Thus, though the Convention have not in effect repaired a thouſandth part of their own acts of injuſtice, or done any good except from neceſſity, they are overwhelmed with applauding addreſſes, and affectionate injunctions not to quit their poſt. What is ſtill more wonderful, many of theſe are ſincere; and Tallien, Freron, Legendre, &c. with all their revolutionary enormities on their heads, are now the heroes of the reviving ariſtocrats.
Situated as things are at preſent, there is much ſound policy in flattering the Convention into a proper uſe of their power, rather than making a convulſive effort to deprive them of it. The Jacobins would doubtleſs avail themſelves of ſuch a movement; and this is ſo much apprehended, that it has given riſe to a general though tacit agreement to foment the diviſions between the Legiſlature and the Clubs, and to ſupport the firſt, at leaſt until it ſhall have deſtroyed the latter.
The late decrees, which obſtruct the intercourſe and affiliation of popular ſocieties, may be regarded as an event not only beneficial to this country, but to the world in general; becauſe it is confeſſed, that theſe combinations, by means of which the French monarchy was ſubverted, and the King brought to the ſcaffold, are only reconcileable with a barbarous and anarchical government.
The Convention are now much occupied on two affairs, which call forth all their "natural propenſities," and afford a farther confirmation of thiſ fact—that their feelings and principles are always inſtinctively at war with juſtice, however they may find it expedient to affect a regard for it—C'eſt la chatte metamorphoſee en femme [The cat turned into a woman.]—
"En vain de ſon train ordinaire" "On la veut deſaccoutumer, "Quelque choſe qu'on puiſſe faire "On ne fauroit la reformer." La Fontaine.
The Deputies who were impriſoned as accomplices of the Girondiſts, and on other different pretexts, have petitioned either to be brought to trial or releaſed; and the abominable conduct of Carrier at Nantes is ſo fully ſubſtantiated, that the whole country is impatient to have ſome ſtepſ taken towards bringing him to puniſhment: yet the Convention are averſe from both theſe meaſureſ—they procraſtinate and elude the demand of their ſeventy-two colleagues, who were arreſted without a ſpecific charge; while they almoſt protect Carrier, and declare, that in caſeſ which tend to deprive a Repreſentative of his liberty, it is better to reflect thirty times than once. This is curious doctrine with men who have ſent ſo many people arbitrarily to the ſcaffold, and who now detain ſeventy-two Deputies in confinement, they know not why.
The aſhes of Rouſſeau have recently been depoſited with the ſame ceremonies, and in the ſame place, as thoſe of Marat. We ſhould feel for ſuch a degradation of genius, had not the talents of Rouſſeau been frequently miſapplied; and it is their miſapplication which has levelled him to an aſſociation with Marat. Rouſſeau might be really a fanatic, and, though eccentric, honeſt; yet his power of adorning impracticable ſyſtems, it muſt be acknowledged, has been more miſchievous to ſociety than a thouſand ſuch groſs impoſtors as Marat.
I have learned ſince my return from the Providence, the death of Madame Elizabeth. I was ill when it happened, and my friends took ſome pains to conceal an event which they knew would affect me. In tracing the motiveſ of the government for this horrid action, it may perhaps be ſufficiently accounted for in the known piety and virtues of this Princeſs; but reaſons of another kind have been ſuggeſted to me, and which, in all likelihood, contributed to haſten it. She was the only perſon of the royal family of an age competent for political tranſactions who had not emigrated, and her character extorted reſpect even from her enemies. [The Prince of Conti was too inſignificant to be an object of jealouſy in thiſ way.] She muſt therefore, of courſe, ſince the death of the Queen, have been an object of jealouſy to all parties. Robeſpierre might fear that ſhe would be led to conſent to ſome arrangement with a rival faction for placing the King on the throne—the Convention were under ſimilar apprehenſions with regard to him; ſo that the fate of this illuſtriouſ ſufferer was probably gratifying to every part of the republicans.
I find, on reading her trial, (if ſo it may be called,) a repetition of one of the principal charges againſt the Queen—that of trampling on the national colours at Verſailles, during an entertainment given to ſome newly-arrived troops. Yet I have been aſſured by two gentlemen, perfectly informed on the ſubject, and who were totally unacquainted with each other, that this circumſtance, which has been ſo uſefully enlarged upon, is falſe,* and that the whole calumny originated in the jealouſy of a part of the national guard who had not been invited.
* This infamous calumny (originally fabricated by Lecointre the linen draper, then an officer of the National Guard, now a member of the council of 500) was amply confuted by M. Mounier, who waſ Preſident of the States-General at the time, in a publication intitled "Expoſe de ma Conduite," which appeared ſoon after the event—in the autumn of 1789.—Editor.