On what was called an appeal in Parliament, or impeachment, it has solemnly declared that the Lords were not of right obliged to proceed according to the course or rules of the Roman law or according to the law or usage of any of the inferior courts of Westminster Hall, but by the law and usage of Parliament, which was itself a court.
“In this Parliament [in the 11th year of King Richard the Second, A. D. 1387-88] all the Lords then present, spiritual as well as temporal, claimed as their franchise that the weighty matters moved in this Parliament, and which shall be moved in other Parliaments in future times, touching the peers of the land, shall be managed, adjudged, and discussed by the course of Parliament, and in no sort by the Law Civil, or by the common law of the land, used in the other lower courts of the kingdom.”[165]
The Commons approved the proceedings, and it has been remarked, in an important official report, that “neither then nor ever since have they made any objection or protestation that the rule laid down by the Lords … ought not to be applied to the impeachments of commoners as well as peers.”[166] Accordingly Lord Coke declares, that “all weighty matters in any Parliament moved concerning the peers of the realm, or commoners in Parliament assembled, ought to be determined, and adjudged, and discussed by the course of the Parliament, and not by the Civil Law, nor yet by the common laws of this realm used in more inferior courts.” Then, founding on the precedent of 11th Richard the Second, he announces, that “judges ought not to give any opinion of a matter of Parliament, because it is not to be decided by the common laws, but secundum legem et consuetudinem Parliamenti”; and he adds, “So the judges in divers Parliaments have confessed.”[167]
But impeachment is “a matter of Parliament,” whether in England or in the United States. It was so at the beginning, and has been ever since.
Even anterior to Richard the Second the same conclusion was recognized, with illustrative particularity, as appears by the trial of those who murdered King Edward the Second, thus commented by an eminent writer on Criminal Law, who was also an experienced judge, Foster:—
“It is well known, that, in parliamentary proceedings of this kind, it is and ever was sufficient that matters appear with proper light and certainty to a common understanding, without that minute exactness which is required in criminal proceedings in Westminster Hall.”[168]
Thus early was the “minute exactness” of a criminal court discarded, while the proceedings were adapted to “a common understanding.” This becomes important, not only as a true rule of procedure, but as an answer to some of the apologists, especially the Senator from West Virginia [Mr. Van Winkle], who makes technicality a rule and essential condition.
Accordingly by law and custom of Parliament we are to move; and here we meet rules of pleading and principles of evidence entirely different from those of the Common Law, but established and fortified by a long line of precedents. This stands forth in the famous “Report from the Committee of the House of Commons appointed to inspect the Lords’ Journals in relation to their Proceedings on the Trial of Warren Hastings,” which, beyond its official character, is enhanced as the production of Edmund Burke.
“Your Committee do not find that any rules of pleading, as observed in the inferior courts, have ever obtained in the proceedings of the High Court of Parliament, in a cause or matter in which the whole procedure has been within their original jurisdiction. Nor does your Committee find that any demurrer or exception, as of false or erroneous pleading, hath been ever admitted to any impeachment in Parliament, as not coming within the form of the pleading.”[169]
This principle appears in the great trial of Strafford, 16th Charles the First, 1640-41, stated by no less a person than Pym, on delivering a message of the Commons reducing the charges to more particularity: “Not that they are bound by this way of special charge; and therefore, as they have taken care in their House, upon protestation, that this shall be no prejudice to bind them from proceeding upon generals in other cases, and that they are not to be ruled by proceedings in other courts, which protestation they have made for preservation of power of Parliaments, so they desire that the like care may be had in your Lordships’ House.”[170] In this broad language is a just rule applicable to the present case.