The President’s answer indicated that he was still not aware of the scope of the problem.

“Well, I believe that the instructions are clear, that when there is no question of security, national security, involved, that everybody is supposed to testify freely before congressional committees. I will have to look up the regulations, I mean the letters of instruction that have gone out. Primarily, I think this is a function of the department heads and the separate office heads—”

“Well, Mr. President—” I tried to break in to correct him, but he continued.

“I don’t believe that any individual who happens to be, let’s say from a filing clerk on up can by themselves decide what is right for them to tell and what is not right.”

“Mr. President,” I explained. “They used the May 17, 1954, letter that you wrote to Secretary Wilson in the Army-McCarthy hearings as a precedent in this particular case. I wonder if you felt they were misusing it if they use it, say, a clerk or an assistant secretary?”

The President was mildly irked at being pressed to comment on a specific situation. “Now, you give me a very long and involved and detailed question here at a place where I don’t even remember what I wrote to Secretary Wilson at that time. I will have to look it up. If you will put your question ... in to Mr. Hagerty so we can look it up, why, it will be answered.”

I was amazed that the President didn’t have a better grasp of the problem at this late date. Dozens of government officials had been using his name and his letter to Wilson as a justification for refusing to produce records in a number of cases which had been headline news, but he couldn’t remember what his policy was.

On leaving the press conference, I returned to the National Press Building and prepared my question for submission to Jim Hagerty. I drafted the question with care so there could be no confusion as to the points at issue, and delivered it to Hagerty at the White House. The letter follows.

Mr. President: At least four congressional committees have issued reports recently criticizing the executive agencies for what they term “excessive secrecy” that can cover up mismanagement.

These committees contend that there are no court decisions to support the broad contention of the “confidential executive business” as set forth in your May 17, 1954, letter to Secretary Wilson in the Army-McCarthy hearings.