Sydenham makes the “constitution” which began for him in 1661 to decline gradually, and to end definitely in 1664, after which he finds intermittents wholly absent for thirteen years, or until 1677. This clear interval will make a convenient break in the chronology, whereat we may bring in the popular and professional notions of ague then current, and the popular practice in that disease by empirics.
The Ague-Curers of the 17th Century.
It is to be observed that all the respectable writers of the profession speak of agues or intermittents as epidemic over the country for a definite period, and as disappearing thereafter for years together. At the same time they say little or nothing of the endemic malarious fevers of marshy localities. Further, it appears that the professed ague-curers, although they would wish to represent ague as a perennial disease, are really basing upon the same experiences of occasional epidemics which Willis, Whitmore and Sydenham recorded as occasional. The best instance of this is the ‘Pyretologia’ by Drage of Hitchin. It was published for practice in 1665, being designed to show forth the author’s skill as an ague-curer[567]. When we examine its generalities closely, we find that they all come from the sickly season of 1657, the first of those described by Willis.
The great autumnal epidemic of that year (and the following), which we know from other sources to have been reckoned a “little plague,” he describes as “a malignant sickness,” which was followed in the winter by quartans. He himself escaped the autumnal fever but he incurred the quartan later in the year. In his own case, while the original paroxysm of this ague was still going on, a new one arose towards evening, and again, on the following day, a new paroxysm gathered vigour and supplanted the old, becoming the substantive paroxysm. Many of those who died of the quartan in 1657 had either the paroxysms duplicated, or a total want of them, or, in another passage, “the quartan which followed the autumnal disease of heterogeneous quality in 1657, cut off divers old people, the fever being erratic, duplicated or triplicated.” It was a bad sign when the quartan became doubled or trebled; regularity of the paroxysm was a sign of a good recovery. The symptoms of a quartan are various; but it is not easy to pronounce that these all are the symptoms of an intermittent fever, or the prodromal signs thereof, unless intermittent fevers be epidemic at the time. He gives the case of a civil and pious priest who had a tedious quartan from being struck with lightning; he was confined to bed for two years, with loss of hearing, but, strangely enough, retaining the use of his eyes; sometimes he was vexed with convulsions, sometimes with quartan fever. The “plebs medicorum” say that a quartan fever comes of melancholy, a tertian of choler, a quotidian of putrefied pituitous matter. The “plebs plebis” think that the cause is wind or flatus, and that they get rid of the ague by belching. In his own case he observed that if he drank more cold ale than usual, he was seized with distension in the loins and with palpitation, and belched up “flatus and crass vapours infected with the quality of a quartan.” He knew a man who, in the fourth or fifth month of a quartan, drank wine too freely, so that the paroxysms came every day, and that violently; after a week he had an especially severe paroxysm, and then no more for three weeks, when the fever returned under the type of an exquisite quartan. One case, which he mentions twice, led him to doubt whether quartans were not catching: a certain girl suffering from a quartan asked her father, who was skilled in the art, to open a vein; her parent declared that during the blooding the morbid smell of the flowing blood reached his nostrils, so that he was seized of his daughter’s fever at the proper time of her paroxysms, having three or four ague fits in due order; meanwhile the girl was free from the paroxysms for a whole week, but no longer. The singular nature of quartans is further brought out in the fact that papules, pustules and exanthems breaking out on the skin were quite common in the quartan fever which followed the malignant epidemic of the autumn of 1657. “In the fevers hardly any heat is perceived; and so the unskilled vulgar say ‘This is an ague’ (Hoc est anglicè Ague), and ‘This is fever and ague’ (Et hoc est febris et anglicè Ague) when cold and heat are mixed equally or combined regularly.” Peruvian bark does not evacuate the morbific matter unless by chance it provokes vomiting; cases treated by it often relapse, and are not well in the intervals. Bark does not occur in his own prescriptions; but he had cured many with “pentaphyllum.” He knew several physicians in the epidemic of quartans in 1657 who trusted to narcotics entirely.
Drage must have had a real experience of aguish distempers of one kind or another during the sickly seasons of 1657-59. But it is clear from the essays or advertisements of empirics that agues were discovered in many forms of sickness that were neither intermittent fevers nor fevers of any distinctive type. One of these practitioners in the time of Charles I. claims to be “the king’s majesty’s servant in ordinary[568]”; which is not incredible, as Sir Robert Talbor, whom Charles II. deigned to honour, was an ague-curer of the same class.
“An ague, which hitherto amongst all sorts hath been accounted the physitian’s shame, both for definition and cure (thus farre hath ignorance prevailed), but that the contrary is manifest appeareth sufficiently by this following definition: and shall be cured whether tertian, quartern or quotidian, by me Aaron Streater, physitian of Arts in Oxford, approved by Authority, the King’s Majesties servant in ordinary, and dwelling against the Temple, three houses up in Chancerie Lane, next house to the Golden Anchor.” An ague, he goes on, “is either interpolate (intermittent) or continual; it is either engendered of a melancholic humour or it is a splenetic effect; the liver is obstructed by abundance of choler proceeding from a salt rheum that cometh from the brain” etc. Agues are to be dreaded most for their remote effects: “Say not therefore, ‘It is but an ague, but a feaver; I shall wear it out.’ Dally not with this disease;” and he adds a case to show what people may come to if they neglect an ague at the beginning: “Being carried downe from London to South-hampton by Master Thomas Mason,—September 1640, word was brought me of a Mayd dead, 16 years of age: and being requested to see what disease she dyed of, I took my chirurgion with me and went. And after section or search, I found as followeth: a gallon and a half of green water in the belly, that stunk worse than carrion; under the lyver an impostume as bigg as my fist, full of green black corrupted matter, and the lyver black and rot. The spleen and kidneys wholly decayed, and the place as black as soot; the bowels they were fretted, ulcerated and rotten. In the chesse was two great handfuls of black burnt blood in dust or powder; the heart was all sound, but not a drop of blood in it; nor one spoonfull in the whole body.
Here was an Annatomy indeed, skinne and bone; and I verily beleeve that there was no braine left, but that she lived while that was moyst: the sent was so ill, and I not well, that I forbore to search it.
God that knowes the secrets of all hearts knowes this is a truth, and nothing else here written. Arthur Fauset, chirurgion at Southampton, was the man I employed to cut her up, as many there can witness that were present.
And what of all this, may some say? Why this. An eight weeks’ ague in the neglect of it breeds all these diseases, and finally death.”