a political notion, for individuals than for society; inasmuch as the religious perfectionist keeps two separate moral reckonings: one for his virtues, the other for his faults. When he happens to be guilty of a fault, he is in a state of lapse; at other times in a state of perfectionism. We hope his faults are rare; but when he happens to get into them unavoidably, society holds him up. But alas! when society lapses, who and what will hold that up? This single question brings the whole subject before the mind’s eye, in its political bearings, and suggests the folly and madness of that doctrine, which attempts to introduce perfectionism into the social system.
As the religionist professes respect for the Bible, and for Divine authority, it may be well to refer him to these examples on this particular point. We say, then, that, although God is an immediatist in the authoritative force of his law over the conscience of individuals, he is not an immediatist as the Governor of the world. Clearly, it cannot be denied, that God could have made human society perfect at once; but for some good reason he has not done so. If it should be replied: “It is because men do not obey”—Very well. We speak of a great fact, under God’s administration of the world. Moreover, if the Divine legation of Moses be allowed, we have the authority of the Saviour, that he enacted a certain law of divorcement “for the hardness of their hearts;” that is, as we suppose, on account of the bad state of society, and not because it was right: “for it was not so from the beginning.”[8] For the same reason, as we hold, though we have not the same authority for saying it, Moses legalized slavery. If it was not for that reason, then the slave holders have the highest authority for the institution. It is impossible to get off from this dilemma by the plea of different forms, while the principle stares us in the face. Forms of society are accidental, and never agree exactly, and often differ widely, under the same name, in different ages and countries.
[8] Matth. 19: 8. Mark 10: 5.
John the Baptist was a Divinely commissioned teacher. “And the soldiers likewise demanded of him, saying, And what shall we do?” Though not a member of the New England Nonresistance Society, we are a little bit of a Quaker, and hold that the principles of Christianity are at war with war. Consequently, if immediatism is to be forced upon society, according to our notions, John should have replied: “The first thing, my friends, is to lay down your arms.” But, “he said unto them, Do violence to no man; neither accuse any falsely; and be content with your wages.”
We believe it true to say, that no Divinely commissioned teacher ever attempted to introduce immediatism as an element of the social fabric; or ever protested against the action of society for want of it, so long as we understand immediatism to be an attempt to sweep away, by one stroke, every fault, or defect, or imperfection of society. Such was not the example of Christ; and such was not the example of the Apostle Paul, in application to slavery itself, as will appear in his courteous treatment of Philemon, a slave-holder. So also in this Apostle’s doctrine, and in the doctrine of the Apostle Peter.[9] History proves, that the persons called “servants” in these passages, were slaves, or the property of their masters. Yet the Apostles never felt authorized, or saw fit, to disturb this state of society, bad as it was in this particular, and many others; but they availed themselves of the facilities afforded them by the existence of political society to apply immediatism to the consciences of individuals, in regard to the state of their hearts, and to their personal conduct.
[9] I Cor. 7: 20, 21. I Tim. 6: 1, 2. Eph. 6: 5, 9. Titus 2: 9, 10. Coloss. 3: 22, and 4: 1. I Pet. 2: 18, 20.
If, indeed, the Abolitionists will produce a Divine commission, sustained by miracles, entitling them to go one step farther than any other Divinely commissioned teachers have ever gone, by investing them with authority to remodel political society, we will respect their claim, and advise the public to do so. But till that time, we think it fair to say, that the preaching of such doctrines as they choose to maintain, moral, social, religious, or political, independent of any political organization, such as they now have, to sustain them, is all they are entitled to by the Constitution and laws of this land. By preaching, we mean, of course, to comprehend all the prescribed Constitutional modes of political action, so long as they choose to meddle with politics. Preaching to private conscience, is one thing; and that is the office of Christianity, within the range of its own precepts. But the political constitution and administration of society, is another thing; and this, in our opinion, Christianity never presumes to meddle with.