An apology for abolitionists / addressed by the anti-slavery society of Meriden, Conn., to their fellow citizens

by Conn. Anti-slavery Society of Meriden; Philo Pratt; Isaac I. Tibbals; Walter Webb

The free people of color would rapidly improve in their moral and physical condition. A load of prejudice now crushes them in the dust. They cannot rise because they are deprived of the motives and facilities for self-improvement. They are a proscribed people. It is a calamity in this Christian country to be born with a colored skin. It shuts out human beings from schools and colleges, from the mechanical arts, from the house of God, from a share in the government of the nation, from social intercourse with their fellow-creatures, from the best incitements to virtue and enterprise. We freely confess, that the Abolitionists, if a majority, would correct all these evils, and cause men in this so called christian and democratic country, to be treated, according to the bible without distinction of color.

We should do much to vindicate the honor and truth of christianity. Slavery is the strongest hold of infidelity at the South, and a strong hold at the North. It is so because, while natural religion declares Slavery to be sinful, the ministers and professors of christianity practice it, and defend their conduct from the bible. Such a religion, says the infidel cannot be from God. It is thus that the church is bringing into contempt and doubt our blessed religion. It would greatly counteract this prolific cause of infidelity, were all our churches, ministers, and theological professors, to embrace and advocate the true doctrine of human rights as it is set forth in the word of God. We should then hold up to the world, this internal evidence of the divine origin of the bible, that, being written in ages of darkness and despotism, it notwithstanding clearly recognizes and protects MAN as the possessor of natural, inalienable, sacred rights. Instead of doing this, many northern preachers of the gospel, are now blaspheming their religion, by saying that both Moses and Christ tolerated Slavery.

We should no longer uphold Slavery by recognizing slave-holders as brethren in good and regular standing in the Church. We now receive to the table of the Redeemer, without one word of admonition, men, who at the South, make merchandize of the image of God, of their fellow-christians. What is still more astonishing if not more wicked, we receive slave-holders to our pulpits, to preach to us about loving God and Man! Thus we practically say, that Slavery is consistent both with morality and the gospel of Christ. Were we Abolitionists, it would be far otherwise; for they do not think it right to lend the sanction of the church to such outrageous wickedness.

Such would be some of the happy results of the general adoption of our sentiments in the free states, if nothing more could be effected. But we doubt not it would issue in the peaceable abolition of Slavery by the several slave states. This is the principal object of our enterprise; and on a strong probability of success, we are willing to rest its character.

The constitutional action of Congress in the ways above named, would do much to induce the South to abolish Slavery. Its abolition in the District of Columbia by the assembled wisdom of the country, would exert a powerful influence on the southern mind. It would be the testimony of the nation, corroborating the testimony of every truly civilized and christian people, to the impolicy and wickedness of Slavery. The prohibition of the inter state slave-trade, and the confinement of Slavery to its present local limits would render it unprofitable to the old states, which depend on this trade as the chief source of profit; and also drive the new states to the necessity of introducing free labor; for how could they otherwise cultivate their immense tracts of virgin land, or supply the deficit occasioned by the rapid consumption of life on their cotton and sugar plantations?

We should make a still more direct appeal to her interests, by saying: You may keep your cotton, rice, and sugar, until you have abolished Slavery. We shall no longer use the products of unrequited labor. It would then be a question of dollars and cents with her, whether or not she would give liberty to her captives. We should not be obliged to deny ourselves the use of her productions one year; for her states would vie with each other to see which could obtain a monopoly of northern patronage by first abolishing Slavery. Many northern men have been bought by southern patronage to do wrong; is it not equally possible to buy the south with northern patronage to do right; Human nature is every where the same. We should indeed regret to have Slavery abandoned from an exclusive regard to self-interest. We would rather it should be destroyed by the spirit of repentance; for then the emancipated slave would still be treated with justice and humanity. But no means of bringing the South to repentance can be more promising, than the conscientious refusal, by northern men, of all sects and parties, to sustain Slavery, by consuming its produce. At present this cannot be done on a scale sufficiently large to secure, certainly and immediately, the abolition of Slavery; but were the North completely abolitionized, no doubt she would do it with the most triumphant success.

We should move the South to abandon Slavery, by appealing to her love of reputation. The South shows herself sensitive on this point. Said Mr. Calhoun in the United States Senate, “do they, [his southern opponents,] expect the Abolitionists will resort to arms, and commence a crusade to liberate our slaves by force? Is this what they mean when they speak of the attempt to abolish Slavery? If so let me tell our friends of the South who differ from us, that the war which the Abolitionists wage against us is of a very different character and far more effective—it is waged not against our lives, but our character.” Had he said our reputations and consciences, he would have told the truth. We do intend to make Slavery disgraceful. Sin ought to be esteemed a reproach to any people. Were all northern men of our way of thinking, this sin would be as infamous as any other kind of fraud and villainy. The world is now pointing the finger of scorn at slave-holding America. The free states bear a merited portion of the shame, because we share largely in the responsibility. As we have taken Slavery under our patronage, and consented to stand godfather to it, what little respectability we have, is thrown around it, to the great relief and joy of its southern parents. Let us retire from the relation. Instead of defending Slavery, let us reiterate the just and indignant censures of the civilized world, until all shall feel, that so great an enormity cannot be practiced or connived at, without a forfeiture of character. This would be the state of feeling, were the citizens of the north generally Abolitionists; and he knows little of human nature, who doubts that such a state of feeling, would render the condition of a slave-holder, the last to be sought, the first to be abandoned.

In these ways, if in no others, we could reach and influence the South. Although she should attempt to shut out the light by a strict censorship of the press and post-office; though she should make the utterance of our sentiments on southern soil an offence against her laws; she could not prevent the constitutional action of the general government; she could not compel us to consume her produce; she could not escape the withering contempt and indignant frown of our virtuous public sentiment. We could reach her heart in these ways, in spite of herself, and as we think to the certain overthrow of Slavery. We could do more.

We could convert the South to the practical adoption of our sentiments by enlightening her conscience. This is the principal ground of our confidence. If Slavery is sinful, we can prove it to be such; and this proof, made plain to the understanding of the South, cannot fail to awaken her conscience. Such is human nature. Some would have us think that none but christians have consciences, and therefore the first step to be taken for the removal of Slavery is to send missionaries to convert the masters to christianity, thus laying a foundation for successful appeals to the conscience. But it seems to us the work of centuries, if not an impracticable work, to convert the masters, or a majority of them, to true holiness, while Slavery lasts, especially if they have no consciences; and we think also, if all were converted to such a christianity as consists with a hearty belief that Slavery is not condemned by the Bible, it would not much facilitate our enterprise. Nor have we so much contempt for that word, which is mighty through God to the pulling down of strong holds, as to doubt that our doctrines will commend themselves to the reason of our southern brethren, and receive a fruitful response from their consciences.

Some would have the world believe, if every person in the free states were an Abolitionist, it would not hasten the emancipation of the slaves; for, say they, we could not then get a hearing at the south, and if we could, she is too much exasperated at our interference to do any thing on the subject. In our opinion, they are entirely mistaken.