The evil of vagrancy, for which Fletcher of Saltoun saw no remedy but a state of slavery not unlike that which Protector Somerset had actually made the law of England for a couple of years, 1547-49, in somewhat similar circumstances, gradually cured itself without a resort to the practices of antiquity or of barbarism.
The union with England in 1707, by removing the customs duties and opening the Colonial trade to Scots shipping (they had a share in the East India trade already) gave a remarkable impulse to the manufacture of linen and to commerce. Such was the demand for Scots linen that, it seemed to De Foe, “the poor could want no employment”; and it may certainly be taken as a fact that the establishment on a free basis of industries and foreign markets gave Scotland relief from the pauperism and vagrancy, like those of Ireland in the 18th and 19th centuries, that threatened for a time, and especially in the Seven Ill Years, to retard the developement of the nation.
For several years after the period of scarcity or famine from 1693 to 1699, the history of fever in Britain presents little for special remark.
A book of the time was Dr George Cheyne’s New Theory of Continual Fever, London, 1701. His theory is that of Bellini and Borelli, which accounted for everything in fevers on mechanical principles, and ignored the infective element in them. Cheyne does not even describe what the fevers were; but in showing how the theory applies, he mentions incidentally the symptoms—quick pulse, pain in the head, burning heat, want of sleep, raving, clear or flame-coloured urine, and morbid strength. Equally theoretical is the handling of the subject by Pitcairn. Freind, in his essays on fevers[82], is mainly occupied with controversial matters of treatment, except in connexion with Lord Peterborough’s expedition to Spain in 1705, as we shall see in a section on sickness of camps and fleets.
In the absence of clinical details from the medical profession, the following from letters of the time will serve a purpose:
On 18 September, 1700, Thomas Bennett writes to Thomas Coke from Paris giving an account of the fever of Coke’s brother: His fever is very violent upon him, and he has a hickup and twitchings in his face; he is especially ill in the night, and has now and then violent sweats. He raved for eight days together and in all that time did not get an hour’s sleep. He was attended by Dr Helvetius and other physicians. Lady Eastes, her son, and most of her servants are sick, but they are all on the mending hand; her steward is dead of a high fever, having been sick but five days[83]. These are Paris fevers, the symptoms suggesting typhus, especially the prolonged vigil in one of the cases. It is to be remarked that they occurred among the upper classes; and it appears that the universal fevers “of a bad type” in France in 1712 did not spare noble houses nor even the palace of Louis the Great[84].
The following from the London Bills will show the prevalence of fever from year to year[85].
| Year | Dead of fever | Dead of spotted fever | Dead of all diseases | |||
| 1701 | 2902 | 68 | 20,471 | |||
| 1702 | 2682 | 53 | 19,481 | |||
| 1703 | 3162 | 74 | 20,720 | |||
| 1704 | 3243 | 61 | 22,684 | |||
| 1705 | 3290 | 41 | 22,097 | |||
| 1706 | 2662 | 54 | 19,847 | |||
| 1707 | 2947 | 42 | 21,600 | |||
| 1708 | 2738 | 62 | 21,291 | |||
| 1709 | 3140 | 118 | 21,800 | |||
| 1710 | 4397 | 343 | 24,620 | |||
| 1711 | 3461 | 142 | 19,833 | |||
| 1712 | 3131 | 96 | 21,198 | |||
| 1713 | 3039 | 102 | 21,057 | |||
| 1714 | 4631 | 150 | 26,569 | |||
| 1715 | 3588 | 161 | 22,232 | |||
| 1716 | 3078 | 100 | 24,436 | |||
| 1717 | 2940 | 137 | 23,446 | |||
| 1718 | 3475 | 132 | 26,523 | |||
| 1719 | 3803 | 124 | 28,347 | |||
| 1720 | 3910 | 66 | 25,454 |