1693
| Week ending | Fever | All causes | |||
| October | 10 | 43 | 353 | ||
| 17 | 62 | 353 | |||
| 24 | 53 | 384 | |||
| 31 | 69 | 457 | |||
| November | 7 | 68 | 455 | ||
| 14 | 48 | 365 | |||
Molyneux’s account of the flying epidemic of 1693 is as follows[606]:
“The coughs and colds that lately so universally prevailed gave us a most extraordinary instance how liable at certain times our bodies are, however differing in constitution, age and way of living, to be affected much in the same manner by a spreading evil.... ’Twas about the beginning of November last, 1693, after a constant course of moderately warm weather for the season, upon some snow falling in the mountains and country about the town [Dublin], that of a sudden it grew extremely cold, and soon after succeeded some few days of very hard frost, whereupon rheums of all kinds, such as violent coughs that chiefly affected in the night, great defluxion of thin rheum at the nose and eyes, immoderate discharge of the saliva by spitting, hoarseness in the voice, sore throats, with some trouble in swallowing, whesings, stuffings and soreness in the breast, a dull heaviness and stoppage in the head, with such like disorders, the usual effects of cold, seized great numbers of all sorts of people in Dublin.
“Some were more violently affected, so as to be confined awhile to their beds; those complained of feverish symptoms, as shiverings and chilness all over them, that made several returns, pains in many parts of their body, severe head-aches, chiefly about their foreheads, so as any noise was very troublesome: great weakness in their eyes, that the least light was offensive; a perfect decay of all appetite; foul turbid urine, with a brick-coloured sediment at the bottom; great uneasiness and tossing in their beds at night. Yet these disorders, though they very much frightened both the sick and their friends, usually without help of remedy would abate of themselves, and terminate in universal sweats, that constantly relieved.... When the cold was moderate, it usually was over in eight or ten days; but with those in whom it rose to a greater height, it continued a fortnight, three weeks, and sometimes a month. One way or other it universally affected all kinds of men; those in the country as well as city; those that were much abroad in the open air, and those that stay’d much within doors, or even kept close in their chambers; those that were robust and hardy, as well as those that were weak and tender—men, women and children of all ranks and conditions.... Not one in thirty, I may safely say, escaped it. In the space of four or five weeks it had its rise, growth, and decay; and though from first to last it seized such incredible numbers of all sorts of men, I cannot learn that any one truly dyed of it, unless such whose strength was before spent by some tedious fit of sickness, or laboured under some heavier disease complicated with it.... It spread itself all over England in the same manner it did here, particularly it seized them at London and Oxford as universally and with the same symptoms as it seized us in Dublin; but with this observable difference that it appeared three or four weeks sooner in London, that is, about the beginning of October.... Nor was its progress, as I am credibly informed, bounded by these Islands for it spread still further and reached the Continent, where it infested the northern parts of France (as about Paris) Flanders, Holland, and the rest of the United Provinces with more violence and no less frequency than it did in these countries.”
Yet no other writer, English or foreign, appears to have mentioned it. Its existence rests on the authority of Molyneux alone, according to the above very circumstantial narrative.
The Influenza of 1712.
There were so many fevers from 1693 to the end of the century that it is not easy to distinguish epidemic agues or catarrhs among them. If we follow the continental writers, it is not until 1709 and 1712 that there is any concurrence of testimony for such widespread maladies. Evelyn, however, says that in the remarkably dry and fine months of February and March, 1705, “agues and smallpox prevail much in every place” (21st February). The very general coughs and catarrhs of 1709 seem to have been really caused by the severity of the memorable hard winter, the frost having begun in October, 1708 and lasted until March, 1709. The evidences of a truly epidemic infectious catarrh or influenza all over Europe in 1709 are scanty and ambiguous. It is probably to this “universal cold” that Molyneux refers under the year 1708[607]; but English writers have not otherwise mentioned an epidemic in 1709.
The next, in 1712, was a “new ague” of the kind without catarrhal symptoms, like that of 1688. One German writer called it the “Galanterie-Krankheit,” another the “Mode-Krankheit,” and it was about the same time that the French name “la grippe” came into use. These names all mean “the disease a la mode” or the reigning fashion[608]; they remind one of the earlier “trousse galante” and “coqueluche” (a kind of bonnet), and of the “grande gorre” of 1494. It appears to have made little or no impression on the mortality, and would hardly have been noticed but for its wide prevalence. In England it was the subject of a brief essay by Dr John Turner under the title of “Febris Britannica Anni 1712[609]”—a certain epidemic fever, of the milder kind, fatal to none, but prevalent far and wide and leaving very few families untouched. It was marked by aching and heaviness of the head, burning or lancinating pains in the back, pains in the joints like those of rheumatism, loss of appetite, vomiting, pains of the stomach and intestines. The venom though not sharp, acted quickly. Turner ascribed it to malign vapours from the interior of the earth (malignos terrae matris halitus). Its season in England, as in Germany, was probably the summer or autumn. Turner begins his discourse with a reference to the plague in the East of Europe, which, he says, had been kept out of England by quarantine, to the murrain which was then raging in Italy (and appeared in England in 1714), and to fevers of a bad type which had traversed all France during the past spring, invading noble houses and even the royal palace. Having begun his discourse thus, he ends it by remarking that the slight British fever did not, in his opinion, forebode a plague to follow. It may have been a recurrence of this epidemic next year that Mead speaks of under the name of the “Dunkirk rant” (supposed to have been brought over from Dunkirk by returning troops after the Peace of Utrecht) in September, 1713; it was, he says, a mild fever, which began with pains in the head and went off easily in large sweats after a day’s confinement[610]. The weekly bills of mortality in London are no help to us to fix the date of the one or more slight fevers or influenzas about 1712-13. The great fever-years of the period were 1710 and 1714; but the fever was typhus, probably mixed with relapsing fever, according to the evidence in another chapter. Even compared with the universal fever or influenza of 1688, that of 1712 must have been unimportant; for the former sent up the London mortality considerably, whereas there is no characteristic rise to be found in any month of 1712 or 1713.
Either to this period, or to the undoubted aguish years 1727-28, belongs a curious statement as to “burning agues, fevers never before heard of to be universal and mortal,” in Scotland, the same having been a “sad stroke and great distress upon many families and persons.” The authority is Patrick Walker, who traces these hitherto unheard of troubles to the Union of the Crowns (1707)[611].