I will venture however to assert, that, as far as hitherto appears, the weight of evidence and probability is on the contrary side. Now, supposing the charge to be true, there can be no need of long arguments to convince you of the injury done to the nation, by suffering such capital offenders to escape. For what is this but to defraud us of the only compensation we can expect for the loss of so many important territories, a loss rendered still more grievous by the indignity of paying a pension, as we notoriously do, to the foreign ministers who negociated the ruinous bargain? Yet even these considerations are infinitely out-weighed by the danger to which the whole nation must be exposed from the continued operation of so much authority, influence, and favour to their prejudice, and, above all, from the possibility that the supreme government of the kingdom may, by the regency-act, devolve to a person directly and positively accused of high treason. Even the encouragement that such an impunity must give to future treasons, is enough to fill a thinking mind with the most painful apprehensions. We live in an age, not greatly addicted to scruples, when the open avowal of domestic venality seems to lead men, by an easy gradation, to connexions equally mercenary with foreigners and enemies. How then can we expect ill-disposed persons to resist a temptation of this sort, when they find that treason may be detected, and proofs of it offered to a magistrate, without producing either punishment or enquiry? The consequence of this may be, our living to see a French party, as well as a court party, in parliament; which, should it ever happen, no imagination can sufficiently paint the calamitous and horrid state to which our late glorious triumphs might finally be reduced. When I talk of a French party in parliament, I do not speak a mere visionary language unsupported by experience. The history of all ages informs us, that France, where other weapons have failed, has constantly had recourse to the less alarming weapons of intrigue and corruption. And how effectual these have sometimes been, we have a recent and tragical example in the total enslaving of Corsica.
I have been thus particular in enumerating the evils that may result from the refusal of Lord Halifax, not from a desire of aggravating that nobleman’s offence, but merely to evince the necessity of a speedy enquiry, while there is yet a chance of its not being wholly fruitless. Though the course of my narrative has unavoidably led me to accuse his Lordship, accusation is not my object, but enquiry, which cannot be disagreeable to any but those to whom truth itself is disagreeable. In pursuing this point, I have hitherto been frustrated from the very circumstance which ought to have insured my success, the immense importance of the question. It has been apprehended, how justly I know not, that any magistrate, who should commence an enquiry, or any gentleman who should openly move for it, would be deemed responsible for the truth of the charge, and subjected to severe penalties, if he could not make it good. This imagination, however, did not deter me, though single and unprotected, from carrying my papers to the Speaker, to be laid before the late House of Commons. The Speaker was pleased to justify my conduct, by allowing, that the affair ought to be enquired into, but refused at the same time to be instrumental in promoting the enquiry himself. What then remained to be done? What, but to wait, though with reluctance and impatience, till a proper opportunity should offer for appealing to the public at large, that is, till the accumulated errors of government should awaken a spirit of enquiry too powerful to be resisted or eluded? That this spirit is now reviving, we have a sufficient earnest in the unanimous zeal you have shewn for the appointment of a county meeting. In such a conjuncture, to withold from you so important a truth, would no longer be prudence, it would be to disgrace my former conduct, it would shew that I had been actuated by some temporary motives, and not by a steady and uniform regard to national good. Indeed, the declared purpose of your meeting is in itself a call upon every freeholder to disclose whatever you are concerned to know. I obey this call without hesitation, submitting the prosecution of the affair to your judgment, in full confidence that the result of your deliberations will do honour at the same time to your prudence, candour, and patriotism.
Plymouth, Aug. 12, 1769.
Reponse du Chevalier D’Eon a la lettre que M. le Docteur Musgrave a fait imprimer dans le Public Advertiser du 2 Sept. 1769, No. 10869, & qui a ensuite ete copiee dans tous les autres papers, sous la datte de Plymouth, le 12 Aout, &c.
Monsieur,
Vous me permettrez de croire que vous ne m’avez jamais plus connu, que je n’ai l’honneur de vous connoitre: & si dans votre lettre du 12 Aout vous n’aviez pas abuse de mon nom, je ne me verrois pas force d’entrer en correspondence avec vous.
Vous pretendez que “dans l’ete de 1764, on fit des ouvertures en mon nom a differens membres du parlement, portantes que j’etois pret a accuser trois personnes, donc deux etoient pairs, et membres au conseil prive, d’avoir vendu la paix a la France;” & vous paroissez fonder la dessus l’evidence de l’accusation, que vous dites en avoir porte vous memes a Milord Halifax.
Je vous declare en consequence ici Monsieur, que je n’ai jamais ni fait faire aucune ouverture pareille, ni dans l’hiver, ni dans l’ete de 1764, ni dans aucun tems. Je suis d’une part trop fidele au ministere que j’ai rempli, et de l’autre trop zelateur de la verite.
J’avoue que vous ne dites pas que ce soit moi qui aie fait ces propositions: Mais seulement qu’elles ont ete fait en mon nom, specialement a M. le Chevalier George Yonge & a M. Fitzherbert.