For fifteen years after the year of Queen Mary’s death by haemorrhagic smallpox, there was comparatively little of the disease in London. In seven of the years the deaths were counted by hundreds, while the average of the whole period from 1695 to 1710, which included the years of Marlborough’s campaigns, was unaccountably low. There was a corresponding lull in the fever mortality in London; and as precisely the same kind of lull took place both in fever and smallpox during the next great war with France a century after, it may seem as if a state of war, instead of spreading infectious disease as it did in the countries where the war raged, had the effect in England of reducing it. The period of comparative immunity came to an end, both for fever and smallpox, with the great epidemic of each disease in 1710, in which year smallpox cut off 3138 in London and “great numbers in Norwich[864].” In 1714 there was another severe epidemic of smallpox in London, again in company with one of fever, and thereafter a high average for many years.
Smallpox deaths in London, 1701-1720.
| Year | Deaths from smallpox | Deaths from all causes | ||
| 1701 | 1099 | 20,471 | ||
| 1702 | 311 | 19,481 | ||
| 1703 | 398 | 20,720 | ||
| 1704 | 1501 | 22,684 | ||
| 1705 | 1095 | 22,097 | ||
| 1706 | 721 | 19,847 | ||
| 1707 | 1078 | 21,600 | ||
| 1708 | 1687 | 21,291 | ||
| 1709 | 1024 | 21,800 | ||
| 1710 | 3138 | 24,620 | ||
| 1711 | 915 | 19,833 | ||
| 1712 | 1943 | 21,198 | ||
| 1713 | 1614 | 21,057 | ||
| 1714 | 2810 | 26,589 | ||
| 1715 | 1057 | 22,232 | ||
| 1716 | 2427 | 24,436 | ||
| 1717 | 2211 | 23,446 | ||
| 1718 | 1884 | 26,523 | ||
| 1719 | 3229 | 28,347 | ||
| 1720 | 1442 | 25,454 |
The marked increase of smallpox deaths in 1710 and 1714, after an interval of low or moderate annual mortalities, caused the same cry to be raised as in the Restoration period, namely, that the medical treatment was to blame. Lynn, writing in 1714, says that many complaints were made of the destructiveness of smallpox in the epidemic four years before (1710), and of “the great want of better help, care or advice therein[865].” Woodward also ascribed the great increase of smallpox fatalities from 1710 onwards to erroneous treatment[866]. All the lives that might have been saved by better medical treatment or by more assiduous visiting of the sick would, in the then circumstances of the London populace, have made little difference to the bills of mortality. The causes that made fever so mortal in the same years were in great part the causes that made smallpox mortal, the former chiefly among those in the prime or maturity of life, the latter chiefly among the children. London had nearly reached its maximum of overcrowding; its population advanced but little for a good many years, and its mortality from all causes was so great that the numbers were only kept up by a constant recruit from the country. The necessity of doing something for the health of the poorer classes was felt, but nothing adequate was done or could be done[867]. So far as concerned the richer classes, they incurred constant danger of smallpox infection. In one of those fatal years, probably 1720, when there was smallpox among persons of quality in London, the Duchess of Argyll wrote to the Countess of Bute, to congratulate her on the birth of a daughter and on having two fine boys in her family already, “and he that has had the smallpox as good as two, so mortal as that distemper has been this year in town was never known[868].”
The domestics also of great houses frequently caught smallpox and spread it, a trouble which gave occasion at length, in 1746, to the first Smallpox Hospital for the admission of such of them as brought subscribers’ letters. Before that it had been the practice of the rich to send their domestics to private houses kept by nurses[869].
It was in these circumstances, and for the benefit of the upper classes and their domestics, that a project of getting through smallpox on easy terms was brought to the notice of London society in 1721.
Inoculation brought into England.
The first that was heard in England of engrafting the smallpox was through a communication by Dr Timoni, a Greek of Constantinople, to Dr Woodward, Gresham professor of physic, who had the paper printed in the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society[870]. After a statement that “the Circassians, Georgians and other Asiatics” had brought the practice to Constantinople, and that it had been followed there for forty years by “the Turks and others” (statements never confirmed but on inquiry contradicted by those who knew), he proceeds to matters more within his own competence. During these eight years past “thousands” of subjects have been inoculated, and the value of the practice has now been put beyond all suspicion and doubt. The practice is to take fluid smallpox matter from the pustules of a discrete case of the natural disease, and convey it warm in a stopped phial to the scene of inoculation. A few punctures with a three-edged surgeon’s needle are made in any of the fleshy parts (but preferably over the muscles of the arm or forearm) until the blood comes; a drop of the fluid matter of smallpox is then to be mixed with the blood, and the inoculated part to be protected by a walnut shell bound over it. The symptoms that follow are very slight, some being scarce sensible that they are ill. The pocks that ensue are for the most part distinct, few, and scattered; commonly ten or twenty break out; now and then the patient may have only two or three; few have a hundred. The matter is hardly a thick pus, as in the common sort, but a thinner kind of sanies. There are some in whom no pustules appear except at the points of insertion, where purulent tubercles arise; yet these have never had the smallpox afterwards in their whole lives, though they have consorted with persons having it. On one occasion fifty were inoculated together, and of these four developed smallpox which was nearly confluent; but there was a suspicion that they must have been already infected by contagion. Timoni had never observed any mischievous accident from this incision hitherto; reports of such had sometimes spread abroad among the vulgar, “yet having gone on purpose to the houses whence such rumours have arisen I have found the whole to be absolutely false.” But, to keep nothing back, he will mention two fatalities of children inoculated; both of them were cases of hereditary lues with marasmus, and it was about the fortieth day from their inoculation that death ensued. The rest of Timoni’s paper is printed in the original Latin, being devoted to a theory of engrafting which afterwards passed current:—one attack of smallpox secures from a second, a mild attack serves as well as a severe, as also in the natural way, the reason being that smallpox, in whatever degree, causes a fermentation of the mass of the blood.
A year after this, in 1715, there was published in London An Essay on External Remedies, of which the 37th chapter was “Of the Variolae or Small Pox, the manner of ingrafting or giving them, and of their Cure.” The author was Peter Kennedy, Chir. Med., a Scot of good but impoverished family, who had spent several years in various parts of Europe visiting the schools of medicine and surgery, and had found his way to Constantinople[871]. His account of the engrafting of smallpox, which he had seen or heard of there, differs somewhat from that of Timoni, whom he just refers to: “Dr Timoni, a Grecian who resides there, had taken or followed this same method with his two sisters a little before my arrival at Constantinople.”
Kennedy says that engrafting the smallpox was practised in the Peloponnesus or Morea, “and at this present time is very much used both in Turkey and Persia, where they give it in order to prevent its more severe effects by the early knowledge of its coming; as also probably to prevent them being troubled with it a second time.” In Persia, however, the smallpox was taken internally in a dose of dried powder. In Constantinople the matter was inserted at scarifications upon the forehead, wrists, and ankles. After eight or ten days the smallpox came forward in a kindly manner, and not nearly so numerous as if naturally taken. “The greatest objection commonly proposed is, whether or not it hinders the patient from being infected a second time. But, in answer to this, it is advanced that we do rarely or never find any to have been troubled with this distemper twice in the same manner or the same fulness of malignity”—i.e. we rarely find this in the natural way.