The party battles of the Jackson period

by Claude G. Bowers

On September 21st, the “Globe” authoritatively announced that “the deposits would be changed to State banks” as soon as the necessary arrangements could be made; and in anticipation of the nature of the war the Bank would wage, Blair stressed the fact that the deposits would not be immediately withdrawn, and that the process would be gradual. “It is believed,” he wrote, “that by this means the change need not produce any inconvenience to the commercial community.”

Four days later the “Paper Read to the Cabinet” appeared in full in the “Globe.”

VI

Two days after this publication, Major Lewis wrote Hamilton that “if Mr. Duane cannot or will not make the order,” he would be superseded by Taney, “who has been decidedly with the President in relation to this matter from the beginning to the end,” and discrediting rumors of other Cabinet resignations.[654] Whatever may have been the feelings of Hamilton, who looked upon the plan as fraught with possibilities of disaster, the effect of the “Globe’s” announcement on Thomas H. Benton, sojourning with relatives in Virginia, was that of a bugle blast to a war charger. He felt “an emotion of the moral sublime at beholding such an instance of civic heroism,” and that “a great blow had been struck, and that a great contest must come on, which could only be crowned with success by acting up to the spirit with which it was commenced.” He “repaired to Washington at the approach of the session with a full determination to stand by the President.”[655]

The day after the reading of the Paper, Jackson called upon Duane for a decision, and the Secretary begged for time to confer with his venerable father, then en route to Washington. The same day Major Donelson, the President’s secretary, informed him of the decision to publish the Paper in the “Globe” on the morrow, and the hard-pressed Minister protested against such precipitancy. This protest was followed with a letter to Donelson reiterating his plea for time, with the assertion that if he were President he would “consult at least reasonably the feelings of a man who has already anxiety enough.”[656] Jackson had, in fact, exercised a most unnatural restraint of his temper, and had been remarkably considerate of his Minister’s feelings. Even before the reading of the Paper, and before Duane had made his choice for martyrdom, Jackson had opened a graceful avenue of escape to the Legation at St. Petersburg, but the offer had been declined.

On the 21st, Duane appeared at the White House and left his written decision with Jackson personally. It is a letter of many words, evidently prepared for publication. After asserting that the Secretary of the Treasury is, by the terms of the charter, the sole custodian of the public funds, he finally reached his reasons for refusing to “carry your directions into effect.” It would be a “breach of public faith,” would appear as “vindictive and arbitrary,” and “if the Bank has abused or perverted its powers, the judiciary are able and willing to punish.” The House of Representatives had declared the funds safe, and, if anything had happened since its report, “the representatives of the people, chosen since your appeal to them in your veto message, will in a few weeks assemble.” Again, “a change to local and irresponsible banks will tend to shake public confidence,” and “it is not sound policy to foster local banks.” And so on with other reasons, including the charge that “persons and presses known to be in the confidence and pay of the Administration” had tried to intimidate him. There could be no misunderstanding of the purpose of the letter. It was written in a spirit bitterly hostile to the Administration, and in the hope of serving the moneyed institution and having the service rewarded.[657] Having thus insulted the President, he withdrew his promise of July to resign if unable to meet his chief’s views, and carefully pointed out that Jackson had the power of dismissal. Here was a martyr zealously seeking the cross.

Jackson immediately wrote a brief, dignified reply to the effect that he could not receive such a communication, nor “enter into further discussion of the question.” Rather sharply, the grim old man reminded his subordinate that the imputation in the latter’s letter had no place in a correspondence between a President and a member of his Cabinet, that the letter of July offering to resign was before him, and brusquely demanding a final answer. Early in the afternoon Duane again took his pen in hand. The result was another tiresome letter concluding with a distinct refusal to issue the order or to resign, and impudently protesting against the interference of the Executive in the affairs of a member of the Cabinet. This second letter could hardly have reached the White House when Duane, seized with a perfect passion for self-expression, wrote a third “to present another view.” The burden of this epistle was that he had been treated unkindly by the “Globe.” Having started this upon its way by messenger, the superheated Secretary grasped his pen for another effort, consisting of painful reiterations. All these letters, thousands of words, and pages of paper, were written on the 21st, but with the exception of the reply to the first, Jackson ignored them. Then, two days later, Jackson wrote a short note, returning the last two letters as containing inaccuracies and being inadmissible, and closing with a curt dismissal. Thus Duane laid down his pen, packed his belongings, and passed out of public life.[658]

The day following Duane’s dismissal, written by Taney, Cass and McLane consulted Jackson as to the desirability of their resignations. This was almost too much for the old warrior’s patience, and he irritably reminded them that they had been released from responsibility, and could remain unless they preferred to join the Opposition. The fire of battle was now in his blood, and he had no intention of parleying with the timid in his official household. Three days later, Taney issued his famous order, McLane and Cass tendered their resignations, and Jackson, in replying, followed Van Buren’s suggestion, and they remained.

On the publication of the Paper in the “Globe,” the Bank summoned a meeting of the directors and a committee was appointed to take action. Writing from Boston to Biddle, Webster made the suggestion, which was adopted, of a memorial to Congress.[659] This memorial, which referred to the President of the United States as “Andrew Jackson,” indicated a disposition to consider the approaching struggle as between “Andrew Jackson” and Nicholas Biddle, between the Bank and the Administration, and the ill-advised arrogance of the paper showed all too clearly that the financiers felt that in such a contest the power and the victory would be on the side of the Bank. And such was the prestige of that powerful corporation that not a few Democrats, including friends and supporters of Jackson, shared in the feeling. When Van Buren was authorized by Jackson to offer the attorney-generalship to Daniel of Virginia, that timid lawyer admitted that his fears of Jackson’s rashness and situation dissuaded him.[660] It was not until early in November that Benjamin F. Butler, yielding to the personal persuasion of Van Buren, accepted the post. And to obtain his consent it was necessary to appeal to personal friendship, private interest, pecuniary benefit, and the allurements of fame.[661]

And almost immediately the storm broke.