An apology for abolitionists / addressed by the anti-slavery society of Meriden, Conn., to their fellow citizens

by Conn. Anti-slavery Society of Meriden; Philo Pratt; Isaac I. Tibbals; Walter Webb

UTILITY OF THESE SENTIMENTS.

These are our sentiments. We regret to say they are not collectively the sentiments of our countrymen. It is for our zeal in propagating them, that we have been assailed with unmeasured abuse and lawless violence. We think it of high importance to our country and the world that they should be received by all the people. What the effect of their general reception in the free states would be, is very apparent.

We should abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. There Congress has exclusive jurisdiction on all subjects whatsoever, including of course the subject of Slavery.—This is admitted by Martin Van Buren, Henry Clay, and an overwhelming majority of the present Congress. The Abolitionists are to a man in favor of the exercise of this right. If, therefore, the free states were thoroughly abolitionized, their Senators and Representatives, who yet compose a majority in Congress, would at once bow to the supremacy of their constituents, and abolish Slavery.

We should prohibit the inter state Slave-Trade. This trade has recently been carried on to a greater extent than ever was the foreign slave trade; it being estimated that not less than 120,000 slaves were exported from Virginia alone, within little more than a year, and removed for the most part to the southwestern states. Four of these states are said by their own papers, to have received within the same period, about 250,000 slaves from the old states. How many tender ties have in one short year been broken by this detestable business! How much bodily suffering has been endured! How much guilt has been contracted! This cruel and wicked traffic is at the foundation of a system of breeding slaves for market, which is prosecuted on a large scale, corrupting all concerned, by its licentiousness and barbarity. Congress has a right to prohibit and suppress this trade, under that article of the Constitution which empowers Congress to regulate commerce with foreign nations and between the several states. Were a majority of the citizens of the free states decided Abolitionists, this right could be exercised. We should insist upon it. Why then do not they, who profess to regard the slave trade as the worst feature of Slavery, join with us against it?

We should prevent the annexation of Texas to the United States. The South has long had her eye on that fine and extensive country, intending to get it by purchase or stratagem, for the purpose of opening a market for her redundant slave population, and of securing the balance of power in the general government to the slave-holding interest. Every enemy of Slavery and friend of free labor, ought to oppose this design. We apprehend that if the annexation of Texas to our country should not involve us in war with Mexico and Great Britain, it would either lead to a dissolution of the union, or indefinitely prolong the existence of Slavery. The Abolitionists are now preparing petitions to Congress, protesting against this insane measure; and were the citizens of the free states generally to join them, and load the tables of Congress with several millions of signatures to these protests, the danger would be averted. But they will not do it, because they are not Abolitionists; and we must, therefore, in all probability take Texas.

We should admit no new slave states to the Union. Had our sentiments prevailed when the Missouri question was decided, the fine soil of that state would not now be cursed with Slavery. She was admitted to the union by northern men. They legalized the sin. It is a sad proof of the corruption of our public sentiment that several of these traitors to liberty, have, since that disgraceful vote was given, been elevated to the first offices in the gift of New England; and this without any signs of their repentance. Arkansas has also been lately admitted to the Union by northern votes, with the singular provision in her constitution, that her legislature shall have no power to abolish Slavery; so that the “peculiar institution” may last until the greatest knave in the state is heartily weary and ashamed of it. Northern men thus voted for perpetual Slavery; and this they did in the confident expectation of being re-elected to Congress. Had they known a majority of their constituents to be Abolitionists, they would have voted differently. Should Florida be next admitted to the Union as a slave state, the south will have a majority in the Senate. Who can predict the consequences? But were the free states thoroughly abolitionized, Florida would never come into the Union as a slave State; for Abolitionists are in principle opposed to it.

We should also prohibit the slave trade between the United States and Texas. In the constitution of Texas, whose independence has already been acknowledged by our government, Slavery is established as a permanent institution of the country, and a monopoly of the slave trade granted to the United States. Already thousands of slaves have been sent there, and unless something is done to prevent it, vessels will soon be fitted out in northern ports, to carry slaves from Virginia to Texas, as well as to New Orleans; and this, whether Texas is annexed to the United States, or remains independent. Were the citizens of the free states generally Abolitionists, they would not allow a legal commerce in slaves from our Republic to a foreign nation.

We should save our own youth from the pollution and guilt of Slavery. They would not directly participate in it. When they go to the South they would neither buy nor hire slaves. Hitherto nothing has been more common than for our best and most intelligent young men, the sons of our ministers and church members, to become slave-holders. At home they were not taught the inherent and necessary sinfulness of Slavery; at the South the practice was recommended to them by the example and plausible pretexts of the best men. They were accustomed from their childhood to see slave-holders treated with respect because they were rich in human chattels, without hearing a word respecting the extortion by which their wealth comes. Hence many of the merchants, physicians, lawyers, planters, teachers and clergymen of the South, though northern men by birth, are either slave-holders or abettors of the system. This would not be the case, had our declaration of sentiments been taught from the first by our parents and teachers, and been made the cherished creed of the free states. Then the combined instructions of the nursery, of the school, and of the pulpit, together with the impressive power of a sound public sentiment, would have established our youth in the love and veneration of human rights; in sympathy for the colored man; in hatred of oppression. Thus would the general reception of our sentiments withdraw from Slavery one of its main supports, and at the same time rescue our sons and daughters from the unutterable calamity of becoming rich by the spoiling of the poor.

We should establish the liberties of the free states on a firm foundation. We are not so connected with the slave-states that we must necessarily perish in their ruin. If the judgments of heaven should overtake them, we may be spared; should their liberties be prostrated, ours may survive. It depends on our character and conduct. A people who respect the rights of others, will have their own rights respected. Regarding man, of whatever color and condition, as entitled to the sacred rights of liberty, of property, and of personal security, they will neither forge chains for others, nor suffer chains to be imposed on themselves. Nor will God forsake them. Such are the character and security of Abolitionists. Read our declaration of sentiments. We go for human nature. We protest against Slavery, because it is an infraction of the rights of MAN. We know that our entire country has forfeited her freedom, by oppressing the colored man; still we believe we may, by hearty repentance and the adoption of just and humane sentiments, appease the wrath of heaven, and should our nation be rent in two, preserve our own liberties. But if we continue to connive at this wickedness, nothing is more certain than our ruin in the common destruction of the country.