“Argyle was sent for to the treaty of peace; for without him none would mint to treat. He came, and set up his tent in the hill; but few of his people with him. It was thought meet that he and his should lie about Stirling, in the heart of the country, to be always ready in subsidies for unexpected accidents, to be a terror to our neutralists or but masked friends; to make all, without din, march forward, lest his uncanny trewsmen should light on to call them up in their rear; always to have an eye what either the north, or the shires, or the west, or our stail host should mister of help. It was thought the country of England was more afraid of the barbarity of his Highlanders, than of any other terror. Those of the English that came to visit our camp, did gaze much with admiration upon these supple fellows, with their plaids, targes, and dorlachs. There were some companies of them under Captain Buchanan, and others in Erskine’s regiment; our captains, for the most part barons or gentlemen of good note; our lieutenants, most of old soldiers, who had served over sea in good charges. Every company had, fleeing at the captain’s tent-door, a brave new colour, stamped with the Scottish arms, and this motto, ‘For Christ’s Crown and Covenant,’ in golden letters.
“Our General had a brave royal tent; but it was not set up. His constant guard was some hundreds of our lawyers, musquetiers, under Durie and Hope’s command, all the good way standing in arms, with locked matches, before his high gate, well apparelled. He lay at the foot of the hill, with Baillie his sergeant-major or lieutenant-general. That place was destined for Almond, in whose wisdom and valour we had but too much confidence; yet in the time of our most need, the greatness of his gravel, or the pretence of it, made him go to France to be cut. Always, when he came there, it was found he needed no incision, so he passed to his charge in Holland, where to us he was as dead in all our dangers.
“The councils of war were kept daily in the castle; the ecclesiastick meetings in Rothes’s large tent. The General, with Baillie, came nightly for the setting of the watch on their horses. Our soldiers were all lusty and full of courage; the most of them, stout young plowmen; great chearfulness in the face of all: the only difficulty was, to get them dollars or two the man, for that voyage from home, and the time they entered in pay; for among our yeoman, money at any time, let be then, uses to be very scarce; but once having entered on the common pay, their sixpence a-day, they were galliard. None of our gentlemen were any thing worse of lying some weeks together in their cloaks and boots on the ground, or standing all night in arms in the greatest storm. Whiles, through storm of weather, and neglect of the commissaries, our bread would be too long a-coming, which made some of the eastland soldiers half-mutiny; but at once, order being taken for our victuals at Edinburgh, East Lothian, and the country about us, we were answered better than we could have been at home. Our meanest soldiers were always served in wheat-bread, and a groat would have gotten them a lamb-leg, which was a dainty world to the most of them. There had been an extraordinary crop in that country the former year, beside abundance that was stolen away to the English camp for great prices. We would have feared no inlack for little money for some months to come. Merse and Teviotdale are the best mixt and most plentiful shires, both for grass and corn, for flesh and bread, in all our land. We were much obliged to the town of Edinburgh for money. Mr Harry Pollock, by his sermons, moved them to shake out their purses; the garners of non-covenanters, especially of James Maxwell and Lord Winton, gave us plenty of wheat. One of our ordinances was, to seize on the rents of non-covenanters; for we thought it but reasonable, since they sided with these who put our lives and our lands for ever to sale, for the defence of our church and country, to employ for that cause, wherein their interest was as great as ours if they would be Scotsmen, a part of their rent for one year; but, for all that, few of them did incur any loss by that our decree, for the peace prevented the execution.
“Our soldiers grew in experience of arms, in courage, in favour daily. Every one encouraged another. The sight of the nobles, and their beloved pastors, daily raised their hearts. The good sermons and prayers, morning and evening, under the roof of heaven, to which their drums did call them for bells; the remonstrances very frequent, of the goodness of their cause; of their conduct hitherto, by a hand clearlie divine; also Lesly’s skill, and prudence, and fortune, made them as resolute for battle as could be wished. We were feared that emulation among our nobles might have done harm, when they should be met in the field; but such was the wisdom and authority of that old, little, crooked soldier, that all, with an incredible submission, from the beginning to the end, gave over themselves to be guided by him, as if he had been great Solyman. Certainly the obedience of our noblemen to that man’s advice was as great as their forebeers wont to be to their King’s commands: yet that was the man’s understanding of our Scots humours, that gave out, not only to the nobles, but to very mean gentlemen, his directions in a very homely and simple form, as if they had been but the advices of their neighbour and companion: for, as he rightly observed, a difference would be used in commanding soldiers of fortune, and of soldiers volunteers, of which kind the most part of our camp did stand. He kept daily in the castle of Dunse an honourable table for the nobles and strangers with himself; for gentlemen-waiters thereafter, at a long side-table. I had the honour, by accident, one day to be his chaplain at table, on his left hand. The fare was as became a General in time of war: not so curious by far as Arundel’s to our nobles; but ye know that the English fare sumptuously, both in war and peace.”
“It seems our General’s table was on his own charge; for, so far as yet I know, neither he, nor any noble or gentleman of considerable rent, got any thing for their charge. Well I know, that Englinton our Crowner entertained all the gentlemen of note that were with him, at his own table, all the time of our abode; and his son, Montgomery, kept with him very oft the chief officers of his regiments: for this was a voyage wherein we were glad to bestow our lives, let be our estates.
“Had you lent your ear in the morning, or especially at even, and heard in the tents of some, the sound of singing psalms, some praying, and some reading scripture, ye would have been refreshed. True, there was swearing, and cursing, and brawling, in some quarters, whereat we were grieved; but we hoped, if our camp had been a little settled, to have gotten some way for these misorders; for all of any fashion did regret, and all promised to do their best endeavours for helping all abuses. For myself, I never found my mind in better temper than it was all that time since I came from home, till my head was again homeward; for I was as a man who had taken my leave from the world, and was resolved to die in that service, without return. I found the favour of God shining upon me, and a sweet, meek, humble, yet strong and vehement spirit leading me all along; but I was no sooner on my way westward, after the conclusion of the peace, than my old security returned.
“It was not our General’s intention to sit long at Dunse; only till our army had grown to a considerable number: he thought meet to lie on that strength which was in the midst betwixt the two ways to Edinburgh, that if the English had moved either towards Haddington or Soutra, he might have been on their backs; for we knew not then well either of the estate or designs of the enemy: but after we were above 20,000 men, he gave out not obscurely his purpose to approach the English camp. Their fear of this, made them cast up some trenches on our side of Tweed, and work at them both on Sunday and Saturday. They had no will we should come so near them; therefore occasion was sought with all diligence of the treaty. The way of the procedure was this: Robin Lesly, one of the old pages, being come over to Dunse Castle, made, as it were of his own head, an overture, that we would be pleased yet to supplicate, or else the English forces did so multiply, that at once we would be overflown with them. Our fear daily diminished of their violence; we knew at once the great advantages we had of the King: yet such was our tenderness to his honour, that with our hearts we were ever willing to supplicate his offcoming; yea, had we been ten times victorious in set battles, it was our conclusion to have laid down our army at his feet, and on our knees presented nought but our first supplications. We had no other end of our wars; we sought no crowns; we aimed at no lands and honours as our party; we desired but to keep our own in the service of our Prince, as our ancestors had done; we loved no new masters. Had our throne been void, and our voices sought for the filling of Fergus’s chair, we would have died ere any other had sat down on that fatal marble but Charles alone.”
While the two armies were in the position thus described by an eye-witness—the Royal army, on the one hand, weak, wavering, and almost panic-struck, the Royal coffers nearly exhausted, and the spirit of the English troops and followers sunk to the most abject state; the Scotch, on the other hand, outnumbering their adversary, bold, eager for the fight, and full of high enthusiasm and confidence in superhuman support, yet with limited means for a protracted campaign, and anxious to avoid acts of deadly hostility against their native King—overtures for pacification were made; and in a very short space agreed to. In consequence of the hints given by Robert Leslie, which the Scotch leaders interpreted as an indication of his Master’s wishes, the Earl of Dunfermling was despatched to the Royal camp (on the 7th or 8th of June) with a short Supplication to his Majesty, and Letters to the English Council; and this mission terminated on the 18th of June, after various conferences and negotiations, in a Declaration by the King, and Articles of Pacification, signed by the Commissioners on both sides, which, for a season, put an end to the further progress of hostilities.
It would swell these notes beyond the compass that is suitable to this work, were we to give even a meagre abstract of the substance of the proposals and objections which formed the subject-matter of these negotiations; but we deem the whole correspondence, proclamations, and negociations which took place during the period which intervened betwixt the Assembly of 1638 and that of 1639, to be of so much importance to the full understanding of the history of those times, that, as formerly, we intend to supply our readers with all these documents themselves. This is the more requisite, as they are nowhere to be found entire, and without mutilation or the suppression of many of them, in any single history or, collection relative to those transactions; and, indeed, a number of the most curious and valuable—as unveiling the secret history of Charles’ policy and his motives—were not disclosed to the world for more than thirty years afterwards, when Burnet, after the restoration of Charles II., published his Memoirs of the Duke of Hamilton, in which these are embodied. Referring to these documents, therefore, as containing the only true history of the period referred to, (that has fallen under our observation,) and leaving every one to draw his own inferences from these muniments, we shall here only state the leading features of the Treaty, in so far as that is necessary to explain the circumstances in which the General Assembly of 1639 convened.