[466] William Carleton, the vates sacer of the Irish peasantry, was born, in 1798, in one of those Tyrone thatched cottages, in the parish of Clogher. His father had changed his holding three times before William, the youngest child, was fourteen years old; the last of the four was a farm of sixteen or eighteen acres in the north of Clogher parish, and “nearer the mountains.” Carleton says that he “lived among the people as one of themselves” until he was twenty-two, which would have been until the year 1820; so that he probably saw the famine and fever of 1817-18 among that very Tyrone peasantry whom Dr Rogan brings before us from the medical side. The scenes of famine and fever in the ‘Black Prophet’ are those “which he himself witnessed in 1817, 1822, and other subsequent years,” having been recalled by him in the form of a tale which was published in 1846, at the beginning of the Great Famine of that and the following year. His early recollections of famine and fever come into other tales, such as the ‘Clarionet,’ the ‘Poor Scholar’ and ‘Tubber Derg,’ in which last is related the almost inevitable reduction to poverty and at length to beggary of a most upright and industrious farmer owing to the fall of prices, without fall of rents, after the Peace of 1815. Carleton’s work has always the quality of fidelity, and he may be credited when he says that the scenes of famine and fever are not exaggerated.
[467] Rogan, u. s. p. 95: “A farmer within my knowledge, who holds fifteen acres of arable land, with nearly an equal quantity of cut-out bog, for which he pays £28 per annum, has erected six cabins for labourers. They are built with mud, instead of lime, and are thatched, so that they cannot each have cost more than three or four pounds. For some time he received from three of his tenants six guineas per annum, and from the others two guineas each, the latter only holding a cottage and a small garden [the former three having also grazing for a milch cow, half a rood of land for flax, and half an acre for oats, with privileges of cutting turf and planting as many potatoes as they could each provide manure for]; but they have been all so reduced in circumstances by the late scarcity as to be now unable to keep a cow, and for the two last years have rented their cabins and potato gardens alone. All the straw raised on the farm would scarcely suffice to keep the houses water-fast if applied solely to this purpose.” One of the first things that the Marquis of Abercorn did in the epidemic of 1817 was to call upon the subletting farmers on his manors to repair the roofs of their cottiers’ cabins.
[468] Carleton, in one of his tales, has given a vivid picture of the lurid or gloomy appearance of the country in the late autumn of 1816, as if it foreboded the distress of the following spring.
[469] Probably their cattle had been impounded for rent and tithe. The author of the pamphlet Lachrymae Hiberniae (Dublin, 1822), a resident on the western coast, says (p. 8), with reference to the seizures for rent and tithe: “Oh what scenes of misery were exhibited in Ireland in this way during the years 1817, ’18 and ’19; by that time the people were left without cattle; after this their potatoes and corn were seized and sold, and in some cases their household furniture, even to their blankets.” The hardness of landlords in general is alleged by Dr Rogan, with an exception in favour of the Marquis of Abercorn in his own district.
[470] There was dysentery also in the autumn of 1818. Cheyne, Dubl. Hosp. Rep. III. 1.
[471] Rogan, p. 31.
[472] The following is an instance, from Boyle, in Roscommon: “In the middle of June, 1817, or a little earlier, a soup-shop was established here by subscription, where soup was daily given out to one thousand persons, who, naturally anxious to procure it in time, crowded together during its distribution, though every pains was taken to keep order amongst them. From the 16th to the 23rd of that month the weather became suddenly and unusually hot, and the disease about that period spread rapidly among those persons, the greater number of whom attributed the origin of their complaint to attendance at the soup-shop; among that crowd, many of whom I have seen faint from absolute want during exposure to the sun, there were persons from houses where the disease existed.” Report by Dr Verdon of Boyle, 26 June, 1818, in Barker and Cheyne, I. 325.
[473] Dr King of Tralee (Barker and Cheyne, I. p. 177) wrote as follows: “It is a custom in this country for very poor persons, living in the country parts, and possessing a miserable hovel with a small garden, after they have sowed their potatoes, to shut up their hut and carrying their families with them, to roam about the country, trusting to the known hospitality of the towns and villages for shelter and subsistence till the time for digging the potatoes shall have arrived.”
[474] Barker and Cheyne, I. 60.
[475] In Carleton’s tale of ‘The Poor Scholar,’ it is related how the hay-mowers stopped in their work to erect a hut for the fever-stricken youth, and a much larger hut not far from the first for the numerous persons who ministered to his wants under a kind of quarantine arrangement. The stealing of milk from rich men’s cows for the sick youth is the subject of a dialogue between the Roman Catholic bishop and the leader of the kindly party of mowers, in which the latter shows a skill in casuistry creditable to his religious instructors.