B—— showed me the Draft of the Queen's Speech this evening after dinner. Cobbett in his Grammar produces examples of bad English taken from Kings' Speeches, which he says might be expected to be the best written, but generally are the worst written documents in the world. It would be difficult to produce any former Speech more deplorably composed than this one. Long sentences, full of confusion, and of which the meaning is not always clear, and some faults of grammar for which a schoolboy would be whipped. B—— was so struck by one I pointed out that he said he would beg Palmerston to alter it. If this Speech escapes severe criticism and ridicule I shall be much surprised, as I am already that George Lewis, who has so lately been a literary critic, and is a correct writer himself, should have allowed it to pass in its present shape, and indeed the sentence he himself put in about his own business is as bad as any other part of it.

I have no idea what they mean to propose about the Bank Charter Act, but if it be what Lewis told me some time ago, to give the Queen the power of suspending the Act by Order in Council, I much doubt if they will carry such a proposal, and it appears to me on reflexion thoroughly unconstitutional, and as such I expect it will be vehemently attacked by all the opponents and the quasi-opponents of Government, and indeed by all except those who are prepared to follow Palmerston with blind submission, and to vote for anything rather than allow him to be put in jeopardy. John Russell, for instance, would hardly be able to resist the temptation of falling foul of such a proposal, though he would approve of their having followed a precedent which he had himself set in a case somewhat similar, though in some respects less urgent.


[CHAPTER XV.]

Opening of the Session—Prevailing Distress—Lord John reconciled—Ministerial Speculations—Contemplated Transfer of India to the Crown—Military Position in India—Conversation with Mr. Disraeli—Bill for the Dissolution of the East India Company—Difficulties of Parliamentary Reform—The Relief of Lucknow—Lord Normanby's 'Year of Revolution'—Brougham's Jealousy of Lord Cockburn—Refutation of Lord Normanby's Book—The Crown Jewels of Hanover—Labour in the French Colonies—The Death of General Havelock—Gloomy Prospects in India—Inadequate Measures for the Relief of India—Lord John Russell hostile to Government—Death of the Duke of Devonshire—Mr. Disraeli suggests a Fusion of Parties—Marriage of the Princess Royal—Weakness of the Government—Excitement in France against this Country—Petition of the East India Company—Drowsiness of Ministers—Decline of Lord Palmerston's Popularity—Effect of the Orsini Attempt on the Emperor Napoleon—Opposition to the Conspiracy Bill—Review of the Crisis—Lord Derby sent for by the Queen—Refusal of the Peelites—The Catastrophe unexpected—The Defeat might have been avoided—Mismanagement of the Affair—Ministers determined to resign.

A BAD WINTER.

London, December 4th, 1857.—Parliament opened yesterday, very quietly, and at present a quiet session seems probable, but such appearances are often fallacious. The most alarming consideration is the probability of a very hard and hungry winter for the working classes, vast numbers of people being already out of employment. I met Sir James Shuttleworth yesterday, who knows a great deal about Lancashire, where he lives, and he told me that though the distress was considerable and threatening to increase, the conduct of the people was admirable. There was no disaffection or bad feeling towards the upper classes and employers; they seemed to have greatly improved in good sense and reflection, and were satisfied of the sympathy felt for them, and the disposition entertained by the rich to do all in their power to alleviate the distress of the poor. And he stated (what seemed to me a curious fact) that they preferred that the time of working should be shortened, or even mills closed, rather than a general reduction in the rate of wages. This moral condition of the labouring classes is a most satisfactory sign of the times.

The Duke of Bedford has just been here, and tells me Lord John is in a better frame of mind, and has already done two sensible things. He has given notice to some of his supporters that he will have nothing to do with the organisation of any party, and he has responded to an invitation of Vernon Smith's by a promise to impart to him his opinion and advice upon Indian affairs, and the best mode of providing for the future government of that country.

December 6th.—John Russell has begun well in the House of Commons and si sic omnia he will put himself in a good position, but it is impossible to rely upon him. At present his disposition to the Government appears friendly. I had a conversation about him and his future relations with the Government last night with B——. I infer from what dropped from him that he thinks the probability of Palmerston's breaking down is not a remote and unlikely one. I do not think he considers him broken in health, but that he thinks the strength of his intellect is impaired, and that he begins to show signs of decay to those who have the means of observing them. He particularly noticed the failure of his memory, and he said, what I have no doubt is true, that he will never be himself conscious, still less acknowledge, that his faculties are less vigorous and active than they were. What the nature and amount of the decay in him is I know not, and they will not say, but from the uneasy feeling, and these speculations as to future contingencies among his colleagues, I am sure they are prepared for something. B—— said if the case occurred there were only two men who could be Minister, Derby or Clarendon, and he fancies that John Russell might be induced to take office under Clarendon, and he does not believe that Clarendon really means what he says when he expresses his extreme reluctance to take the post, or that he would not in reality prefer it even to the Foreign Office. He treats his scruples as a sort of nolo episcopari, in which I think he is partially, but not entirely, right. There can be no doubt that in the present state of affairs it is much to be desired that Palmerston should be able to go on. I was amused by a trifling incident, so very Palmerstonian, told me the other day. I have already alluded to the bad writing in the Queen's Speech, and it seems one phrase was criticised and altered in the Cabinet, but when he got back to his office he altered the alteration, and made it as it was before. I am not sure that the alteration was not the one suggested by B—— upon the strength of my criticism, and that Palmerston declined to alter the passage.